著者

宮下 豊

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.2, pp.2_334-2_355, 2016 (Released:2019-12-10)

参考文献数

77

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本稿は, H・J・モーゲンソー, R・アロン, 永井陽之助, 高坂正堯における慎慮の意味内容として次の2点を提起する。第1に, 「結果の考慮」 に置き換えられる目的合理的な理解ではなく, 国家が利用可能な手段に即して追求する目的を定義することによる〈穏和〉な政策であり, それは力の均衡や外交を擁護することに関連する。第2に, 行動の自由を確保するために, 法的思考および道義的思考を退け, 状況の認識において徹頭徹尾具体的たろうとすることである。さらに, 慎慮のリアリストの思考様式に基づき, 状況認識が具体的であるための前提条件として次の2点を指摘する。第1に, 米国や日本等, 実在する国家について客観的条件に基づいた個性を重視して, 他国から類推しないことである。第2に, 状況が動態的・可変的である故に, 日々の出来事をフォローしてその影響に注意を払うとともに, 核兵器の開発に象徴される現代の革命的な変化を重視することである。こうした具体的な状況認識を重視したことが, 彼らがゲームの理論を含めて単純な見方を退ける一方, 政治を 「わざ」 と喝破してそれに固有の思考法・判断基準を強調したことが理解されるべきと論ずる。

著者

今里 佳奈子

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.2, pp.2_106-2_126, 2010

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This article aims at clarifying major characteristics of Swedish gender policies and the way they have been developed. Sweden is known as one of the most advanced women-friendly as well as gender equal society where women can work both in and out their family. These advancements in terms of social and economic status of Swedish women have been brought by their positive participation in labor market propped by the active social and labor market policies by the idea of worker- citizen. Some, however, point out that there are conspicuous sex segregation in the workplace, violence to women, sexual harassment etc., and that these issues have not been satisfactorily coped with by responsible policymakers. <br>&nbsp;&nbsp;This article explains that the gender policies in Sweden are products of corporative interaction of State Feminism and women's movements taken place under the Corporate State structure.

著者

小田川 大典

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.2, pp.125-149,265, 2006

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In his later work, <i>L'inhumaine</i>: <i>Causeries sur le temps</i> (1988), Jean-Fran&ccedil;ois Lyotard advocated the aesthetic political theory under the influence of Edmund Burke's early writing, <i>A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful</i> (1759), though little attention has been paid to this point so far. This paper is intended as the examination of Burke's physiological aesthetics of sublimity and Lyotard's postmodern theory of the sublime from the perspective of political philosophy. Indeed, they didn't preach Kantian moral principles, but claimed the necessity of cultivation of the ethical sensibility through the aesthetical experience of the sublime in their theories. We may go on from this to the conclusion that it is what Stephen White called &ldquo;the sense of responsibility to otherness&rdquo; and &ldquo;the world-disclosing function of language&rdquo; in his work, <i>Political Theory and Postmodernism</i> (1991) that Burke and Lyotard emphasized the importance of.

著者

増山 幹高

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.1, pp.1_79-1_109, 2009

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Why do opposition parties propose votes of no-confidence they know will not pass? Although there is an extensive literature on the confidence relationship between parliament and the executive, it tends to focus solely on the vote of no-confidence as a mechanism for the parliamentary majority control of the executive. This article fills a gap in the literature by exploring the vote of no-confidence as a tool of the opposition, focusing on its use in the Japanese Diet. I suggest two possible reasons for the vote of no-confidence to have utility to the opposition, even when they know it will not pass. The opposition might use the no-confidence vote for legislative gains, using the no-confidence vote as a delay tactic or filibuster. Or the opposition might use it for electoral gains, using the no-confidence vote as an opportunity to publicize unpopular government policies or actions. Although the traditional literature on the Japanese Diet has suggested that the opposition uses the no-confidence vote for legislative gains, the evidence presented in this article suggests that electoral gains hypothesis better explains no-confidence votes in postwar Japan.

著者

五十嵐 元道

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.70, no.1, pp.1_76-1_95, 2019 (Released:2020-06-21)

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本稿は、主権概念を手掛かりに、国際社会における近年の介入の在り方について分析する。とりわけ、2010年代のリビア紛争とシリア紛争を事例として、オバマ政権期のアメリカによる介入政策を中心に検討する。リビアとシリアへの介入は、いかなる主権領域での、いかなる介入だったのか。本稿は、この時期のアメリカの介入政策が以下のような特徴を備えていたことを明らかにする。この介入政策は、 (1) 反政府勢力が結集し一体化するよう促し、 (2) 国際的な政治的承認を与えて段階的に外的主権を移行させ、 (3) 最終的に反政府勢力が現政権を倒し、新しい安定した統一政府 (国内主権) を樹立するよう助力するものである。本稿はこの政策をその特徴から 「及び腰の介入」 (reluctant intervention) と呼ぶが、これは現地勢力 (エージェンシー) の特質にその成否を依存するものだった。リビアとシリアの事例は、アフガニスタン戦争とイラク戦争後の世界で、欧米諸国が選択可能な介入政策の限界を示唆している。以下では、介入と主権についての先行研究を概観し (第1節) 、主権概念をもとにリビアとシリアにおける介入の特徴を明らかにする (第2節、第3節)。そして、最後に結論と示唆について論じる。

著者

石川 葉菜

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.2, pp.2_181-2_207, 2013 (Released:2017-02-01)

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The purpose of this study is to understand welfare reduction in the United States. Previous studies have focused on the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996, and treated the enactment as a primary factor that led welfare policy change. It is true that the reform is important for welfare policy because it started the Temporary Assistance to Needy Families program which replaced Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC). However, little is known about welfare reduction programs implemented by State governments despite the fact that more than 48% of AFDC recipients were under those programs in 1995. Therefore, the objective of this article is to show the reason why State governments began to conduct their own welfare reduction programs. In addition, this study also attempts to explain why the number of such programs increased, and to demonstrate why the scale of such programs became larger and larger.   This article focuses on the Section 1115 of the Social Security Act (Waiver Authority). Basically, State governments did not have flexibility in establishing eligibility requirements. Waiver Authority is the exception that gave States flexibility in establishing eligibility requirements.   Using archival materials from presidential libraries, this study will explain critical juncture that determines state-level welfare policy change.

著者

粕谷 祐子

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.1, pp.1_90-1_117, 2015 (Released:2018-06-10)

参考文献数

64

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In Japan, malapportionment—the high level of disparity in the size of the population, and thus the weight of votes, across electoral districts—has been a national concern for several decades. Through a review of both normative theories of representation and comparative empirical studies related to the legislative malapportionment, this article identifies two problems in the ways this issue has been addressed in Japan. First, the measurement method used in most Japan-focused studies (the “max-min ratio”) is inappropriate, impeding the effectiveness of reform attempts to date. Alternative measurement methods such as the Loosemore-Hanby index should be used. Second, while most studies adopt a narrow focus in arguing for rectifying malapportionment for the sake of political equality, comparative empirical studies indicate that doing so may lead to other undesirable results such as partisan gerrymandering and lower voter turnout. This article provides a novel and comprehensive framework for possible institutional reforms based on theories of representation.

著者

酒井 大輔

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.1, pp.1_185-1_207, 2016

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<p>大嶽秀夫の政治学の特徴について, 従来の日本政治学史研究では, ①多元主義, ②実証主義的・自然科学的な方法, ③戦後政治学と大きく相違するもの, として理解されてきた。また, 彼の方法の時間的変化を捉えていないなど, 一面的であった。しかし1980年代以降の大嶽の変化は, ①~③のイメージの再考を迫るものである。本稿は, 彼の80年代以降の実証研究の内容にも立ち入って, 彼の方法や理論枠組の変化を検証する。大嶽は既に1970年代当初から, 影響力の遮蔽性やパースペクティブの概念により, 多元主義の弱点の克服を試みていた。そして80年代には, イデオロギー対立の枠組により, 構造的対立や政治潮流のサイクルをその分析の中心とした。こうした変化は, 多元主義の枠組からの移行であるとともに, 政策過程分析に思想史的方法を導入するなど, 戦後政治学の方法を継承するものであった。</p>

著者

西村 邦行

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.62, no.1, pp.1_229-1_246, 2011 (Released:2016-02-24)

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Having emerged as a criticism of the realist International Relations theory (IR), constructivism has usually been considered to entail certain liberal tendencies. Recent studies, however, not only advocate its potential affinity with realism; they even advance the thesis that realism-and classical realism in particular-is inherently constructivist because of its anti-positivist epistemology. This understanding of the two theories potentially conflicts with the widely-accepted understanding of the disciplinary history of IR, according to which the development of IR is depicted as realism's progress toward a “scientific” theory. Reexamining the relationship between realism and constructivism along with their places in the disciplinary history of IR, it proves that IR has developed not in a linear way; it has rather circled around the same epistemological issue. From this insight, the present article draws suggestions for the future development of IR theorizing.

著者

友次 晋介

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.1, pp.1_360-1_380, 2013 (Released:2016-07-01)

被引用文献数

1

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The Imperial Japanese Government before WWII maintained its deliberate indifference to the claim repeated by Lieutenant Nobu Shirase for Japanese territorial right over Antarctica. Finding this inhabitable terrainno economic value at least for the short term, the prewar Japanese government focused on preventing other countries' exclusive dominion and retaining the nation's access to the future use of the continent. Such prewar political tradition was inherited by the postwar Japanese government under the new framework of San Francisco Peace Treaty. As the potential values of Antarctica grew along with the technological advancement of equipment and increasing possibility of the use of nuclear energy, it became more rational for Japan to secure the “open door” policy in which any country would not be excluded from Antarctica. Japan's policy towards the South Pole in this period implicitly contained a political realism as opposed to its expressed idealism and reflected the added influence of scientific and technological development, symbolized by nuclear energy, in the international dynamism.

著者

山口 二郎

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.2, pp.202-225,267, 2006

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Nowadays, the Koizumi government has put his structural reform into practice to some extent. His policy based on neo-liberal ideology is changing policy system which realized parity among the regions and classes in the post war Japan. As the result of 2005 general election showed, the people give support to his reform. This paper aims at grasping the notion of equality that the LDP and the bureaucracy have been pursuing for fifty years. Then, it tries to answer a puzzle, why ordinary people support the neo-liberal policy which causes pain and disadvantage to themselves.<br>Japanese-style equality was brought about by combination of discretionary policy and socialization of risk. Although the socio-economic system in post war Japan is often called &ldquo;successful social democracy&rdquo;, it is far from the true one in west European countries. Universalistic approach was quite weak in social policy, and discretionary policy such as subsidy and public investment projects functioned as redistributive policy for backward sectors. Discretionary approach also caused chronic corruption and unfair vested interests in the bureaucracy.<br>Koizumi was good at attacking this corrupted complex, and aroused expectation among the people. They supported Koizumi's reform because they expected him to slash the corruption and vested interests. However, they do not appreciate real outcome of the structural reform. Our opinion poll in early 2006 shows that they still approve the notion of welfare state and have deep concern about inequality in recent Japanese society.<br>Koizumi's reform removed various shelters in Japanese society, and people become exposed to many kinds of risk. In this context, it is likely that debate on role of the government becomes serious in party politics.

著者

関 寛治

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, pp.91-120,en6, 1976

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The history of Peace Research in Japan should be analyzed not only in terms of development of pure peace science, but also in terms of the politics of peace in post-war Japanese history. The origins of peace research in Japan go back to the 1948 statement by eight UNE SCO social scientists. The statement immediately inspired Japanese intellectuals to form &ldquo;The Peace Problems Discussion Circle&rdquo; by which was covered the monthly Journal <i>Sekai</i> published by Iwanami Shoten. The strength of the 1948 UNESCO statement, attracted the attention of Japanese intellectuals who participated in the monthly <i>Sekai</i> forum from the beginning of 1949 to the end of 1960. Their objective was to oppose the cold war strategy of the super-powers. Among all statements, &ldquo;On Peace for the Third Time, &rdquo; which was originally drafted by Masao Maruyama, was especially notable for the scope and depth of its analysis of world politics and for its high analytic quality as an example of clinical-type peace research. Because of the long-term value of its penetrating insights into the nuclear age, this essay has acquired great meaning for the present stage of research development in the mid-1970's.<br>According to the author, &ldquo;On Peace for the Third Time&rdquo; was singled out not only for its illuminating qualities, and the strength of its clinical evaluation of post-war international society, but for its sensitivity to the original spirit of peace as well. On the other hand, the development of basic peace research in Japan fell completely behind in comparison with its American and European counterparts in the process of institutionalizing peace reseach. In this article, the reasons for the lack of progress in the institutional development of peace research in Japan, is tentatively analyzed in terms of the social and organizational weakness of the politics of peace, and in terms of the non-innovative, conservative character of the academic community in Japan.

著者

山川 雄巳

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, pp.3-32, 1984-03-30 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

建林 正彦

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, pp.73-91, 1999-12-17 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

森 正

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.2, pp.60-82,264, 2006 (Released:2010-04-30)

参考文献数

106

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In this article, the potential of “practicable science, ” which is the new trend in Japanese politics in the 21st century, is being discussed and examined, focusing on a series of researches on Japan's political reforms.There have been two major trends or academic tendencies in the discussions of the political reforms. One is the attitude of political researchers who express strong criticism on political practices and propose actual policies actively participating in decision making processes. The other is the trend where certain distance is kept from actual political practices but they clarify the political actors' behavior at micro level, the changes of political phenomena, and the consequences through an empirical analysis. Both trends spread rapidly during the period.The new wave of Japanese political science research in the 21st century will bridge these two trends and respond to the proposition of “practicable science.” Policy proposals, empirical analysis, and normative discussions represented in public philosophy need to share functions and cooperate consciously while complementing each other without excluding others. It will be indispensable in establishing “practicable science, ” the new trend in Japan's political science research.

著者

小松 志朗

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.2, pp.2_421-2_443, 2012 (Released:2016-02-24)

参考文献数

13

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This paper examines three cases of humanitarian intervention (Bosnia, Kosovo, and Libya) to show that intervening parties face challenges concerning the effectiveness of it. The analytical framework for this inquiry consists of ‘the relationship between the use of force and diplomatic negotiations’. The specific challenges are as follows: there are difficulties in defining the proper use of force in relation to diplomatic negotiations for a resolution of political conflict within a intervened state, and those are due to the uncertainty of communication between policymakers and the military within intervening parties; a gap between the use of force and diplomatic negotiations causes the uncertainty; and the gap has at least two variations, ‘the gap between means and end’ and ‘the gap between different ends’. The latter type of gap is especially noticeable since it reflects the trend of the time, the rise of legitimacy of humanitarian intervention.

著者

前田 康博

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, pp.183-201,en8, 1977-03-31 (Released:2009-12-21)

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Comparative-primatologically, Gestalt of human society has the methodological indeterminacy, because of his peculiar anthropological ενεργεια-dominating-δυναμιζ-complex: Political Integration in the development.Political Integration is one thing, Social Integration is the other: the latter is naturally given due to each bio-behavioral characteristics of each genus; the former, to be artificially and specific anthropologically produced through the mutually intermediating formation of both social productivity and Dominance-Subjugation category.The Relationship of Dominance-Subjugation is, however commonplace it may seem, the organizational-historical category sui generis of human society, the uncritically generalized application allover non-human spheres of which is quite anthropomorphological error.But, Dominance must be institutionalized, logically: because of the necessity of feed-back for its own survival, and socio-physically: because of the socio-physical υλη of Dis-Communicative Cybernetical Control of Dominance itself. In fact, the social possibility of political resistance depends upon the socio-physical reality of dis-communicative resistance effect.Behavioral-functionally speaking, any kind of social activity is, in each way, some Dis-Communicative Cybernetical Control Matrix, formed and developed with and in the formation and development of the organizational-historical category of Dominance-Subjugation.Now, the optimal control of Dis-Communicative Cybernetics at the optimal Dis-Communicative degree is to be achieved, not so much positivistically, as dialectically: neither verifiable nor falsifiable, but only shifting the responsibility of verification to another.Accordingly, the production of the social values in Dis-Communicative Cybernetical Control Matrix cannot help dialectically transforming itself into the production of the social non-values as well, accompanied and emphasized by the constant possibility of shifting the responsibilities, which is never seen in non-human society upon Social Integration only.Nevertheless or just therefore, Political Integration as the condition of the possiblity, of human society, neither yet completely established nor yet sufficiently evolved even in such form as modern sovereign state, is the most fundamental political problem.Behaviorism, taking Political Integration for granted too much, has been concerned only with ενεργεια of human society, which remains methodologically to be analyzed in the framework of ενεργεια-dominating-δυναμιζ-complex.

著者

河合 秀和

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, pp.230-239, 1981-09-30 (Released:2009-12-21)

参考文献数

8

著者

福田 歓一

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, pp.1-18, 1962-05-14 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

櫛田 久代

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.2, pp.127-145,252, 2005 (Released:2010-04-30)

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The 19th century U. S. federal system, as a whole, has been described as dual federalism, within which the relationship between the federal government and state governments tended to be antagonistic or competitive. However, a cooperative relationship across states between these two governments with respect to specific national policies had been operating in the early republic. The well known Henry Clay's American System, which formulated an integrated national economic program in the 1820s, may be used to illustrate this relationship. The practical operation of the federal system has undergone many changes over time and in relation to policy changes. This paper analyzes the national internal improvement policies under the General Survey Act of 1824, which constituted a major element of the American System, and examines the reality of the American federal system in the era of the American System of the 1820s. By way of conclusion, it argues that the policies of the American System did not necessarily generate centripetal force empowering the federal government but, rather, that they strengthened competition between states, and intensified sectionalism, with the realignment of the modern party system.