著者

岩本 美砂子

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.1, pp.171-205,316, 2006-11-10 (Released:2010-04-30)

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The concept of gender took place of the patriarchy in the feminist discourses in the 1990s. But the word patriarchy was not very popular in Japan. The concept of patriarchy is still effective when we observe the power hierarchy between men and women. In Japan the idea of multiple discrimination has been and is so unpopular, that the country report to the CEDAW (Committee of Elimination of the Discrimination against Women of the United Nations) didn't refer to the minority women, who suffer from not only the sex discrimination but also the discrimination against diverse minorities, such as indigenous people (Ainu and Ryukyu), foreign people (old comers: Koreans and Taiwanises whose ancestors came to Japanese main land when their lands were Japanese colonies, and new comers: especially Asian people and the descendants of Japanese planters in Latin American countries), people who are called Burakumin, disabled people and so on.In 2001, the first DV Act in Japan was enacted as a private members' bill owing to efforts of the women senators of the Research Committee of the Diverse Society. But it had many loopholes. In 2003, the revision of the Act started. Some survivors (of violence), volunteers supporting them, women lawyers and women scholars of legal studies presented their criticism to the project team members of the Research Committee of the Diverse Society in the senate. The cause of special consideration for the foreign and disabled survivors is included in the second DV Act in 2004. The reason of it is partly the presser from the CEDAW in July 2003, criticizing the Japanese country reports for no reference to any kind of minority women.Some foreign women depend on their Japanese husbands to renew their visa as the spouses of Japanese people. Without any visa, not only failing the renewal of the spousal visa or other visa such as for entertainers, they were to be reported by all kind of public servants to the Bureau of Emigration and be sent back to their home land compulsory. In the process of making the second DV Act, the chief of the Bureau of Emigration issued a notice that, according to the situation, not every case of survivors without visa have to be reported. So they became able to keep living in Japan, struggling against the gender patriarchy and the state patriarchy of the Emigrant Bureau.Many disabled married women depend on their husbands to connect themselves to the society. These survivors suffer from the difficulty in accessing information such as what is DV and supports for them. And both formal and informal shelters are of ten built with physical barriers. The introduction of the consideration clause and the prefectual basic plan helps and will help the disabled survivors to ride out the gender patriarchy and the hierarchy between ordinal and disabled people.The modern state is not always a monolithic patriarchal entity. But it still keeps some patriarchal moment. The DV Act in 2004 is a challenge to defend the equality not only between majority men and women but between majority and minority people, destroying the multiple patriarchies.

著者

永井 陽之助

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, pp.89-131,en6, 1966-09-26 (Released:2009-12-21)

参考文献数

3

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I Introduction II The Russian Revolution and the American Intellectuals III The New Deal Coalition and the Left-Intellectuals IV The End of Ideology and the American IdeologyIn contrast with the question posed by Werner Sombart at the turn of the century in the title of a book, “Why Is there No Socialism in the United States?”, this article examines the ideological adaptability of American Liberalism, as a surrogate for socialism, to the contemporary crisis home and abroad.The impact of Russian Revolution on American liberals who shared the optimistic expectation of the inevitable spread of democracy throughout the world, had failed to impress them as a challenge on the basic value-system of American regime, because of the misunderstanding about the nature of the Bolshevik regime by the narcissistic projection of American creed. That moralistic idealism, often indicated by the reformist prejudice for the machine politics, had prevented from the. understanding about the nature of “Revolution of rising expectation” in the developing areas.In addition to the creed, the unique character of New Deal coalition in terms of the ethnic, cultural heterogenity, the nationalization of socialism during the happy day of “popular front”, had contributed to the postponement of radical reapprasement of American creed. After the war, the democratic coalition had become so furiously disintegrated by 1952. The domestic crisis in the tortuous period of political indecision and pluralistic stagnation at a decisive turning point in America and world history, is largely a refection of the fact that the nation no longer has an effective majority and never has an stable organized opposition.Although the American Liberalism, saved by the twenty-five years' war, hot and cold, survived under the optimistic atomosphere of “The end of Ideology”, we cannot neglect the fact that “The end of Ideology” did not mean “The end of American Ideology”, particulary for the hard-boild, tough-minded realists.On the other hand, the reaction to “hard-boild” radicalism, with its exaggerated faith in the efficiency of direct political involvement during the day of “popular front”, often took form of the exaggerated skeptism about politics. However, it is no accident that “brilliant realists” of the Kennedy Administration has been so little concerned with the non-European world that the underdeveloped areas home and abroad was the blind spot of the Kennedy foreign policy as well as the negro problems.

著者

宮本 融

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.2, pp.83-124,264, 2006 (Released:2010-04-30)

参考文献数

93

被引用文献数

1

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“Japan; Who governs?” This has been one of the main themes in the Japanese political science. Since the bureaucracy had been the core of the pre-war imperial system, the establishment of the elected officials' supremacy under the new Constitution became, the priority objective. This goal was achieved by the decades of the Liberal Democratic Party's one party dominance. However, recent studies have re-discovered the significance of the bureaucracy.After reviewing the academic literature, this article brings three new perspectives. First, the new type of bureaucracy, “administrative conservator, ” is emerging. Second, this “re-discovery” of the Japanese bureaucratic leadership might be temporary. Japan has become a front-runner who has to choose her own shape of the state. Bureaucrats have to work together with politicians since only politicians can make legitimate decisions. Therefore it's time for us to discuss the constructive relationship between those two, instead of asking which has the dominance. This identifies factors that define the bureaucracy itself. Finally, this article demonstrates the knowledge that defines bureaucracy is not some knowledge on particular areas, but the certain attitudes towards policies.

著者

増山 幹高

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.1, pp.1_79-1_109, 2009 (Released:2013-02-07)

参考文献数

39

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Why do opposition parties propose votes of no-confidence they know will not pass? Although there is an extensive literature on the confidence relationship between parliament and the executive, it tends to focus solely on the vote of no-confidence as a mechanism for the parliamentary majority control of the executive. This article fills a gap in the literature by exploring the vote of no-confidence as a tool of the opposition, focusing on its use in the Japanese Diet. I suggest two possible reasons for the vote of no-confidence to have utility to the opposition, even when they know it will not pass. The opposition might use the no-confidence vote for legislative gains, using the no-confidence vote as a delay tactic or filibuster. Or the opposition might use it for electoral gains, using the no-confidence vote as an opportunity to publicize unpopular government policies or actions. Although the traditional literature on the Japanese Diet has suggested that the opposition uses the no-confidence vote for legislative gains, the evidence presented in this article suggests that electoral gains hypothesis better explains no-confidence votes in postwar Japan.

著者

田村 哲樹

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.2, pp.11-35,263, 2006 (Released:2010-04-30)

参考文献数

72

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In this article, focusing upon the recent development in deliberative democracy studies, I clarify the current state of relationship between normative theory and empirical research and consider its future.Deliberative democracy had been discussed by normative theorists. But in recent years, some important empirical studies have emerged. There are two ways of inference among those studies: one is descriptive inference, and the other is causal inference.Some normative theorists also try to take some empirical moments into account. We can find two approaches. One is to suggest institutional design of deliberative democracy. The other is to use the empirical knowledge in order to develop normative theory.Some scholars insist that both normative and empirical can not be separated. But it is hard to conceive the dissolution of normative/empirical distinction. One of the most important differences between the two is the way to understand “reality”, while this does not mean that there is no point of intersection between the two.My conclusion is that: there are some points of intersection between normative theory and empirical analysis. Trying to engage in issue-oriented research, we may be able to close the gap between normative and empirical.

著者

苅部 直

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, pp.35-45, 2005-01-21 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

牧原 出

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, pp.47-66, 2005-01-21 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

古賀 光生

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.2, pp.2_246-2_268, 2009 (Released:2013-02-07)

参考文献数

31

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Clientelism affects strategies of extreme right-wing parties (ERPs) in Western Europe. In 1990s, more and more people criticized clientelisitic exchanges than before. Some ERPs could find ‘niche’ in electoral market where voters who disliked mainstream parties because of clientelism existed. But how ERPs mobilized was very different between parties. This article compares electoral market in three European countries where clientelism widely spread and analyzes how clietelism affected ERPs’ strategies. In Belgium, clietelism had endurance in spite of critics. In Italy, clientelism so suddenly broke down, that ERPs must change their strategies. In Austria, mainstream parties gradually privatized nation-owned industries which were major resources of clientelism. These differences influenced electoral market which ERPs could get into. With this comparison, we can see how ERPs adjust themselves to the ‘niche’ in electoral market, and why some parties like Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ) could formed the electoral coalition between “modernization losers” and “social climbers”.

著者

村松 岐夫

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, pp.231-234, 1991 (Released:2010-04-30)

著者

井上 彰

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.2, pp.2_276-2_295, 2008 (Released:2012-12-28)

参考文献数

21

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Left-libertarianism has attracted our attention as one of the powerful strands of political philosophy. Left-libertarianism endorses the thesis of self-ownership and reinterprets the Locken proviso in an egalitarian manner. It holds, roughly, that while people own their mind and body, unowned resources should be distributed equally among them.   This paper attempts to specify the merits and limits of left-libertarianism. On the one hand, left-libertarianism has two merits. First, left-libertarians demonstrate the possibility of justice as a system of perfect duties in such a way that the thesis of self-ownership is reasonably weakened. Second, the left-libertarian (re)interpretations of the Lockean proviso lead us to see the plausibility of the proviso as an egalitarian principle of justice. On the other hand, there are two problems with left-libertarianism. First, some inequalities resulting from the difference of people's native endowments are left unattended in the left-libertarian argument, mainly because left-libertarians fail to distinguish voluntariness from non-coerciveness; the thesis of self-ownership guarantees the latter, not always the former. Second, left-libertarianism is vulnerable to real-life uncertainty. Given that uncertainty is a characteristic trait of our market society, this implication seems fatal to the left-libertarian argument.

著者

渡辺 浩

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, pp.3-13, 2003-12-25 (Released:2009-12-21)

被引用文献数

1

著者

古賀 敬太

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, pp.23-48, 2002-12-20 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

福井 英雄

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, pp.211-230, 1991 (Released:2010-04-30)

著者

奥 健太郎

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.2, pp.226-259,267, 2006 (Released:2010-04-30)

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The Green Breeze Society (Ryokuhukai), formed by the Councilors without affiliation to any particular political party, was the largest faction in the House of Councilors at the time of its establishment. However, it gradually declined to the point at which, after a second election, the majority of Councilors had affiliated with political parties. The existing literature regarding this gradual change focuses on the process of the demise of the Green Breeze Society. This paper, in contrast, pays particular attention to the Liberal Party's (Jiyuto) role in promoting affiliation by the Councilors with the Party. Specifically, this paper sheds light on a vote-gathering base and discusses why the Liberal Party won the second election in a nation-wide constituency.This paper concludes by identifying the following two reasons of the Liberal Party's advance. First, the Liberal Party was able to recruit candidates from among those who had national support bases, such as senior bureaucrats and CEOs, and to mobilize broad supporter bases. Second, the Party enabled its prefectural branches to support their local candidates and translated such local support to an election result at the national level.

著者

山口 利男

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, pp.160-175, 1960-05-25 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

富田 武

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, pp.39-58, 2001-01-30 (Released:2009-12-21)

出版者

Japanese Political Science Association

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, pp.35-82, 1950-10-20 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

石川 捷治

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, pp.161-177, 2003-12-25 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

鵜沢 義行

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, pp.120-140, 1963-12-16 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

山川 雄巳

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, pp.77-109, 1982-04-08 (Released:2009-12-21)