著者

竹中 佳彦

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, pp.169-194, 1999-01-27 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

山口 二郎

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.2, pp.202-225,267, 2006 (Released:2010-04-30)

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Nowadays, the Koizumi government has put his structural reform into practice to some extent. His policy based on neo-liberal ideology is changing policy system which realized parity among the regions and classes in the post war Japan. As the result of 2005 general election showed, the people give support to his reform. This paper aims at grasping the notion of equality that the LDP and the bureaucracy have been pursuing for fifty years. Then, it tries to answer a puzzle, why ordinary people support the neo-liberal policy which causes pain and disadvantage to themselves.Japanese-style equality was brought about by combination of discretionary policy and socialization of risk. Although the socio-economic system in post war Japan is often called “successful social democracy”, it is far from the true one in west European countries. Universalistic approach was quite weak in social policy, and discretionary policy such as subsidy and public investment projects functioned as redistributive policy for backward sectors. Discretionary approach also caused chronic corruption and unfair vested interests in the bureaucracy.Koizumi was good at attacking this corrupted complex, and aroused expectation among the people. They supported Koizumi's reform because they expected him to slash the corruption and vested interests. However, they do not appreciate real outcome of the structural reform. Our opinion poll in early 2006 shows that they still approve the notion of welfare state and have deep concern about inequality in recent Japanese society.Koizumi's reform removed various shelters in Japanese society, and people become exposed to many kinds of risk. In this context, it is likely that debate on role of the government becomes serious in party politics.

著者

奈良岡 聰智

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.1, pp.1_40-1_61, 2009 (Released:2013-02-07)

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In 1925 the Law of the election of the Lower House was revised, and the medium-sized constituency system was introduced. This system had been continued for about 70 years and given great influence to Japanese politics. Why and how was the medium-sized constituency system introduced in 1925? The aim of this paper is to answer this question.   It has often been said that the three parties in power introduced it in order to escape from competing each other and to keep their base. This is the case, but the background was much more complicated. This paper focuses on three points.   First, quite a few medium-sized constituencies had already been made when Hara Cabinet revised the Law of the election of the Lower House in 1919. It reflected wishes of Upper House, which was afraid of Seiyukai's mastery over Lower House, and wishes of some Seiyukai or independent MPs, who were afraid of changes of their constituencies.   Second, the small-sized constituency system was greatly criticized among journalism and academic world after World War I. They insisted that corruption in election and higher cost for election was due to the small-sized constituency system, and they were generally welcome to proportional representation and multi party system in Europe. In 1923 Advisory Committee on Law expressed that proportional representation should be adopt. These voices promoted the review of the small-sized constituency system.   Third, it was Kenseikai rather than three parties in power that took the initiative in introducing the medium-sized constituency system. Kenseikai did it in order to avoid returning to the large-sized constituency system, which was likely to make excessive multi party system, and to introduce the favorable election system to it. The medium-sized constituency system was favorable for Kenseikai in that it would not lose heavily. Kenseikai aimed to grow as one party in two party system, and the plan really came true after that.

著者

坂本 孝治郎

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, pp.49-85, 1986-03-28 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

日本政治学会人間科学委員会

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

The Annuals of Japanese Political Science Association (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, pp.272-284, 1965-11-25 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

武内 進一

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.2, pp.2_108-2_128, 2009 (Released:2013-02-07)

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Recent internal conflicts in Sub-Saharan Africa have witnessed governments employing militias to complement and enhance existing national armies, or as alternative forces altogether. Use of militias in counter-insurgency operations has brought about tremendous human casualties and material damages. The paper attempts to elucidate the meaning of this particular type of violence from an empirical as well as theoretical point of view. Through four case studies of militias in Congo (Brazzaville), Rwanda, Sierra Leone and Sudan as well as through examination of the notion of militias within an African political context, it becomes evident that African militias are generally not regulated by formal law, and tend to be formed and supported from political leaders above. In conclusion, the paper also draws relationships between the militia phenomenon and the nature of post-colonial African states, which have assumed strong patrimonial characteristics. In recent conflicts, African political leaders have often preferred militias to weak national armies that have been personalized through long-term patrimonial rules.

著者

坂本 多加雄

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, pp.55-69, 1999-01-27 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

千葉 眞

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.2, pp.2_11-2_30, 2009 (Released:2013-02-07)

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The burden of this article is twofold. First, it is aimed to elucidate the explosion of violence observable in various regions of the world during the post-Cold War era. In this connection the author has attested the diversification of the types of violence. Violence can be correctly divided into several types today. They are, for instance, (1) structural violence emanating from the capitalist globalization, (2) genocide stemming from the intensive conflicts among ethnic groups within a country, and (3) international terrorism and counter-terrorist wars.   Second, the article has wrestled with the fatal conflict between the two conceptions of politics, that is, political violence vs. nonviolent politics. The author has taken up the case of Thomas Hobbes and his political notion of “fear” and Hannah Arendt's ideas on politics as the mode of nonviolent solution for conflicts by means of speech and action. The author has elaborated on the difference between “fear” and “terror” or “terrorism.” He also has reflected on the tension, difference, and contrast between violent politics and nonviolent politics.   Finally, the author has suggested that a precious and noble mission of the theory and praxis of politics today consists in the rehabilitation of transformative politics and in the long, patient and untiring undertakings for conflict resolution and peace-building as well. The author hopes that these steady efforts shall serve to put an end to the on-going conflicts and explosion of violence.

著者

村井 良太

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.1, pp.1_13-1_39, 2009 (Released:2013-02-07)

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The Meiji Constitution created a bicameral Imperial Diet, which included a House of Representatives with members chosen by direct election. However, this was not what made the party cabinet system a necessity. The selection of prime minister was on the elder statesmen's consensus directed by protocol.   Nevertheless, under the slogan “The Normal way of the Constitutional Government,” the situation changed in the direction of democracy. From 1924 through 1932, party leader possessed political power. And from 1927, there was a two-party system by the Seiyukai and the Minseito. A certain Japanese journalist said in 1929 that Japanese politics was almost the same as the British politics in respect of this.   The purpose of the paper is to explore the establishment and collapse of norms for change of power by a relation with institutions from 1918 through 1936. Mainly, three actors; people who selected the prime minister, party leaders and observers (scholars and journalists) are observed in the paper. And the majority rule in the pre-war Japan is also considered.

著者

大矢根 聡

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, pp.155-175, 1997-12-10 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

菅谷 幸浩

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.1, pp.1_162-1_182, 2009 (Released:2013-02-07)

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Toru Shimizu was a scholar of constitutional and administrative laws in Modern Japan. He lectured the Taisho Emperor as an employee of the Imperial Household Ministry, and young Showa Emperor as an employee at the educational section of the prince's palace. The objective of this study is to elucidate the political processes in the pre-war Showa Era, in which the Meiji constitutional system unsettled and collapsed, by reviewing the doctrine of Shimizu and its political position. In this study, the doctrine of Shimizu is compared with the constitutional theory of Tatsukichi Minobe from the viewpoint of constitutionalism and liberalism. In detail, the author discussed the commonalities and differences regarding the Emperor's political power, the state minister's consulting responsibility, the Imperial Diet's position and roles, party cabinet system theory, and electoral system theory, etc. In addition, the author attempts to conduct a comprehensive analysis, discussing how the doctrine of Shimizu was evaluated by the emperor's entourages including Nobuaki Makino and Kouichi Kido, middle-class army personnel, and right-wing constitutional scholars, and to position his presence in the Japanese political history in the 1930s.

著者

松下 圭一

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, pp.86-112, 1960-05-25 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

住沢 博紀

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, pp.105-132, 2002-12-20 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

升味 準之輔

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, pp.34-77,en3, 1967-05-30 (Released:2009-12-21)

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The Japanese political system in its present form emerged in 1955 when the socialists and conservatives unified their respective camps in quick succession, forming a two-party system controlled by the conservatives. The socialists and other opposition parties, . however, have exerted unremitting and increasing pressure on the conservative party, Rapid economic and social developments have also brought considerable pressure to bear on the conservative party system, with industrialization and urbanization eroding the traditional conservative strongholds. These pressures have compelled the party to face the question of party organization reforms, particularly since 1960. The author discusses three issues raised by the reforms. First, he mentions the dissolution of intraparty factions during the Ikeda government; second, political fund raising organizations, with particular emphasis on the Economic Reconstruction Debate Association and the National Association; and third, the education of party officials and the local party agent system. The party's role in the process of policy-making is then analyzed with respect to the Party Policy Investigation Board, the revision of the Japan-U. S. Security Treaty in 1960, and the Ikeda cabinet's Income Doubling Plan and New Industrial Cities Plan.1. The conservative party since 1955.2. Problems of party organization-party and factions; political contributions and the business circles; party headquarters and chapters.3. The conservative party and the policy-making process-the Party Policy Investigation Board and governmental bureaucracy; case studies of foreign and domestic policy formulation.

著者

井上 すず

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, pp.43-60, 1991-08-30 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

福永 文夫

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, pp.155-171, 1994-12-22 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

押村 高

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.1, pp.1_57-1_77, 2007 (Released:2012-02-22)

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Whereas there is growing recognition that democracies are less likely to be engaged in military conflict than any other regime type, the United States and Britain, or some other democracies, have finally decided, despite domestic opposition and protest, that they should commit their forces to change Iraq’s regime. The democratic pacifism assuming that a state’s domestic political system is the primary determinant of international behavior and that the spread of democracy is an important factor of world peace has been called into question by the Iraq War.   In fact, Western democracies have more frequently used, in recent years, military force in the cases of Kosovo, Bosnia, Somalia, Afghanistan and Iraq. This chapter then reconsiders the old and new dialectics between democracy and use of force in a changing environment. What difficulties do democracies face in using force in the pursuit of higher values than national interest? In what manner can democracies reconcile the use of force with the moral and political value of democracy? These are the pivotal questions around which we evolve arguments in this chapter.

著者

高畠 通敏

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, pp.323-359, 1979-09-18 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

河合 秀和

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, pp.25-54,3, 1966-09-26 (Released:2009-12-21)

参考文献数

5

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Socialism involves a challenge to existing society. For a movement to take root, however, it must accommodate itself to its environment, and for the socialist movement this inevitably raises a dilemma. This dilemma was most obvious in the case of socialism in Great Britain, where traditional institutions and values had survived to a remarkable degree the impact of industrialisation.The mid-1880's witnessed the so-called ‘Socialist Revival’. The word socialism, as under-stood at that time, held heavy overtones of state interventionism. This latter was basically a Radical formula for political adaptation to changing conditions. Socialism, in the narrow sense of the term, emerged from within this Radical climate, and early socialist bodies had to make considerable efforts to give themselves an identity separate from Radicalism, which in fact attracted the support of a large section of the politically active working class.In the previous decades, the working class had established its own distinctive way of life, and was keenly aware of its existence as a class. Politically, however, it was a ‘tail of the great Liberal party’. Here again, therefore, the early socialists had to face strong resistance to their proselytising activities.Following the first two chapters analysing the milieu from which British socialism was born, the next chapters describe the controversy over socialist goals and tactics among such socialist groups as the Social Democratic Federation, the Socialist League, the Fabian Society, and conclude with the foundation of the Independent Labour Party.The author, apart from his research experience in Britain, has relied almost exclusively on already published materials, and has tried to give a general picture of Great Britain in the last decades of the 19th century, with the growth of Socialism as the focal point.

著者

池田 謙一

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.1, pp.36-65,349, 2005-11-10 (Released:2010-04-30)

参考文献数

32

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In the years following the huge popularity of the early Koizumi Cabinet, national elections have been held in 2003 (House of Representatives) and in 2004 (House of Councilors). Using survey data from the 2001 House of Councilors Election—which was held in the height of Koizumi's popularity—as a reference point, this paper investigates the role of prospective and retrospective perceptions toward the Koizumi cabinet on voting behavior by analyzing data from the Japan Election Study 3, a nation-wide panel survey conducted from 2001 to 2005. The findings show that the incumbent LDP party lost shares due to a decline in prospective voting, which was insufficiently supplemented by positive retrospective voting. Further analyses reveal that economic perception was the main culprit for this change. Mass media was indirectly influential on this process through its initial perception of hope for reform and warm feelings toward Koizumi.