1 0 0 0 OA 政権交代の団体―政党関係への影響
- 著者
- 濱本 真輔
- 出版者
- 日本政治学会
- 雑誌
- 年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
- 巻号頁・発行日
- vol.63, no.2, pp.2_65-2_87, 2012 (Released:2016-02-24)
- 参考文献数
- 37
The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) has scored a historic victory in the 2009 election. It brings an end to more than 50 years of almost unbroken rule by the governing Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). This would constitute the first time that power has shifted between the two largest parties in postwar Japan. This change has influenced the bureaucracy and interest groups. In this paper, we investigate the change in interest group behavior based on the competitiveness of the party system. Our data after dominance is largely drawn from Japan, where we have an excellent opportunity to find out how interest groups reacted to first the prospects. We also utilize the data from Germany and Korea for comparison to the one party dominance system in Japan. An analysis based on a nationwide survey offers a key to understanding the interest groups' configuration in the two - party system and allows us to estimate the effect of the power shift on the interest groups themselves. It is likely that the power shift will result not in the DPJ's dominance, but rather in a situation where the interest groups will tend to be in contact with both parties and withdraw from the electoral process.
1 0 0 0 民主主義と武力行使:―冷戦終焉後の展開とイラク戦争による転回―
- 著者
- 押村 高
- 出版者
- 日本政治学会
- 雑誌
- 日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)
- 巻号頁・発行日
- vol.58, no.1, pp.1_57-1_77, 2007
Whereas there is growing recognition that democracies are less likely to be engaged in military conflict than any other regime type, the United States and Britain, or some other democracies, have finally decided, despite domestic opposition and protest, that they should commit their forces to change Iraq’s regime. The democratic pacifism assuming that a state’s domestic political system is the primary determinant of international behavior and that the spread of democracy is an important factor of world peace has been called into question by the Iraq War. <br> In fact, Western democracies have more frequently used, in recent years, military force in the cases of Kosovo, Bosnia, Somalia, Afghanistan and Iraq. This chapter then reconsiders the old and new dialectics between democracy and use of force in a changing environment. What difficulties do democracies face in using force in the pursuit of higher values than national interest? In what manner can democracies reconcile the use of force with the moral and political value of democracy? These are the pivotal questions around which we evolve arguments in this chapter.
1 0 0 0 アメリカ革命期における主権の不可視性
- 著者
- 石川 敬史
- 出版者
- 日本政治学会
- 雑誌
- 年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
- 巻号頁・発行日
- vol.70, no.1, pp.1_96-1_116, 2019
<p>一七七六年にイギリス領北アメリカ植民地がヨーロッパ諸国に公表した 「独立宣言」 は、イギリス本国において一六八八年の名誉革命を経て形成された議会主権が植民地にも及ぶという主張に対する異議申し立てであった。</p><p> 一七八三年のパリ条約で独立が承認されたアメリカ合衆国は、条約義務の履行のために統一的な国家を創設する必要に迫られたが、「独立宣言」 に記された革命の原則が、主権を有する国家の設立の足枷となったのである。</p><p> アメリカにおいて主権的国家の設立の最大の障害となったのは、アメリカ入植以来約一六〇年にわたって主権を行使してきた一三諸邦の存在であり、それらを超えて存在する国家主権とは彼らの経験にないものであった。</p><p> 本稿では、ジョン・アダムズ、アレクザンダー・ハミルトン、ジェイムズ・マディソンら、「建国の父たち」 の議論を中心に、初期共和政体における主権国家の創設の試みを検討し、特にアメリカにおいては、司法権力がアメリカ合衆国における主権的機能の担い手となった経緯を明らかにするものである。</p>
- 著者
- 三牧 聖子
- 出版者
- 日本政治学会
- 雑誌
- 日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)
- 巻号頁・発行日
- vol.59, no.1, pp.1_306-1_323, 2008
This thesis revisits “Twenty Years’ Crisis” and considers what E. H. Carr means by “realism.” Since the 1990s, many works have challenged the stereotyped picture of a “realist Carr.” Now we know much about a “non-realist” Carr, but there still remain a lot of questions about Carr's “realism.” Contrary to the prevailing image of anti-idealism, Carr's “realism” is a “weapon” to demolish the inequalities between nations, and to rebuild a more equal order. <br> During the 1930s, the “idealists” such as Norman Angell and Leonard Woolf abandoned their optimistic beliefs in public opinion, and advocated the League sanctions against the fascist countries. Together with the pacifists, Carr criticized the League sanctions as a superficial solution, and insisted that the fundamental problem was the inequalities between the “have” and “have-not” countries. His criticisms toward the League were not a denial of the League itself. He criticized the “Coercive League,” which was hostile to the “have-not” countries, but supported the “Consultative League,” which functioned as a forum between the “have” and “have-not.” <br> Now we are in the long fight against terrorism. Global terrorism is, in part, a reaction to global inequalities. Carr's “realism” tells us that military actions alone never beat global terrorism.
- 著者
- 堀内 慎一郎
- 出版者
- 日本政治学会
- 雑誌
- 年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
- 巻号頁・発行日
- vol.67, no.2, pp.2_261-2_284, 2016
<p>本稿では, 1949年に結成され, 当時の労働運動や日本社会党において激しい左右対立を引き起こした, 独立青年同盟の結成過程, 組織規模や組織論, イデオロギー等, その実態について調査分析を行った。その結果, 独青は, 当初目指された社青同結成が左右対立により頓挫したため, 総同盟右派や国鉄民同等の民同右派と社会党右派の青年が結成したものであったが, 社会党内での十分な協力関係構築に失敗したこともあって, 総同盟左派や産別民同主流, 社会党青年部によって排撃されたこと, 同時に 「左を叩いて, 右を切る」 という左派の労働戦線再編の戦略や, GHQ労働課の思惑もあって, 独青をめぐる対立が労働運動と社会党全体の左右対立に発展し, 左派優位の確立, 右派の主導権喪失の原因となったことが分かった。一方, 独青は短期間で排撃されたが, 独青に結集した青年の中から同盟指導者が多数輩出されており, 分析結果から, 独青の結成と排撃の過程で形成された組織間および人的関係性は, 今日も連合や民進党において解消されていない, 「総評―社会党ブロック」 と 「同盟―民社党ブロック」 という, ブロック対立の萌芽ともいえるものであったことが明らかになった。</p>
1 0 0 0 OA 明治初年太政官制下の卿輔関係についての一考察
- 著者
- 柏原 宏紀
- 出版者
- 日本政治学会
- 雑誌
- 年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
- 巻号頁・発行日
- vol.64, no.2, pp.2_230-2_251, 2013 (Released:2017-02-01)
In contemporary Japan, it is the important issue whether political initiative is preferable or bureaucratic initiative is. When we think about this issue, it is essential to consider the relation between a minister and administrative vice-minister. This paper explores its historical relation, going back to the beginning, specifically focusing on the relation between Kyo (minister) and Taiyu (vice-minister) of Kobusyo (the ministry of public works and technology) under the Dajokan system in the early Meiji years. This paper clarifies the following three points: First, through the examination of the rules and the institution, it can be cleared that October 1873 was the beginning of the relation between a minister and administrative vice-minister. Second, the actual situation of minister and vice-minister of Kobusyo from 1874 to the early 1875 can be elucidated by the analysis of Tetsudoryo-jimubo (the approval document about the railroad policy in Kobusyo). It turns out that the minister Ito Hirobumi was able to cooperate with the vice minister, Yamao Youzou, while controlling the ministry and its policy well. Finally, it can be surveyed by a limited consideration that those relations in other ministries would be the same as Kobusyo's case.
1 0 0 0 OA 欧米の利益集団研究
- 著者
- 伊藤 光利
- 出版者
- 日本政治学会
- 雑誌
- 年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
- 巻号頁・発行日
- vol.63, no.2, pp.2_247-2_266, 2012 (Released:2016-02-24)
- 参考文献数
- 23
This article attempts to review the literature of interest group studies of the United State and Europe and to draw useful lessons from it for the purpose of improving the state of the interest group study of Japan.
- 著者
- 森 裕城 久保 慶明
- 出版者
- 日本政治学会
- 雑誌
- 日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)
- 巻号頁・発行日
- vol.65, no.1, pp.1_200-1_224, 2014
The purpose of this article is to clarify the following 4 points: (1) To what extent are people organized? (2) How much bias is apparent in today's organizations? (3) To what extent have existing organizations approached politics? (4) Is there any structural bias? By comparative study of the data from surveys of voters, interest groups, and pressure groups in Japan, following observations can be made. The older generation is more organized than the younger. Organization is more developed in the profit sector. Interest articulated by new organizations is limited, while old organizations remain. It is therefore difficult to believe that the change of government in 2009 was due to interest group politics. Rather, at top level, interest group politics changed in response to the change of government. This suggests that group actions change easily, although in 2009, it was limited mainly to top level.
1 0 0 0 戦後日本政治学における「ラスキ・ブーム」の位相
- 著者
- 大井 赤亥
- 出版者
- 日本政治学会
- 雑誌
- 日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)
- 巻号頁・発行日
- vol.60, no.2, pp.2_225-2_245, 2009
Harold Laski was once a popular political theorist in postwar Japanese politics. This paper examines the ‘Laski boom’ in the 1950s by comparing three Japanese political scholars: Masao Maruyama, Yoshihiko Seki, and Yasuzo Suzuki. <br> While Maruyama depicts Laski as a consistent thinker, Seki stresses Laski's waver in his theory of state and liberty. Meanwhile, while holding a Marxist perspective, Suzuki sincerely accepts Laski's individualism and his theory of liberty. Through the comparison, we shall comprehend that Maruyama and Suzuki similarly appreciate Laski's political ambivalence between western democracy and communism. <br> However, this paper also suggests a curious irregularity that Maruyama was attracted to Laski's gradual commitment to communism, and that Suzuki learned liberal theory of right from Laski. In conclusion, Laski's dilemma was also the shared dilemma of Maruyama and Suzuki, and this paper proves the ‘Laski boom’ in postwar Japanese politics as the intellectual cross-point where these political scholars intersected.
1 0 0 0 シャルル・モーラスにおける宗教的ナショナリズムの思想構造
- 著者
- 伊達 聖伸
- 出版者
- 日本政治学会
- 雑誌
- 日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)
- 巻号頁・発行日
- vol.64, no.1, pp.1_122-1_144, 2013
The central figure of the Action Frarnçaise, Charles Maurras presented his "religious nationalism" amidst a tense conflict between republicans and Catholics, which culminated with the separation of the Churches and the State in 1905. The Catholic blocs supported him, because he reclaimed the Catholic monarchy from the French Republic by criticizing individualism and representative democracy. This article tries to contextualize his political thought at the dawn of the twentieth century and to analyze it from the viewpoint of political theology. <br> It primarily focuses on Maurras' so-called "Catholic positivism" which was largely influenced by Auguste Comte. However, Maurras deviates from the founder positivist in that he emphasizes the French "nation" instead of the "humanity"; he didn't acknowledge the idea of separation between temporal and spiritual powers. His monarchical nationalism stands on the positivistic horizon, and the autonomous nation rendered absolute doesn't require a heteronomous religious justification. This scheme of political theology, which appeared through his polemic with Marc Sangnier, bore some resemblance to neo-Thomism, despite its pagan character.
1 0 0 0 世界政策と中欧理念:F・ナウマンとドイツの政治
- 著者
- 三宅 正樹
- 出版者
- 日本政治学会
- 雑誌
- 日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)
- 巻号頁・発行日
- vol.12, pp.37-56, 1961
1 0 0 0 米軍政下南朝鮮の政軍関係
- 著者
- 森山 茂徳
- 出版者
- 日本政治学会
- 雑誌
- 日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)
- 巻号頁・発行日
- vol.40, pp.75-96, 1989
1 0 0 0 OA 新自由主義的教育改革の政治過程とその分析視角
- 著者
- 森 裕城
- 出版者
- 日本政治学会
- 雑誌
- 年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
- 巻号頁・発行日
- vol.63, no.2, pp.2_42-2_64, 2012 (Released:2016-02-24)
- 参考文献数
- 82
A succession of books is being published that depicts changes in Japanese society based on the keyword of neoliberalism. This trend is particularly noticeable in fields that address the issues of workers, the elderly, people with disabilities, women, young people, and children. Expressed in more general terms, interest in neoliberalism appears to be growing in fields that study groups that are in weak positions within society. For this reason, this article focuses on the issue of educational reforms in order to identify the spread of neoliberalism in Japan, and it also discusses the development thereof. Viewed from the point of view of the intents of the elite, the development of educational reforms in Japan involves a variety of intermingled factors, and in some aspects these cannot be described as simply neoliberal reforms. However, when viewed at the real - world level of impact on society, school education clearly has been swept in a tide of neoliberalism, and those involved in education see this as problematic. It is the author's belief that this difference in recognition itself generates the current poor prospects on the subject of educational issues. It can be said that there is a pressing need to build an analytical framework for ascertaining comprehensively trends among the elite who institute reforms and trends among the people in weak positions who feel the effects of reforms.
1 0 0 0 OA 「学力」をめぐる政治
- 著者
- 坂部 真理
- 出版者
- 日本政治学会
- 雑誌
- 年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
- 巻号頁・発行日
- vol.67, no.2, pp.2_208-2_236, 2016 (Released:2019-12-10)
- 参考文献数
- 51
近年, 先進諸国では国民の知的水準を企業・国家の経済競争力の源と位置付け, 国民の学力向上を明示的に政策目標とする諸改革が追求されてきた。 第一に本稿は, P. ホールの社会的学習論の視点からアメリカの初等中等教育改革を分析し, 子どもの 「学力」 の規定因, およびその向上策をめぐる政策アイディア (「政策パラダイム」) の歴史的変容過程を検討する。 第二に本稿は, 同国の制度構造と社会的学習の関係について理論的考察を行う。1990年代以降アメリカでは, 連邦・州レベルで新たな政策パラダイムに基づく教育制度改革が実施されてきた。しかし, 新制度の執行を担う地方・教育現場では, 学力低下の原因に関する異なるパラダイムに依拠し, 多様な制度的機会を利用して, 新制度を別個の目標のために 「転用」 するという動きも現れた。本稿は, こうした制度 「転用」 の例として学校財政制度訴訟に注目し, 制度改革の実施後, その執行・運用をめぐって展開された諸アクター間の紛争を分析する。この分析を通じて, 本稿は, 社会的学習に基づく制度発展を (断続平衡としてではなく), 制度形成者―執行者間の紛争と相互作用の中から漸進的に進行する過程として再構築する。
1 0 0 0 二十世紀初頭日本の民主主義
- 著者
- 清水 靖久
- 出版者
- 日本政治学会
- 雑誌
- 日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)
- 巻号頁・発行日
- vol.46, pp.207-231, 1995
1 0 0 0 OA 政治学教育における目的, 内容, 方法
- 著者
- 村上 弘
- 出版者
- 日本政治学会
- 雑誌
- 年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
- 巻号頁・発行日
- vol.67, no.1, pp.1_117-1_140, 2016 (Released:2019-06-10)
- 参考文献数
- 57
日本の政治学教育 (主権者教育) について, 目的, 内容, 手法 (教え方) を整理し, 見解を述べるとともに, とくに内容の面について, 2点を中心に考える。第1に, 教えるべき項目群を民主主義, 市民社会などの政治理念から体系的に導出できないか試みる。第2に, とくに日本で理解が弱いと思われる 「多元的民主主義」 や, その具体的な理解につながる政治権力への批判的視点や政党システムに関する教育について, 内容や教え方を検討する。 教える内容について, とくに高校までの段階では 「政治的教育の中立性」 による制約があるが, 中立性と, 多元的・批判的な見解の紹介とは両立しうる。多元的民主主義や政府への批判的視点は, 政治史, 政治思想, 政治制度, 比較政治などを通じて理解してもらうべきだ。各政党の論評が難しい場合には, 政党システムや 「左と右」 の座標軸を教えることで, 政治を比較し判断する視点を身に付けてもらうこともできる。 教え方については, 複数の情報や見解をもとに考え議論する力を付けさせるとともに, 集団作業, 政治参加, 市民活動などの経験を促すこと自体が有効である。
1 0 0 0 OA データからみた利益団体の民意表出
- 著者
- 森 裕城 久保 慶明
- 出版者
- 日本政治学会
- 雑誌
- 年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
- 巻号頁・発行日
- vol.65, no.1, pp.1_200-1_224, 2014 (Released:2017-07-01)
- 参考文献数
- 46
The purpose of this article is to clarify the following 4 points: (1) To what extent are people organized? (2) How much bias is apparent in today's organizations? (3) To what extent have existing organizations approached politics? (4) Is there any structural bias? By comparative study of the data from surveys of voters, interest groups, and pressure groups in Japan, following observations can be made. The older generation is more organized than the younger. Organization is more developed in the profit sector. Interest articulated by new organizations is limited, while old organizations remain. It is therefore difficult to believe that the change of government in 2009 was due to interest group politics. Rather, at top level, interest group politics changed in response to the change of government. This suggests that group actions change easily, although in 2009, it was limited mainly to top level.
1 0 0 0 OA 有権者による政党システム認識の変遷
- 著者
- 中村 悦大
- 出版者
- 日本政治学会
- 雑誌
- 年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
- 巻号頁・発行日
- vol.63, no.1, pp.1_37-1_64, 2012 (Released:2016-02-24)
- 参考文献数
- 35
Voters' perception of Japanese party system after the electoral reform was investigated and compared with the perception under the LDP dominance era. Tobit principal component analysis was applied to the feeling thermometer data in seven different dataset and analyzed the changes and continues of the voters' perception toward party system. As the result, I found voters put parties on two dimensional space, whose first dimension is the left-right policy frame and the second dimension is governmental party - opposition party distinction. The two dimensional space emerged after the Koizumi cabinet. I also found there is a fair correlation between the voters' principal component score of the governmental party- opposition party dimension and the retrospective evaluation of the cabinet.
1 0 0 0 OA 「公民政治」 の残影 ―蠟山政道と政治的教養のゆくえ―
- 著者
- 河野 有理
- 出版者
- 日本政治学会
- 雑誌
- 年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
- 巻号頁・発行日
- vol.67, no.1, pp.1_53-1_76, 2016 (Released:2019-06-10)
- 参考文献数
- 10
能動的な政治主体の構成員をいったいどのような名前で呼べば良いのか。「良民」 か 「士族」 か, はたまた 「士民」 か (「市民」 なる語はかなり新出来である)。東アジア世界の近代に共通の難問のひとつの解として, 1920年代以降, 急速に浮上したのが 「公民」 という概念であった。本稿では, 蠟山政道の 『公民政治論』 (1931年) に焦点をあて, この 「公民」 概念が同時代の 「政治と教育」 問題を考える上での鍵概念であることを示そうとした。 蠟山は 「公民」 について, それを 「社会の発見」 に引き付けて理解しようとする同時代の他の論者 (たとえば大島正徳) とは異なり, 終始, 政治的存在として理解しようと試みた。蠟山にとって, したがって, 公民教育とは政治教育であり, そこでは多数決の意義や政党の持つ積極的な道徳的意味が教えられるべきだった。 政治を教育や倫理と不可分とみなすこうした蠟山の政治観は, 政治をあくまで権力の体系, 目的達成のための手段とみなす丸山の政治観とは異なっていた。
1 0 0 0 強制される忠誠:―フィランソロピーとリベラル・ナショナリスト―
- 著者
- 越智 敏夫
- 出版者
- 日本政治学会
- 雑誌
- 日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)
- 巻号頁・発行日
- vol.62, no.1, pp.1_93-1_112, 2011
How and why do nation-states require loyalty from its people? In the discourse of "liberal nationalism", nation building is considered a necessary condition for the construction of liberal democracies. While it is widely believed that the nation-state as a political unit is an important framework underpinning political stability, throughout history one can find many examples of nationalism that has deconstructed democracy. It is for this reason that the actual relationship between nationalism and democracy should be examined. To consider this relationship, in this paper, we will first discuss the moment when loyalty is required of the people, especially the political dynamism surrounding the notion of philanthropy in the United States. Within the concept of philanthropy, the rich and successful seek to support the next generation and new immigrants. However these social ethics are located within efforts of the elite to reduce the national budget dedicated to social welfare. It is here that the state uses the citizen's loyalty for its own benefit. Secondly, we will demystify the discourse of the leftwing nationalists in the US, especially that of Richard Rorty, who emphasizes aspects of the democratic function of American nationalism, but whose theories also rely upon a complicated and subtle form of ethnocentrism. His arguments are seen as problematic when used to support democratic theories, because the people demonstrate loyalty to the state via ethnocentrism.