著者
渡辺 大輔
出版者
日本教育政策学会
雑誌
日本教育政策学会年報 (ISSN:24241474)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.24, pp.56-65, 2017 (Released:2018-08-27)

It is important that Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT), has expanded its coverage of support to“Sexual Minorities” and promoted Human Rights Education about Diversity of Sexuality in schools in the“Regarding the Careful Response to Students with Gender Identity Disorder”(2015). On the other hand, the challenges are that support cases are only for Gender Identity Disorder students, and that those are yet be reached to rethink gender binary system in school. Bullying situations that come from one’s Sexual Orientation, Gender Identity, and Sexual Expression are seen from the first grade in elementary school. It proves that children already KNOW about “Sexual Minorities”as negative things. Therefore, we need to learn about “Sexual Diversity”from before a lower grade of elementary school. This means “to match the developmental stage”. The current Guideline for the Course of Study is biased to the“Cis-gender and Heterosexual”education. Therefore, in order to guarantee the neutrality of education, learning about “Sexual Diversity”is necessary for us.
著者
高嶋 真之
出版者
日本教育政策学会
雑誌
日本教育政策学会年報 (ISSN:24241474)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.26, pp.146-155, 2019 (Released:2020-06-20)

The purpose of this paper is to analyze and examine the change of educational policy about juku in Japan, and to clarify the historical process up to today. The historical process was divided into three stages, focusing on how juku changed from criticism to acceptance in the educational policy. The results are as follows. First, from the late 1970s to the 1980s, the stage was set to expand the criticism of juku. The problems related to juku were emphasized, and various efforts not to attend juku have been implemented. In this stage, school and local government did not reach the idea of the acceptance of juku. Second, from the late 1980s to the early 2000s, was the stage of accepting but criticizing juku. The Ministry of Education tried to change the role of juku in accordance with the new idea of the educational policy, while taking consideration of the criticism of juku. Third, after the early 2000s, was the stage of accepting while suppressing the criticism of juku. The request of the role conversion did not look back, and the cooperation between juku and school or local government is progressing.
著者
土持 法一
出版者
日本教育政策学会
雑誌
日本教育政策学会年報 (ISSN:24241474)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.5, pp.167-182, 1998-06-15 (Released:2017-12-25)

Reviewing the history of postwar education, it was an unfruitful confrontation between the Ministry of Education and the Nikkyoso (Japan Teachers' Union). It has also been 50 years since the Nikkyoso was organized. Why was the Ministry of Education confronted with the Nikkyoso? The author analyzes facts through changing policy of the GHQ/CI&E. As it has been said, the early part of the education reforms under the American Occupation was led by liberals as New Dealers who changed the system drastically. However, "Occupation" is a part of continuation of the war. It was influenced by the profits of the conquering nation, American Occupation forces. The mechanism of the Occupation in Japan was "indirect control" through the Japanese government. Thus the Nikkyoso was important. However, in changing the Far Eastern policy as the cold war evolved, the Occupation forces were involved with the conservative the Ministry of Education, under the name of a "democratization". The Occupation forces revived the power of the Ministry and ruined their own democratic policy of Japan. In this paper the author analyzes the relationships among the Nikkyoso the Occupation forces, and the Ministry of Education through interviews with Motofuji Makieda, the Ex-president of the Nikkyoso. He also reviews its historical development through interviews of Mark T. Orr, the former chief of the Education Division, GHQ/CI&E and through the documents of the Occupation.
著者
渡邊 洋子
出版者
日本教育政策学会
雑誌
日本教育政策学会年報
巻号頁・発行日
vol.3, pp.196-220, 1996

Until recently, the studies in history of education have mainly focused on the formal education in schools. It resulted that the educational opportunities and learning styles of majority of women in countryside have almost been ignored in the academic research fields. This paper focuses on the process, backgrounds and intentions of organizing the local female youth into some supervised groups in the villages, from 1910s to 1920s in Japan. The popular name given to such groups was "SHOJOKAI", literally 'the club of virgin, or unmarried young women'. There are roughly three patterns in the organizing process of "SHOJOKAI": (a) Female of elementary school graduates or members of dress-making groups, organizing themselves by the leadership of schoolmasters or so; (b) younger members of local women's groups becoming independent from the body and setting up new groups or divisions; and (c) newly organized on the purpose of compensatory education, campaign for improving lifestyles, and women's moral education. The number of such groups nationally increased just after the Russo-Japanese War (especially in 1908), and also around the period of setting up the Central Office of "SHOJOKAI" in 1918. As the Ministry of Education was not interested in the national organization of female youth at that time, the Ministry of Domestic Affairs went ahead. However, it should be kept in mind that what we call Shojokai Policy was not clarified in the official paper until 1926. Instead, they gave chance and some responsibility to the Guest Officer, Fujio Amano to utilize his ability and energy to report on the local Shojokai situations and to set up the leading organization. Amano himself was a teacher and leader of youth groups in his home village, and at the age of 25, had been invited to work for the Ministry. He insisted that "SHOJOKAI" should be organized in each villages, in order to prevent the young women from suffering from the influence of the city culture and lead them to be 'Good Working Wives and Healty Sound Mothers of the Country'. He wrote three books and many articles on magazines to announce his ideas and the practical plans to start up "SHOJOKAI"'s activities. In his educational intention and practice, the existence of other sex youth groups itself was found to be very effective. And the slogan 'Work toughly, gently and honestly' was clear in expressing what was expected to Japanese young women after the World War I. He also put much emphasis on how the young lived and felt in their everyday s lives. "SHOJOKAI"s were later reorganized into "JOSHISEINENDAN" (Local Youth Groups for Females), which led Japanese young women to work for their community and also for the pursuit of Japanese national policy (especially the one for invasion of China).
著者
渡邊 洋子
出版者
日本教育政策学会
雑誌
日本教育政策学会年報 (ISSN:24241474)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.3, pp.196-220, 1996-06-25 (Released:2017-12-29)

Until recently, the studies in history of education have mainly focused on the formal education in schools. It resulted that the educational opportunities and learning styles of majority of women in countryside have almost been ignored in the academic research fields. This paper focuses on the process, backgrounds and intentions of organizing the local female youth into some supervised groups in the villages, from 1910s to 1920s in Japan. The popular name given to such groups was "SHOJOKAI", literally 'the club of virgin, or unmarried young women'. There are roughly three patterns in the organizing process of "SHOJOKAI": (a) Female of elementary school graduates or members of dress-making groups, organizing themselves by the leadership of schoolmasters or so; (b) younger members of local women's groups becoming independent from the body and setting up new groups or divisions; and (c) newly organized on the purpose of compensatory education, campaign for improving lifestyles, and women's moral education. The number of such groups nationally increased just after the Russo-Japanese War (especially in 1908), and also around the period of setting up the Central Office of "SHOJOKAI" in 1918. As the Ministry of Education was not interested in the national organization of female youth at that time, the Ministry of Domestic Affairs went ahead. However, it should be kept in mind that what we call Shojokai Policy was not clarified in the official paper until 1926. Instead, they gave chance and some responsibility to the Guest Officer, Fujio Amano to utilize his ability and energy to report on the local Shojokai situations and to set up the leading organization. Amano himself was a teacher and leader of youth groups in his home village, and at the age of 25, had been invited to work for the Ministry. He insisted that "SHOJOKAI" should be organized in each villages, in order to prevent the young women from suffering from the influence of the city culture and lead them to be 'Good Working Wives and Healty Sound Mothers of the Country'. He wrote three books and many articles on magazines to announce his ideas and the practical plans to start up "SHOJOKAI"'s activities. In his educational intention and practice, the existence of other sex youth groups itself was found to be very effective. And the slogan 'Work toughly, gently and honestly' was clear in expressing what was expected to Japanese young women after the World War I. He also put much emphasis on how the young lived and felt in their everyday s lives. "SHOJOKAI"s were later reorganized into "JOSHISEINENDAN" (Local Youth Groups for Females), which led Japanese young women to work for their community and also for the pursuit of Japanese national policy (especially the one for invasion of China).
著者
中村 恵佑
出版者
日本教育政策学会
雑誌
日本教育政策学会年報 (ISSN:24241474)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.25, pp.184-194, 2018 (Released:2019-05-31)

This paper uses the“Policy Window”model to argue the reason why the Japanese university entrance exam is being reformed at this time. This study has academic and social significance. New information is gained by analysis of policy formation process of the Japanese university entrance exam which has been undeveloped till now, and it gives us beneficial information to properly form the Japanese university entrance exam policy. Through this study, it becomes clear that there are three streams in the current reformation: problem, policy, and politics. The problem stream describes the recognition of an improvement in college preparedness through cooperation between high schools and universities. The policy stream describes making minute policies to solve this problem. The politics stream describes having a stable government to drive concrete reforms. Joining these streams opens policy window so that reformation can be carried out. On the basis of this result, it can be said that the reformation of the Japanese university entrance exam needs not only initiative taken by politicians but also the appropriate recognition of problems and making minute policies and a joining of these streams.
著者
山下 晃一
出版者
日本教育政策学会
雑誌
日本教育政策学会年報 (ISSN:24241474)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.25, pp.29-44, 2018 (Released:2019-05-31)

The aim of this article is to discuss the potential of the study of educational policy as pedagogy. Pedagogy is generally distinguished from the science of education. While the science of education recognizes facts, pedagogy suggests what to do for technology. It exists in the midst of technology and science. The essential quality of pedagogy is not to gather many cases, but to create models or fictions by a kind of invention of the mind. Also, it is not a contemplation (theoria) or a practice, but a poiesis. It is established as a system of judgement for acts which realize some values in the minds of children. The study of educational policy also provides bases of judgement and review for the poiesis of educational policies. After World War II, pedagogy in Japan consisted of researches on educational practices and policies. To develop study on educational policy, we must realize educational values which can connect the two types of research mentioned above. It is also important to clarify power in education and the relationship between politics and education.
著者
佐藤 晋平
出版者
日本教育政策学会
雑誌
日本教育政策学会年報
巻号頁・発行日
no.19, pp.143-156, 2012-07-15

Time is an important element for education and law. In the practices of education and law, they build the time structures of themselves. And the people who practice are involved in these time structures. But these time structures, of education and of law, are different from each other. For education, the important moment is when the communication between students and teachers occurs. The time structure of education is made by repetition of this moment. Even if students are educated for the future, the education practice or communication occurs now. For law, particular kind of time structure arises in the juridical process. Legislation or juridical decision affects people in the future, but these are done now. And law is variable, so a decision at one moment will be or should be changed by a decision at another moment. The accumulation of these moments makes the time structure of law. It is difficult for education law to contain both of these different time structures. From this view point, we may be able to design different relations of education and law from what we have designed in the past.
著者
中嶋 哲彦
出版者
日本教育政策学会
雑誌
日本教育政策学会年報 (ISSN:24241474)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.28, pp.84-92, 2021 (Released:2021-12-13)

Child rearing is divided into the childcare as a private affair and the education at the school which is organized as a state apparatus. And the problem of child poverty is being dealt as a problem related to the former. Therefore, the following problems occur. (1)The quality of child's everyday life is dependent on the parent's economic and social abilities, so parental financial distress and social exclusion / isolation are directly linked to child poverty. (2)Measures against child poverty are not considered in the category of state obligation for children's rights protection, but are carried out as the “support” for parents who are obliged to care for their own child. (3) “Educational support” aims to provide life opportunities for children in poverty to escape from poverty on their own efforts in the future. And through this process, child is subsumed into the capitalist social order and competition system, and the idea that poverty is the self-responsibility of the poor is acquired.
著者
佐貫 浩
出版者
日本教育政策学会
雑誌
日本教育政策学会年報 (ISSN:24241474)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.24, pp.10-23, 2017 (Released:2018-08-27)

This article intends to grasp the essence of modern neoliberal education reform and its characteristic as a strategy of the neoliberal power of the state aiming to maximize the profit of modern global capital. Pillars of this policy include the following. (1) A work force demanded by the global capital; training talented people. (2) National unification with neoliberal power; intensifying nationalism, (3) The integration and abolition policies such as the local government and the school as“a population policy”tied to general investment strategy of global capital, (4) Construction of the structure of the public education in which a company provides education service through a market, and manages the social assets of education and education culture, (5) A management policy aiming to achieve these education policy objectives effectively. They can be grasped in a world strategy of the modern global capital integrally.
著者
土持 法一
出版者
日本教育政策学会
雑誌
日本教育政策学会年報
巻号頁・発行日
no.5, pp.167-182, 1998-06-15

Reviewing the history of postwar education, it was an unfruitful confrontation between the Ministry of Education and the Nikkyoso (Japan Teachers' Union). It has also been 50 years since the Nikkyoso was organized. Why was the Ministry of Education confronted with the Nikkyoso? The author analyzes facts through changing policy of the GHQ/CI&E. As it has been said, the early part of the education reforms under the American Occupation was led by liberals as New Dealers who changed the system drastically. However, "Occupation" is a part of continuation of the war. It was influenced by the profits of the conquering nation, American Occupation forces. The mechanism of the Occupation in Japan was "indirect control" through the Japanese government. Thus the Nikkyoso was important. However, in changing the Far Eastern policy as the cold war evolved, the Occupation forces were involved with the conservative the Ministry of Education, under the name of a "democratization". The Occupation forces revived the power of the Ministry and ruined their own democratic policy of Japan. In this paper the author analyzes the relationships among the Nikkyoso the Occupation forces, and the Ministry of Education through interviews with Motofuji Makieda, the Ex-president of the Nikkyoso. He also reviews its historical development through interviews of Mark T. Orr, the former chief of the Education Division, GHQ/CI&E and through the documents of the Occupation.
著者
志賀 信夫
出版者
日本教育政策学会
雑誌
日本教育政策学会年報 (ISSN:24241474)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.25, pp.115-125, 2018 (Released:2019-05-31)

This paper conceptually considers two approaches that live together in response to the children’s poverty problem. The first of the two approaches is the investment approach. This is to see children as a useful investment destination for economic growth and a strong economy based on the idea that neglecting children’s poverty is an economic loss. In this approach, children are a means for investment return and not an end in themselves. In addition, such an approach leads to the selection of children worth investing in and“an exclusive society”. The second approach is a well-being approach. This approach does not view children as a means only. but as a primary objective in themselves, and is based on the idea of social investment which is distinguished from economic investment. This leads to universal policy formation and “inclusive society”.
著者
出版者
日本教育政策学会
雑誌
日本教育政策学会年報 (ISSN:24241474)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.27, pp.126-134, 2020 (Released:2020-10-01)

The aim of this paper is to study education reform, making a study of education welfare, giving attention to the “transition from school to society” of people with handicaps. First, I explain the relationship between education reform and education welfare. Second, I introduce the policy of the Ministry of Education, Science and Culture about lifelong-education for people with handicaps. Third, I consider subjects for “transition from school to society” . On the whole, I explain that education welfare is related to education policy by the creation of new educational value, not only equality of opportunity.
著者
広井 多鶴子
出版者
日本教育政策学会
雑誌
日本教育政策学会年報 (ISSN:24241474)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1, pp.152-168, 1994-06-25 (Released:2017-12-29)

In the early years of the Meiji era there was no legal concept of parental rights. It was considered that the responsibility for children's education should be borne by the head of the household. The Meiji Civil Code of 1898 was the first legal provision in Japan to specify the rights and duties of parents. According to the commonly accepted theories concerning family law, under the Civil Code the patriarchal and feudalistic family system was taken as the norm, and the rights of parents were limited and controlled by those of the head of the household. However, if we look at the legislative process under the Meiji Civil Code, we find that the assertion that heads of households had significant rights concerning education must be rejected. Instead, there is very considerable support for the view that education must be left to parents since it is they who have a "natural" love for their children. At the same time, the right of parents to educate their children was more frequently thought of as a duty than as a right, a duty moreover not to the state but to the children. In the modern family, parents are thought of as having parental rights and duties with the protection of their children's interests in mind, and in this sense one can say that the rights of parents under the Civil Code were based on the concept of the modern family with its roots in ties of love and affection rather than on any feudalistic concept. Children have come to be seen as having to obey their parents in order to protect the interests of the parents. However, the Civil Code put parents under an obligation to protect their children's rights, because children were seen as immature and lacking full capability. The code also incorporated into the legal system for the first time a role for the state in supervising the conduct of parents. The modern understanding of parental rights as being in the interests of children implied systematization in the public interest of the role of the state in supervising parents.
著者
中嶋 哲彦
出版者
日本教育政策学会
雑誌
日本教育政策学会年報 (ISSN:24241474)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.13, pp.26-35, 2006-06-30 (Released:2017-12-03)

Some observers say that the government has the policy to deregulate the whole system of public education and decentralize educational decision-making, though Japanese school system has been highly centralized traditionally. They believe that the decentralization and deregulation policy will help to reform public schools. For example, the national government has the legal liability to pay half of the elementary and junior high teachers' salary. It has contributed to realize the equal opportunity of education for all students regardless of the funding ability of their own municipalities. But, for some observers, it has prevented local governments from developing their own educational policies. So they insist on abolishing the national funding system for compulsory school teachers' salary, deregulate the teacher allocation standards and give the prefectural government more funds with discretionary powers. I think these observers may overlook the real nature of these policies. From my point of view, the deregulation policy will organize the education system more competitively and create serious gaps between the wealthy municipalities and the poor municipalities, high-income families and low-income families. It will make the educational opportunity highly unequal and extremely unfair. Moreover, the decentralization policy will help to exempt the national government from the liability to achieve the national minimum of the public education and transfer it to the local governments. The decentralization policy will not give them more autonomy at all. Under the deregulation and decentralization, the local government will have less funds for their public schools and more liabilities to convince the students and parents of poor public education. Now each local government should realize the liabilities to achieve the welfare of their citizen again, exercise the autonomy to manage the public school according to the local consensus, and protest the national government's policy if necessary.
著者
広井 多鶴子
出版者
日本教育政策学会
雑誌
日本教育政策学会年報 (ISSN:24241474)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.19, pp.40-57, 2012-07-15 (Released:2017-11-17)

Child abuse has become a social problem since the 1990's. The press says repeatedly that child abuse is "increasing" and "getting worse", even the government has taken many measures against child abuse after the Child Abuse Prevention Law was enacted in 2000. In this paper, I describe how the measures have changed the discourse about family and the system and policy of child welfare, tracing the process that child abuse has turned into a social problem. The measures against abuse made the concept of abuse itself change and expand, and added many restrictions to parents' behavior. On the assumption that abuse is caused mainly through domestic pathology rather than by income differential, the measures have changed the system that supervised and guided parents. The measures regarding parents as the child's assailants rather than as protectors of the child's rights, both parents' responsibility and the government authority to intervene in a family have been strengthened sharply.
著者
広瀬 裕子
出版者
日本教育政策学会
雑誌
日本教育政策学会年報 (ISSN:24241474)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.21, pp.25-46, 2014-07-15 (Released:2017-06-23)
被引用文献数
1

This paper inquires into the education reform case carried out using the method of New Public Management (NPM) in the London Borough of Hackney in the UK. During both the Conservative and the Labour Governments in the 1990s, education reforms with the NPM method were adopted widely. The Hackney case was an extreme case of them. The Hackney Council became the first local authority to be judged as failing in running local education, as a consequence, its power to deliver education services was removed from the Council by the central government to be transferred to a private company. Eventually, in 2002, and independent non-profit organization, the Hackney Learning Trust, took over all the power from the Council to run education, under a ten-year contract. Although the Learning Trust undoubtedly had improved the whole range of education in Hackney, the Trust was closed without extending the contract when the contract ended in 2012. The education services in Hackney were returned to the Council. In this NPM education reform case, it should be noted that the private company was not considered to be the permanent agent to deliver education in the local area, but a temporary effective operator to work intensively to recover the malfunctioning local authority. The closure of the successful Trust suggests that the Hackney case was not a simple case of NPM privatisation in educational administration, but this should be interpreted as a case of an education governance reform by the private sector in an emergency, in which the local government had lost their ability to improve their malfunctioning public services.