著者

村田 忠男

出版者

日本言語学会

雑誌

言語研究

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1984, no.85, pp.68-90, 1984

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Although the claim has been repeated that some version of &ldquo;sound hierarchy&rdquo; is indispensable in the field of phonology, no one has so far offered enough data to prove it.<BR>I conducted the statistical investigations to support explicitly the order of &ldquo;Japanese sound hierarchy&rdquo; using the artificial onomatopoetic words of AB-type. 582 college students who were mainly from Western Japan were asked if they could find a preferred order in&ldquo; pira-pura vs. pura-pira, &rdquo; for example. Chi-square test was used to certify the significance levels of all the minimally contrastive pairs that were grouped into 87 terms. Then, the results were combined to obtain the following.<BR>Vowel Hierarchy: i<u<e<a<o<BR>Consonant Hierarchy: glides<liquids<nanals<fricatives<stops<affricates<BR>In addition, the double-function system was introduced to some exceptional sounds in the consonant hierarchy.

著者

岩井 隆盛 横山 辰次

出版者

日本言語学会

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1954, no.26, pp.152-154,187, 1954

著者

金田一 京助

出版者

日本言語学会

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1949, no.13, pp.1-14, 1949

著者

堀井 令以知

出版者

日本言語学会

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1958, no.33, pp.68-69, 1958

著者

杉藤 美代子

出版者

日本言語学会

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1981, no.79, pp.1-32, 1981-03-31 (Released:2010-11-26)

参考文献数

31

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Some relation is considered to exist between voice raising or lowering and the articulation of vowels. Because there exist not a few dialect in Japanese whose accent have some restrictions according to vowel hight. The common characteristics of those dialects are that low vowels seldom follow the accented high vowels.The present paper reports the results of the investigation about the timing relation between fundamental frequency change and vowel hight, and also about physiological mechanism of /kusa/ or /kusa/ with low vowels following accented high vowels.The subjects of the experiment were selected from native speakers of the Kinki dialect which is free from the above restrictions. The words mainly studied here were, (1)/ai/, /ei/, /ie/.(2)/aCa/, /aCi/, /iCa/, /iCi/(C: voiced consonant), with three accent types A (ao), B (of) and C (oo).(3)/kusa/, /kuse/, and /kusi/.Narrow and wide band spectrograms were obtained from those speech materials, and onsets of Fo change and those of formant transition were measured and their timing relations were compared.The results were as follows:(1) 1./ai/ and /ei/: the onset times of voice raising and lowering (Pt) lag behind the onset times of formant transition (Ft) as was reported before in regard to /ai/.2./ie/ was found to have the tendency of synchronizing Ptwith Ft, while the timing of Ptin /ie/ and /ie/ precede that of Ft (Fig. 1, 2, 3, and Table 1).(2) Similar results were observed in words containing /VCV/ sequences (Fig. 4, 5, 6, 7). The results sugest that phonatory controls have something to do with the articuratory controls.(3) Fo contours of [a] in /kusa/ start high and show a sharp descent, while those of [i] in /kusi/ start comparatively low and level (Fig. 10, 12).The second vowel of /kusa/ has more sharp descent.As the results of electromyographical study, it is known that there is a positive correlation between the pattern of cricothyroid (CT) activity and the raising and lowering of F0. It was revealed that the activity of sternohyoid (SH) was related to the sharp descent in the Fo contours of type A and type B in the Kinki dialect (Fig. 8, 9). SH is also known to participate in jaw opening, tongue lowering and tongue retraction.Synchronizing the timing of voice lowering in F0 and toungue lowering in words containing high and low vowel sequences is considered to be related with activity of SH. Accurate tongue lowering for articulation and sharp decent in F0may be needed in the pronounciation of words like /kusa/ or/kusa/(Fig. 13, 14). It is considered to have relationship with the fact that low vowels seldom folow the accented high morae in some dialects.

著者

福井 玲

出版者

日本言語学会

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.148, pp.61-80, 2015 (Released:2016-05-17)

参考文献数

28

---

本稿は,中世韓国語で声の高さを示すために用いられた傍点について,それがなぜ付けられていたのか,なぜ,傍点という形式が用いられたのか,15世紀末頃から傍点を付けない文献が現れ始め,17世紀以降は完全に廃止されてしまうのはなぜなのか,また傍点を付けた人々はどのような言語的背景を持っていたのか,という基本的でありながらこれまで論じられてこなかった課題について論じた。また,傍点によって表されるピッチアクセントの変化とその地域差という問題との関わりについてもそのための基礎となる考察を行った*。

著者

庄垣内 正弘

出版者

日本言語学会

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2003, no.124, pp.1-36, 2003

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The author found fragments of Chinese texts in Uighur script at the St. Petersburg Branch for Oriental Studies of Russian Academy of Sciences and identified their corresponding Chinese originals. The phonological system of the Chinese written in Uighur is basically the same as that of the northwestern dialects of Tang and Five Dynasties. Although the fragments were composed later during the period of Yuan Dynasty, its phonological system is undoubtedly quite different from that of colloquial Chinese used in Yuan Dynasty. As a result of detailed examination of the texts, it has become clear that the phonological system behind the texts is well reflected by the Uighur inherited reading of Chinese characters similar to the Japanese Ondoku system, i.e., Chinese reading of Chinese characters.<br>On the other hand, it is occasionally observed that Chinese characters are sporadically inserted between Uighur lines in the above texts. These inserted Chinese characters must have been read in Uighur. These Chinese characters appear not only as words, but also as phrases and sentences. An interesting fact is that in some bilingual texts such as &Prime;Thousand Character Essay&Prime;the Uighur inherited, reading of Chinese is followed by its corresponding Uighur translation. Furthermore, in other texts represented by &Prime;Abhidharmakosabhasya-tika Tattvartha&Prime;, it is recorded how Uighur speakers read Chinese texts in Uighur pronunciation, translating the contents into the Uighur language. Taking these facts into consideration, a conclusion is inevitable that Uighurs had their own way of reading Chinese texts which is typologically comparable to the Japanese Kundoku system, i.e., Japanese reading of Chinese characters.<br>Japanese is known as a language in which Ondoku and Kundoku are well developed. It is extremely difficult to understand the contents of Chinese texts merely by listening to Ondoku reading, where a large number of homonyms are created by the loss of many phonological distinctions. Japanese Buddhist monks recite Chinese Buddhist texts following the Ondoku system, but at the same time they understand the contents by Kundoku reading utilizing ideographic nature of Chinese characters. The author would like to argue that Uighur monks of the Yuan dynasty period employed the same kind of method when reciting Chinese texts.

著者

庄垣内 正弘

出版者

日本言語学会

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

no.124, pp.1-36, 2003-11

著者

櫻井 映子

出版者

日本言語学会

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1997, no.112, pp.98-131, 1997-11-25 (Released:2007-10-23)

参考文献数

16

---

In the Lithuanian language, prefixing of a simple verb does not always lead to perfective aspect, nor is, there general way of forming imperfective from prefixed perfective verb, such as at an early stage in the development of the Slavonic languages. Therefore, there are only few purely aspectual pairs of verbs with semantically empty prefixes.Most prefixed verbs, which are usually considered as perfective, can be interpreted as morphologically marked terminative (telic) verbs. This is the reason why Lithuanian contains a number of so -called neutral verbs which can express both imperfective and perfective aspect, mainly according to tense. In the Lithuanian tense -aspect system important parts are played by four simple tense forms (in the active voice) and four compound tense forms (both in the active and passive voice).Both perfect and imperfect of the compound tenses have determinations of 'phase', ‹terminalization› and ‹intraterminalization›, respectively. Terminative: aterminative (telic: atelic) character of verbs has an interaction mainly with these basic meanings of perfect and imperfect, which accounts for various aspectual meanings and 'taxis' functions of the Lithuanian compound tenses.

著者

高津 春繁

出版者

日本言語学会

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1940, no.5, pp.81-83, 1940

著者

John H. KOO

出版者

日本言語学会

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1982, no.82, pp.91-105, 1982-09-30 (Released:2010-12-22)

参考文献数

16

著者

大江 孝男

出版者

日本言語学会

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1976, no.69, pp.16-35, 1976

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In Daegu dialect one can find five types of tone. Two of them-high and non-high-are assigned to syllables with a short vowel ; the other three-rising, falling and low-level-to those with a long vowel.<BR>The investigation into forms consisting of only short syllables shows that the high tone manifests itself in connection either with a single syllable (type b) or with a sequence of more than one (type a) within each relevant syllable chain. By assuming a unit called "mora " which has a length equivalent to a syllable with a short vowel, accent patterns of these forms can be described as arrangements of morae with high and non-high tones. Using this analysis, accent patterns are distinguished by, (1) the position of the "kernel mora" that is the last mora with a high tone within each relevant word or phrase, (2) the tone of the mora immediately preceding the " kernel "(distinction between types a and b), and (3) the number of constituent morae.<BR>The three types of tone in syllables with a long vowel are thus analyzed as different combinations of high and non-high morae in respect totheir length and direction of tone-movement: the rising tone as a sequence of a non-high mora followed by a high mora, the falling tone as a sequence of a high mora followed by a non-high, and the low-level as a sequence of two non-high morae.<BR>Analyzing in this way, the system of accent patterns in Daegu dialect can be described in terms of tone-sequences composed of two distinctive heights within each word or phrase without regard to vowel quantity.

著者

杉藤 美代子

出版者

日本言語学会

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1975, no.67, pp.86-87, 1975

著者

玉岡 賀津雄 池田 史子

出版者

日本言語学会

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

no.137, pp.65-79, 2010-03

著者

服部 匡

出版者

日本言語学会

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

no.125, pp.83-109, 2004-03

著者

佐藤 琢三

出版者

日本言語学会

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

no.116, pp.1-21, 1999-12

著者

松森 晶子

出版者

日本言語学会

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1989, no.95, pp.120-143, 1989-03-25 (Released:2010-11-26)

参考文献数

15

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According to early autosegmental treatments of pitch-accent languages, such as Goldsmith (1976), Haraguchi (1977, 1978, 1979), each pitch-accent language has a finite number of Basic Tone Melodies, and tones are mapped to tone bearing units with regard to the universal convention known as the Well Formedness Condition. Rather than the concept of Basic Tone Melody, the present paper, basically continuing on from the idea given by Pulleyblank (1983), suggests that each tone is introduced to the tonal tier, one by one, by tonal rules. The correlative assumption of this approach is that tones are not automatically associated to tone bearing units by the Well Formedness Condition, but mapped to them only if specified by a particular association rule.The ultimate purpose of this study is to develop a type of approach to Japanese pitch-accent systems that incorporates recent developments in the autosegmental theory of other tonal and pitch-accent languages. Based on the notions such as floating tone, extratonality, etc., this paper presents a theory of tonal rules, which aims to explain all the varieties of Japanese pitch-accent systems, whereby all predictable information is not included by underlying phonological entries, but rather is ultimately supplied by a finite number of parameters.

著者

辻 直四郎

出版者

日本言語学会

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1949, no.14, pp.1-21,114, 1949

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After a brief account of the position in the Upanishadicliterature of the Maitri-up.(ξ1), the author enters upon adetailed discussion of the textual history of the same Upanisad. The proto-text, according to the author, consistedof the parts corresponding to I. 2-IV. 3 (±IV. 1) of Cowell's edition, and it then developed into the shorter or Southern recension with its three subdivisions and the longeror Northern recension represented by Cowell's edition (ξ2).<BR>Taking the latter rec. as the basis of his investigation theauthor next proceeds to the problem, how far the well-knownsaihdhi-peculiarittes of the Maitrayaniya-school were observed by the Maitri Up.(ξ3). Among these school-peculiarities themost important is, of course, the change of the final unaccented-e or-as in-a before an accented vowel, since in thiscase accentuation was a vital element of the phonetic change.After a thorough examination the author arrives at the conclu-. sion that the cases of fallacious application or negligenceof correct application of this saldhi-rule are in a negligibleminority against the opposite cases, and this state of affairsextends even to the later additions (prep. VI and VTI) of thelonger recension. The author surmises that the !iaitri t., asit stands in Cowell's edition was completed when the knowledge of the Vedic accentuation was yet kept alive among the Maintrayenlyas, say ca. 200 B. C.(ξ4).

著者

王 育徳

出版者

日本言語学会

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1960, no.38, pp.33-105, 1960

著者

坂元 宗和

出版者

日本言語学会

雑誌

言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1990, no.98, pp.27-45, 1990

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上代日本語のe甲, O甲の来源は, 開口度の増加によるi甲>e甲, U>o甲であり, 母音音節の場合はそれぞれye, woに発展した。<BR>上代は短い期間なので, 古い用例が必ずしも古形とは言えず, 改新の先駆である場合がある。従って, i甲~e甲, u~o甲のダブレットの用例の新旧から変化を判定するのではなく, 別の音韻変化を伴う語例を利用した。たとえば, e甲の場合には, フキ甲 (吹き) とフ江 (笛) を結びつける中間形*ブイ, o甲の場合には, シヅ江 (下枝) の前項とシモ (下) に共通祖形*シムを推定すれば, 各一方は自然な音韻変化であるから開口度の増加が結論できる。さらに, ビアトゥス回避の法則がからむ語例と, 同音語を導く枕詞の例を補足し, 傍証とした。<BR>通説のa後接説の根拠となった完了の助動詞リは連体形にアリが付いて成立したものではなく, アリの異形態リが付いたものであることを, 他のビアトゥス回避の結果から推測した。従って, i甲+a>e甲, u+a>o甲ではない。