著者

神川 彦松

出版者

財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1957, no.1, pp.1-18, 1957-04-20 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

17

著者

井関 正久

出版者

財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2009, no.157, pp.157_70-84, 2009-09-30 (Released:2011-11-30)

参考文献数

41

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The year 1968 was not only a time of student movements and Cultural Revolution in many Western countries, but also the year of the “Prague Spring” and the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia. The people of Eastern Germany were influenced by those political and cultural events in Western and Eastern Europe.In spite of suppression by the state there were protest activities in the 1960s in Eastern Germany. Under the influence of subculture and student movements in Western Germany the postwar generation opposed the cultural policies of the Socialist Unity Party (Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands or SED). During the “Prague Spring” in 1968, hopes of “socialism with a human face” (democratization of socialism) rose in Eastern Germany.The Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in August 1968 brought about different protest activities everywhere in Eastern Germany. According to Stasi files, more than thousand people in Eastern Germany were investigated for painting graffiti, distributing pamphlets or even just public criticism of the invasion. Such protest activities took place spontaneously without political leaders, and were put down by the police immediately.The “Sixty-Eighters” in Eastern Germany organized political alternative movements under the protection of the Evangelical Church through the 1970s and 1980s. Western subculture played a big part in such dissident movements. The Eastern “Sixty-Eighters” also formed civic groups in autumn 1989, demanded democratization of socialism once again and played a main role in “peaceful revolution”. However, the younger generations contributed to “peaceful revolution” by participating in demonstrations or by leaving their country. In fact the generation of “Eight-Nine” includes different age groups.Thus, a legacy of 1968 and 1989 could be the combination of political movements and subculture, which made it possible for dissidents to form a counter public sphere and network in a society of authoritarianism or totalitarianism.

著者

堀江 湛

出版者

財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1970, no.41, pp.77-97, 1970-04-30 (Released:2010-09-01)

著者

大畑 篤四郎

出版者

財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1965, no.28, pp.72-86, 1965-04-27 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

42

著者

浅野 亮

出版者

財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2000, no.123, pp.195-204, 2000-01-28 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

11

著者

荒 哲

出版者

財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1999, no.120, pp.210-229,L19, 1999-02-25 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

88

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General Artemio Ricarte, “Vibora, ” is said to be one of the most stubborn Filipino heroes in Philippine history. He never swore allegiance to the United States after he was arrested by the American authorities in February 1899 during the Philippine-American War. Most Filipino historians have not paid much attention to his role in Philippine history because some of them are still suspicious of his nationalistic heroism. His collaboration with the Japanese Army during the Japanese occupation in the Philippines still causes doubt as to whether he was nationalistic or not. This paper is trying to discover if his anti-Americanism was still based on his hopes for Philippine independence by examining the time period between 1915 when he made his personal exile to Japan and 1945 when he died in the Philippines.Having read his correspondences written in Tagalog (one of the Filipino languages) with his friend in the Philippines, Jose P. Santos, the distinguished Filipino historian, and having examined his political statements regarding the issue of Philippine independence from 1915 to 1941, the author finds that the “stubborness” in his nationalism against the United States changed noticeably over time. It is observed that it changed with times of persons to whom he talked and met. For example, in 1917 when the Jones Act (Philippine Independence Act) was approved by the US Congress, he became sympathetic to the political scene in the United States and praised the political elites of the Philippines such as Manuel I. Quezon of Sergio Osmeña. However, he again became anti-American when he talked to Japanese officials or Japanese police authorities in Yokohama where he lived at that time. Indeed, he supported the anti-American movement in Luzon led by Benigno Ramos, the so-called “Sakdal Movement” in the nineteen thirties. But, even though Ricarte and Ramos held the same position for “immediate, absolute, and complete” independence of the Philippines, he was nevertheless ultimately a “Quzonista” in the sense that he was never opposed the way in which the independence movement led by the Filipino elites such as Quezon was waged. That is, even though he was originally opposed to the ten-year probational independence term, the so-called Commonwealth, he finally came to accept the Commonwealth idea, and government, led by Quezon.During the Japanese occupation of the Philippines, he again became anti-American. He was not satisfied with a principle policy of the Japanese authorities in which most members of the former Philippine Commonwealth government were again put in important positions in the Philippine Executive Commission governed directly by the Japanese Military Administration. This situation awakened his political aspiration of becoming a dictator. With some Filipino collaborators led by Benigno Ramos and Ganap, Ricarte tried to make a coup attempt against the Laurel government in 1943. But he realized that the government was so stable that they could not do anything against its authority.Unlike Benigno Ramos, Ricarte was not aggressive in the movement for Philippine independence, where Ramos still had political aspirations to become the new leader. To the end of the war, he was still not satisfied with the political situation where many, so-called, “pro-American” cabinet memebers occupied the Laurel government. But Ricarte did not like to cooperate with Ramos in, for example, the Makapili movement in 1944. Instead, Ricarte organized his own army, the “Peace Army”, for the defense of the Philippine government against the United States.

著者

庄司 潤一郎

出版者

財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2004, no.139, pp.125-143,L14, 2004-11-29 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

66

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In a Japan that was becoming increasingly isolated as a result of the Manchurian Incident and its withdrawal from the League of Nations, two noteworthy positions were unfolding, with the goal of seeking a new diplomacy in the mid-1930s. These consisted of the “argument of colonial readjustment”, which was directed at the global community, and the “controversy concerning the propriety of unifying China”, which was directed at China.The “argument of colonial readjustment” reflected the state of global politics at a time when Germany had rearmed itself and occupied the Rhineland while Italy had invaded Ethiopia, and was primarily advocated by the likes of E. House and other politicians and intellectuals in have-nations. This was later submitted by S. Hoare, the British foreign minister, to the League of Nations in 1936 and translated into reality through the establishment of the League of Nations' Committee for the Study of the Problem of Raw Materials in 1937.Thus, this thesis aims to identify the unique elements of the Japanese position relative to those of the West by sifting through the “argument of colonial readjustment” as it had been embraced in the West and analyzing the given position as it had taken root in Japan, where the influence of the argument had been felt. In this connection, the Japanese position was distinct from the positions of Germany and Italy, as well as those of various other western countries, in that the fundamental rule of freedom of commerce was maintained, a new world order was pursued, and the principle behind independence from colonialism was respected. Advocates who had taken up this position in Japan included Fumimaro Konoe, Kiyoshi Kiyosawa, Masamichi Royama, and Tadao Yanaihara.The fact that Japan sought various breakthroughs after withdrawing from the League of Nations has been revealed in recent research findings. This research also takes that position and will analysis the contents of the reconfiguration of the international order according to the “argument of colonial readjustment”.

著者

河野 康子

出版者

財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2005, no.140, pp.136-145, 2005-03-19 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

10

著者

柳田 陽子

出版者

財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1968, no.35, pp.91-110, 1968-03-25 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

92

著者

田中 明彦

出版者

財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1983, no.74, pp.134-153,L13, 1983-08-31 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

19

---

An information processing system to simulate the decision-making process of China's international conflict behavior is presented. This system, called CHINA-WATCHER, is designed to represent different models of Chinese cognitive process. Different models are specified in terms of the frame of reference (realist or revolutionary), the evaluation strategy (“dove”, “dawk”, or “hawk”), the support-side decision strategy (“dove” or “hawk”), and the involvement decision strategy (“dove” or “hawk”).No matter how different models are specified in terms of the above criteria, CHINA-WATCHER has key procedures applied in any model. Essentially, CHINA-WATCHER “understands” an inputted case (international conflict, crisis, etc.) and “decides” what China would do. To “understand” the current case, CHINA-WATCHER updates the “world amity-enmity map” showing who are China's friends and who are China's enemies. Then, it detemines the relations of the parties in the current case, i. e. whether the case is a confrontation between friends and enemies, a confrontation between friends and friends, etc.In addition, CHINA-WATCHER determines the contexts in which the current case is put. There are two contexts always to be determined no matter which model is specified; they are the narrative context and the precedential context. The narrative context is the preceding cases which constitute a longer, unfolding “stort, ” with the current case as its most recent episode. Setting the precedential context is the most important feature of the CHINA-WATCHER system. The essential, idea is to derive instructions for current action from an analysis of cases in memory that are similar to the current one in certain key respects. In other words, the decision-makers are assumed to understand the current case in part through the analogy of the past precedents.The second essential operation of CHINA-WATCHER is to decide what to do in the current case. CHINA-WATCHER decides (1) which side in the case to support and (2) to what extent China involves itself. The latter involvement decision consists of verbal involvement and physical involvement. The support-side decision is made essentially from the examination of the party configuration of the current case. The involvement decision is made through the analysis of the precedential context.As stated above, different models are specified in terms of the frame of reference, the evaluation strategy, the support-side decision strategy, and the involvement decision strategy. The frame of reference suggests the criteria of friends and enemies. to China and the criteria to determine the precedential context. The evaluation strategy is used to cope with uncertainty of friend-enemy evaluation. The support-side decision strategy is used to decide which side to support and the involvement decision strategy is used to decide the level of involvement based on the precedential context.We examine how CHINA-WATCHER with different models process information on each of the 385 cases of Chinese international conflict behavior from 1949 to 1978 and predict the decision to be taken by the PRC in each of them. It is found that the model with the revolutionary framework and the evaluation strategy of a “dove” performed better in the periods from 1949 to 1953, from 1957 to 1958, from 1968 to 1969, and from 1974 to 1976. Also found is that the model with the realist framework and the evaluation strategy of a “dawk” performed better in the periods from 1954 to 1956, from 1959 to 1967, from 1970 to 1973, and from 1977 to 1978. But it was found that the Chinese were consistent in the “hawkish” strategy for taking sides and in their “dovish” involvement decision strategy.

著者

田中 明彦

出版者

財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1990, no.95, pp.16-29,L6, 1990-10-20 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

17

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Based on the ideas of cognitive balance developed mainly by F. Heider, R. P. Abelson and others, a framework to represent a relationship characterized by amity and enmity is presented; essential points of this framework include (1) your enemy's enemy is your friend, (2) if A has both friendly and hostile relations with B, A and B have “ambivalent” relations, and (3) if there are no “ambivalent” relationship within a system of actors, this system is “balanced”. This framework then is applied to a triangular relationship among three actors and eight possible types of trialgular relationships are derived.To derve possible directions of transition among these eight types, two assumptions and four transition rules are introduced. The assumptions are:(1) three actors differ in their influence; and (2) A weaker actor is more sensitive to imbalance in the system. The four rules are: (1) changes of relationship take place sequentially, i. e., one at a time; (2) actors change their relationships to make the system “balanced”; (3) in an unbalanced system, the relationship between the two weakest actors tends to change; and (4) among the four balanced systems, three can change to become unbalanced (for the precise rule, see the text.)With these four rules, possible directions of transitions among these eight types are derived; this derivation represents a theory to explain how a triangular relationship might possibly evolve (Table 9). To examine the validity of this theory, an analysis of the history of U. S. -U. S. S. R. -China triangular relationships in the postwar period is made (Table 10). Except for the deterioration of U. S. -U. S. S. R. relations in 1960 after the U-2 inicident, the isolation of the Soviet Union in the late 1970s, and the deterioration of Sino-American relations immediately after the Tiananmen Square incident in 1989, the theory explains the historical transitions in the triangle very well.

著者

田中 明彦

出版者

財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2000, no.124, pp.1-10,L5, 2000-05-12 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

21

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International Relations Theory is in need of reconstruction. The end of the cold War is usually invoked to justify such need. But other factors are also relevant. First, the objects of IR studies are undergoing rapid changes: trends of globalization as well as those of anti-globalization, democratization and human rights protection, increasing activities of multinational organizations and NGOs, problems of “failed states” and persistance of civil wars, prospects of non-proliferation, traditional security as well as “human security, ” and so on. IR studies need theoretical frameworks to deal with such diverse phenomena. Second, academic debates conducted over the last two decades, mostly in North America, now appear to enter into a new, more productive phase of incorporating diverse ontological and epistemological approaches. The field could explore increasingly more diverse objects of study as discussed above with more open-mined viewpoints than in the 1980s when a narrow academic debates between “neo-realism” and “neo-liberalism” dominated the field. Third, theorybuilding activities in Japan is also in need of reconstruction mainly because theoretical gaps between Japanese IR studies and North American ones have been widened over the last two decades. While North American scholars were engulfed completely with the debates between neo-realism and neo-liberals and are now being challenged by the rise of constructivism, most theoretically inclined Japanese scholars paid relatively little attention to either trends of North American IR studies; their concerns were more to do with world systems dynamics and implications of decline of American hegemony. It is about time to narrow the gaps of academic concerns and start joint activities to reconstruct IR Theory. The following ten articles are all attempts to respond to such challenges.

著者

原 彬久

出版者

財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1992, no.100, pp.199-219,L16, 1992-08-30 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

48

被引用文献数

2

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The U. S. -Japan Security Treaty as well as The Treaty of Peace with Japan were concluded in 1951 in San Francisco. It is wrong to think that The U. S. -Japan security system began with. the conclusion of that treaty, because we can not identify the security system with the security treaty.The security system between the U. S. and Japan came into existence with the unconditional surrender of Japan and the occupation of Japan by the U. S. in 1945. We shall think of the U. S. -Japan security system as one started by the “substantial” coupling on the political and military level between both countries.In this essay there are three parts. First, we will examine the historical factors, particularly the Emperor system and the cold war, giving rise to the security system. Second, we will consider the nature of the treaty as a smaller part of the security system. Especially we will study the “one-sided burden” of the U. S. to Japan and the mechanism of Japanese compensation in the treaty. Third, we will forcus on American expectations of a “strong Japan” and American fear of Japanese neutralization under the security system.Following the collapse of the cold war, it is more necessary to examine closely the structure of the security system between the U. S. and Japan in the context of the cold war.

著者

原 彬久

出版者

財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1997, no.115, pp.1-10,L5, 1997-05-17 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

6

---

As the title shows, this volume is dedicated to the study of the US-Japan Security System with emphasis on both aspects of continuity and change. Although the system was a product of history it has also been a major driving force of history in the post-war period. It is in the mixture of continuity and change that the system has survived the challenge of history.In general, the system is often understood as a byproduct of the Cold War headed by the US and the then USSR. Indeed, the system cannot be discussed without reference to the Cold War. The US-Japan Mutual Security Treaty which serves as the core of the system was signed in September 1951 as a corner stone in the US strategy of deterrence against the USSR. Nevertheless, the system in reality is more complicated than just being a byproduct of the Cold War. It is in essence a political community—a relationship that exceeds the legal stipulations of the treaty. Otherwise the system would have collapsed with the end of the Cold War. The treaty originally signed by Shigeru Yoshida in 1951 and revised by Nobusuke Kishi in 1960 has brought sbout the system that functions far beyond the original terms. The latest “Redefinition, ” reflecting the reality of US-Japan power relationship is also a product of the system.This volume is an attempt to examine the US-Japan Security System with emphasis on its aspects of continuity and change from theoretical, historical and empirical perspectives. It contains two groups of articles. The first group consists of six articles—(that of Sakamoto, Uemura, Gabe, Hirayama, Kan, and Kojo), with emphasis on historical observations and analyses. The second group consists of four articles—(that of Iwata, Muroyama, Kamiya, and Tsuchiyama), with emphasis on theoretical arguments and with predictions for the future. Hopefully these two groups of articles will serve as the two main pillars in our understanding of various aspects of the US-Japan Security System.

著者

中村 文子

出版者

財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2008, no.152, pp.132-152,L15, 2008-03-15 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

36

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This paper attempts to develop a new model for analyzing the reasons behind trafficking in persons. Trafficking in persons in the form of sexual exploitation therefore is caused by differentials in power between sex, the rich and the poor, and citizen and non-citizen. From power differentials evolves discrimination, and discrimination is justified by power. Moreover, the paper suggests possibilities for constructing a social structure that is able to address the problem of discrimination.By analyzing the trafficking of victims' throughout the world, based on the information provided by the United Nations Office for Drugs and Crime (UNODC), we recognize specific geographic aspects of human trafficking. Mostly, victims come from developing countries such as those in Eastern Europe or Asia, and their final destinations are developed countries such as Japan, the USA, or Italy. By scrutinizing the conditions for human trafficking based on the modern world-system theory we learn that “core” areas exploit “semi-periphery” areas. This finding applied to the problem of trafficking in persons then means that the “core” exploits the “periphery” physically..However, modern world-system theory's explanation for the causes of this crime is insufficient. The existing deep discrimination between men and women or the rich, the poor, and citizen and non-citizen brings to light the relation of power between those who discriminate and those discriminated. In this sense, sex discrimination is caused by “nation states” politics, which is strongly patriarchal. Therefore, this politics forces women to be “peripheral”, i. e. to serve as assistants for men in society. Further, discrimination against foreigners is also strongly related with “nation states'” politics, which excludes “others”. Carrying this explanation further, we can argue that economic discrimination promotes people with power while discriminating “others”. The modern world-system structure ties agents' action, thus it is hard to solve the problem of discrimination. On the other hand, there are certain possibilities that agents' action can influence the structure of this world system.The victims of trafficking in persons are forced to the bottom of the hierarchy structured by power differentials with discrimination and thus to fate of being the slave, whose human dignity is ravished by sexual exploitation. Thus it is essential to remove the consciousness of discrimination, which justifies power differentials between sex, the rich and the poor, and citizen and non-citizen. It is here, where cooperation with international organizations and NGOs serves our purpose.Firstly, it is necessary to raise consciousness among those who ‘buy’ women, that their action is a “crime”. Secondly, it is important to enhance women's consciousness of being a victim. And finally, it is essential to bring the issue of trafficking in persons to the consciousness of the ordinary people, and encourage them to help the victims.

著者

加藤 陽子

出版者

財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1995, no.109, pp.110-125,L12, 1995-05-20 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

48

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At the end of the Pacific War, there were more than 6 million Japanese (this figure includes not only military and naval personnel but olso civilians) scattered in overseas theaters; Korea, Manchuria, China, the Philippine islands, and the islands of the Western Pacific. At that moment, there was no one who dared imagine that Japanese nationals overseas could get back home safely and smoothly.But in fact, 90 percent of them were repatriated by the end of 1949. In particular, 80 percent of the Japanese in former Japanese occupied territory in China, could return by May 1946.This paper focuses on how the disarmament and repatriation policies for the Japanese overseas were made, and why they could be repatriated so quickly.Who had the supreme responsibility to accomplish the disarmament of Japanese nationals and to provide for their repatriation? The Chinese National government troops under Chiang Kai-shek's rule could not carry out this mission. During the anti-Japanese War, the Nationalist government moved into the western regions, far from the coastal araes, so it took time for them to reach Japanese occupied territory.Only the United States had the power and will to govern all the processes of repatriation. But at the same time, she had to solve other problems. First, she was supposed to maintain the pace of her own demobilization. There was strong pressure to bring Americans out of China. Second, she had to consider Manchurian problems. Generalissimo Chiang asked United States to transfer his army to the northern part of China, as quickly as possible, or the Soviet and Chinese Communist Party would have enterd into the vacuum.In short, the repatriation of Japanese, demobilization of Americans, and transportation of Chinese were absolutely necessary for Washington. In order to carry out all these programs, the Joint Chiefs of Staff mapped out detailed plans for navigating large numbers of LST and Liberty vessels in December 1945.

著者

渡辺 昭夫 星野 俊也

出版者

財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1997, no.114, pp.57-71,L9, 1997-03-30 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

20

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What about regional solutions to regional security questions? After the United Nations has experienced both successes and setbacks in dealing with a series of post-Cold War regional crises, the inter-relationship (or the appropriate balance) between global (i. e. the UN) and regional mechanisms to manage and to help resolve these conficts has become a recurring subject for discussion. And it is especially so in the Asia Pacific region. The rather anomalous security environment of which is exemplified in the duality of “hub-and-spokes”-type bilaterals alliances (à la the US-Japan alliance) and multilateral security frameworks (like the ASEAN regional forum, or ARF).In fact, the tension between global and regional mechanisms, and the applicability thereof, was evidenced from the very beginning of the drafting of the UN Charter. They are both “collective” measures which can involve military options. But they are distinct in that the former can be called, in its ideal form, a system of “collective security” based on the principle of universality and inclusiveness while tha latter, being naturally limited in its membership, can be characterized as that of “collective self-defense.” Conceptually these two logics are supposed to be mutually exclusive, but in reality the function of regional security mechanisms can be found somewhere in the middle ground between collective security and collective self-defense. For example, the post-Cold War NATO has changed the nature of its functions and so has the bilateral alliance between the US and Japan, both of which are assuming the stabilizing role as “public goods” beyond collective self-defense.In the Asia Pacific region, the anomaly of the security environment has not permitted us to envision a region-wide collective security mechanism encompassing all the relevant countries that is firm enough to capture especially commitment from the four regional major powers—the US, China, Russia and Japan. On the other hand, a series of efforts toward what might be called “cooperative security” undertaken regionally which are not predicated on military enforcement do contribute positively to enhance confidence-building. In this period of transition, security in the region will entail a complex of security mechanisms composed of “hub-and-spokes”-type alliances with growing “public goods” role and informal multilateral “cooperative security” dialogue rather than building a hard security regime in the Asia Pacific. Coupled with these developments, however, it would be most productive to pursue concerted diplomacy among the three major powers (the US, China and Japan). It is certainly a long way to draw political contours that fits the Concert of Pacific Asia, but that seems the most plausible option available to these three countries in the twenty-first century.

著者

浪岡 新太郎

出版者

財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2007, no.149, pp.93-110,L12, 2007-11-28 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

41

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This article examines the relationship between citizenship and the public recognition of Islam in France. Secularization is a cultural norm in Western Europe. In this circumstance, the settlement of the Muslim population with the claim for the public recognition of Islam has often been regarded as a threat against the idea of citizenship. In particular, ‘French citizenship’ appears antagonistic towards the public recognition of religious belonging. This is due to the fact that religion as a matter in the private space should be separated from the public space according to the model of republicanism deeply embedded in the French political culture based on the principle of separation of the public space from the private, or more specifically, the principle of laïcité (separation of religion from politics). This citizenship appreciates the public space as the space of universal values, in which the citizens discuss issues they have in common. In this framework, all individuals are entitled to have citizenship regardless of their origins or social backgrounds.But in reality the majority of French Muslims, who are mainly of Maghrebin origin, are discriminated against and excluded socially and economically. The social right, which is part of citizenship, in particular, is not effectively assured for them. Given this, the social and economic conditions on which Muslims could participate in the public space are not fully developed, and hence citizenship for those people lacks substance. Since the 1990's, the number of the new generation of Maghrebin immigrants who have started to claim for the public recognition of Islam has increased. These Muslims organize and run associations whose purposes are to encourage and educate young French Muslims in order to restore their dignity, the dignity eroded by the experience of being the target of racism. These associations are normally open to anybody, and are based on universal values such as social justice rather than ethnic origins.In 1996, some of these associations organized a network called “Collectif des associations Musulmanes du Grand Lyon”, in the east suburb of Lyon. CAMGL is considered as representative of the trend of these associations. CAMGL regards Tariq RAMADAN whose grandfather is Hassan Al Banna, a founding member of the Muslim brotherhood in Egypt, as the ideologue of the network. Since it teaches Islamic faith as a basis of ‘citizenship’, CAMGL is perceived as a threat against the republican model of citizenship.In this article, the author argue that the recent trend observed in CAMGL offers some potential to propose the new form of republican model of citizenship based on universal values, but constructed through a different sense of belongings.

著者

小出 輝章

出版者

財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2008, no.154, pp.154_79-154_94, 2008-12-30 (Released:2011-01-26)

参考文献数

38

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In the cold war era, Japanese political leaders decided most of defense policies without providing the military expert advice, so they seldom met with the military officers. The Internal Bureau supervised the Self-Defense Force (SDF) that consists of the Ground Defense Force (GSDF), Maritime Self-Defense Force (MSDF) and Air Force Self-Defense Force (ASDF). The Internal Bureau was responsible for defense policies with the SDF. In other words, the Internal Bureau's main role was not operation of the SDF but management of it, such as the defense build up plan and the administration of personnel affairs. Political leaders formally controlled the military.In the post cold war, the security environment surrounding Japan has changed defense policy considerably. The SDF missions and roles has expanded. Thus, the Ministry of Defense (MOD) has reviewed “Positioning of Missions”. Defense of Japan 2007 says, “Among those operations historically positioned as Supplementary missions, the following were stipulated as primary missions.1) Activities that contribute to maintaining the peace and security of the international community including Japan, including international disasters relief operations, international peace cooperation operations, operations based on the Anti-Terrorism Special Measures Law, and operations based on the Law Concerning Special Measures on Humanitarian and Reconstruction Assistance in Iraq.2) Activities conductive to ensuring the peace and security of Japan in situations arising in areas surrounding Japan, such as rear area support and other activities based on the Law concerning Measures to Ensure the peace and Security of Japan in Situations in Areas Surrounding Japan and ship inspection operations based on the Ship Inspection Operations Law.3) Activities to ensure the safety of the livesand property pf the Japanese People, such as minesweeping and the evacuation of Japanese nationals abroad.”Organization of the MOD/SDF has changed to coupe with various missions. The MOD has reconstructed its internal bureaus in order to make various policies. It goes without saying that the SDF has been reconstructed.It is clear that political leaders, such as the Minister of Defense can't decide defense policies without the military expert advices. The Chief of Joint Staff Office and the Chiefs of Staff for the GSDF, MSDF and ASDF are military expert advisors to the Minister. So, Civil- Military relations has been changing in Japan.

著者

木村 昌人

出版者

財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1989, no.92, pp.116-131,L13, 1989-10-21 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

38

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The purpose of this paper is to describe clearly the Nippon Zaikai (Business Circles) 's role in the normalization of Japan-South Korean diplomatic relations during 1960-1965. In particular, I focused on the Kansai Zaikai which showed their zeal for this long-pending question. There have been few studies about this topic, but I believe this analysis will illustrate the Japanese non-governmental economic diplomacy towards South Korea after the World War II.The Kansai Zaikai's strong interest in Korea was generated by the Kansai area's geographical proximity to Korea and the traditional trade ties linking the two. This led the Kansai Zaikai to play a major role in the rebirth of economic ties between Japan and South Korea. The large number of Koreans living in the Kansai area led to the formation of the Zainichi Kankoku Shokokai (Korean Chamber of Commerce in Japan). This group took a vested interest in restimulating both cultural and economic exchange between Japan and South Korea. The normalization of Japan-South Korean diplomatic relations was viewed by the Kansai Zaikai as means of revitalizing the Kansai economy in the aftermath of World War II.When the Ikeda Cabinet appeared in 1960, Kansai Zaikai formed the Japan-Korea Economic Association with the Keizai Dantai Rengokai and Japanese Chamber of Commerce. The Korean Chamber of Commerce in Osaka also took part in this association and played an important role in linking the Japanese and South Korean economic circles.Subsequently, Michisuke Sugi, ex-president of the Osaka Chamber of Commerce and one of the leaders of the Kansai Zaikai, was appointed as one of the chief-representatives in the Japan-South Korean talks held during 1961-64.In conclusion, an evaluation of the Zaikai's Activities during 1960-1965 as follows:(1) One of the most notable changes brought about by the Zaikai's efforts to normalize relations was the improvement in the Zaikai's image of South Korea.(2) As a result of the Zaikai's efforts, the establishment of a direct channel between the Pak Cabinet and Japan was established.(3) While the Kansai Zaikai took an interest in the reestablishment of economic and political ties because of its historically close ties with Korea, their interest in restoring economic activity to the Kansai area, and their pronounced rivalry of Tokyo sparked them into taking a leading role in the normalization efforts.