著者

服部 尚樹 北川 香織 中山 靖久 稲垣 千代子

出版者

公益社団法人 日本薬理学会

雑誌

日本薬理学雑誌 (ISSN:00155691)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.131, no.5, pp.326-332, 2008 (Released:2008-05-14)

参考文献数

60

被引用文献数

1

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アミロイドβタンパク(Aβ)はアミロイド前駆タンパク(APP)からβ-およびγ-セクレターゼによってペプチド分解されて生成され,Aβオリゴマーとなって神経細胞毒性を生じる.細胞外のAβ沈着に先立って細胞内に主にAβ1-42が蓄積し,神経細胞傷害をきたす.細胞内Aβの起源として,細胞内産生よりも細胞外に分泌されたAβが細胞内に取り込まれる経路が優位であると考えられている.細胞外Aβによる神経細胞毒性機構としてNMDA受容体の細胞内取り込み増加によるシナプス機能障害やグリア細胞の活性化が報告されている.一方,細胞内Aβによる神経細胞毒性機構としてこれまでに,1)ユビキチン依存性タンパク分解の抑制,2)シナプス機能障害,3)過リン酸化タウタンパクの増加,4)カルシウム仮説,5)ミトコンドリア傷害とフリーラジカルの増加等が示されてきた.我々は,Aβによる神経細胞傷害の新たな原因としてホスファチジルイノシトール-4-一キナーゼ(PI4K)阻害作用を見出した.アルツハイマー病脳ではPI4K活性が約50%に低下しており,ホスファチジルイノシトール(PI)やホスファチジルイノシトール一リン酸(PIP)のレベルも低下している.塩素イオンポンプ(Cl-ポンプ)はその活性発現にPI4Pを必要とする事から,AβによるPI4K活性抑制に伴うPI4Pレベルの低下がCl-ポンプ活性を抑制し,神経細胞傷害をきたすかを検討した.病態生理濃度のAβ(1~10 nM)は,ラット脳細胞膜分画中のII型PI4K活性を阻害し,細胞膜のPIPレベルを低下させた.初代培養ラット海馬神経細胞にAβ1-40,Aβ1-42,Aβ25-35を投与すると,神経毒性の強さに平行して細胞内塩素イオン濃度[Cl-]iが上昇し,グルタミン酸興奮毒性が増強された.この機構に,神経細胞[Cl-]iの増加によるII型ホスファチジルイノシチド依存性キナーゼ(PDK2)活性低下とそれに伴うリン酸化Aktレベルの低下が考えられた.今後,Aβの新たな標的であるPI4Kを作用点とするAβ標的拮抗薬の開発が期待される.

著者

北川 香子

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.4, pp.01-033, 2023-03-17

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There is a blank period of contemporary historical materials between the Angkor and the post-Angkor periods. The well-known history of this period, from the 14th century to the 16th century, had been edited from the Dynasty Chronicles compiled after the end of the 18th century, inscriptions of the early 14th century and the late 16th century, and Portuguese or Spanish records. The parts not described in those texts have been filled with imagination. In this paper, we reexamine the inscriptions from the 14th to the 17th century and the earlier versions of the Dynasty Chronicles, to ascertain which data were cast aside, which story was derived from guesses when constructing the accepted Cambodian history, and to identify what is definitely written in the above historical materials. The results. 1) The fact that the Angkor Kings do not appear in the Dynasty Chronicles or modern inscriptions suggests the possibility that historical records were not inherited through the blank period. 2) In the late 16th-century inscriptions, the Angkorian sites are given the qualifier “of old Cambodia.” In addition, the King’s inscription refers to the builders of those foundations as “the ancestors of the King,” indicating a recognition that his own royalty was to be traced back to that era. The statements that many “old” statues and buildings were “restored” and that recovering “the old prosperity” through the spread of Buddhism was desirable suggest that there might have been major destruction and confusion, or there might have been a time when Buddhist statues were left unattended. 3) In modern inscriptions, the title of kamrateṅ was not attached to the King’s name but put after the words symbolizing Buddhism. Moreover, a 16th-century inscription contains the word varman in the King’s name. These suggest the possibility that classical knowledge had been handed down to the society’s upper class. 4) The lack of donations of lands and personnel, which were seen in inscriptions up to the 14th century, and the fact that the words prefixed to people’s names to indicate their sex and social status had changed before the 16th century, suggest the structure of society and the economy transformed during the interim period. However, as the gap period lasts as long as two centuries, rapid changes should not necessarily be assumed.

著者

北川 香 岡本 真

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2015, no.44, pp.120-141, 2015 (Released:2017-06-01)

参考文献数

18

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This paper treats the letters which Cambodian court exchanged with the Edo-Shogunate in the early 17th century. Copies of six letters in Khmer and twelve letters in Chinese from Cambodia, and fourteen letters in Chinese from Japan, including the replies to the former, are contained in the compilations of diplomatic documents named“Gaikoku-Kankei-Shokan 外国関係書簡,” “Gaiban-Shokan 外蕃書翰” and “Gaiban-Tsusho 外蕃通書,” which were edited by Kondo Juzo 近藤重蔵 by the beginning of the 19th century, and in “Tsuko-Ichiran 通航一覧” which were edited by order of the Shogunate around 1853. Among the thirty-two letters, five in Khmer and twenty-three in Chinese are of the early 17th century, and the others are of the early 18th century. Unfortunately, the locations of their originals are unidentified. The Chinese letters are thought to have been hand-copied with considerable accuracy, but as for Khmer, the characters are corrupted remarkably and hard to make out. The only exception is a letter of 1742, written in beautiful Aksor Mul (round characters of Khmer) which Kondo Juzo sedulously hand-copied by himself from the original which a family of To-Tsuji 唐通事 (interpreter of Chinese language) had reserved in Nagasaki. In the Khmer letters, Cambodia is called Krong Kamvuchéa Thipadei and Japan is called Ñipon Kakacho (possibly Koku-Shu 国主). Expressions as Preah Reach Sar Pi Ñipon (royal letter from Japan) suggest that Cambodian court recognized Japanese Shogunate as something similar to the kingship of Cambodia. They assume an attitude of Metrei (friendship) between kings on even ground, in contrast to the Chinese letters which adopt humble expressions. The authors of the Khmer letters might be experts called Smien (clerk), because some marks of handsome script of Aksor Mul are recognized among deformed characters of the reproductions. As for the Chinese letters, probably some Chinese merchants were the authors and significant differences are recognized in the skill of rhetoric. Their contents are gratitude for presents, order of commodities, request of the limitation of the number of commercial ships, complaints about Japanese who committed robbery around Cambodia, and so on. The notable thing is that Cambodian court regarded the Chinese and Japanese merchants who carried the letters as their subjects, and required Japan to let them return to Cambodia as soon as the mission would be finished.

著者

松方 冬子 蓮田 隆志 橋本 雄 岡本 真 彭 浩 高野 香子 川口 洋史 木村 可奈子 清水 有子 原田 亜希子 北川 香子 西澤 美穂子

出版者

東京大学

雑誌

基盤研究(B)

巻号頁・発行日

2015-04-01

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主たる成果として、松方冬子編『国書がむすぶ外交』(東京大学出版会、2019年)を刊行し、前近代のユーラシアの全域にみられた「国書外交」とその周辺にあった通航証について明らかにした。おもな論点は、今までtributary system(華夷秩序・朝貢体制・東アジア国際秩序などと訳される)と呼ばれてきたものは、その実態からみるならば国書外交と呼べるものであること、国と国をつなぐ仲介者(商人や宗教者、国書の運び手となることが多い)の役割が重要であること、である。台湾の中央研究院で日明勘合底簿の手掛かりとなる史料を発見するなど、多くの実証的な新知見を明らかにした。

著者

北川 香子

出版者

専修大学学会

雑誌

専修人文論集 = Studies in the humanities = The journal of the Senshu University Research Society (ISSN:03864367)

巻号頁・発行日

no.102, pp.161-186, 2018-03

著者

北川 香子

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2009, no.38, pp.187-208, 2009

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<p>This paper analyses the Khmer document entitled "<i>Affairee</i> 〔<i>Affaire</i>〕 <i>de Oknha Reachea Monty</i>〔<i>Ukañâ Râjâ Mupti</i>〕 <i>directeur Islamique sur le choix du chef de pagode, à Kompong Cham</i> (1914)" in the possession of the National Archive in Phnom Penh (Document No. 20811), which refers to the nomination of a Hakim Me Vat of Chams-Chhvéas in Kieng Romiet Village, Tboung Khmum Province. </p><p>Muslim Chams constitute "the second largest ethnic group" in the Kingdom of Cambodia, where Buddhist Khmers account for more than 90% of the population. From the late 1990s, numerous results of surveys on contemporary Chams have been released, but only few attempts have so far been made at historical studies on Chams in Cambodia. The principal reason is that there are few historical sources on Chams, especially those written by Chams themselves. Thus, Document No. 20811 is considered as a rare example. </p><p>From the analysis of this source, we can recognize the following points. (1) Chiefs of Muslim Chams-Chhvéas in Cambodia were given the highest title of ministers, Ukañâ, by the Cambodian King. (2) In order to enhance their power, they relied on the King and the Buddhist monks, who had supreme authority in Cambodia. Ukañâ Râjâ Mupti insisted that being appointed as Ukañâ by the Cambodian King, gave him the official authority to control every Cham-Chhvéa in Cambodia, and asserted his right to nominate Hakim Me Vat of each mosque. His rival Ukañâ Râjâdhipatî / Râjâbhaktî appointed a Hakim with the backing of a high priest of Vat Unnalom in Phnom Penh. (3) Chiefs of Chams-Chhvéas announced the appointment of Hakim to the village leader, Me Khum, and asked him to give his assistance to Hakim Me Vat. Me Khum, as well as Chaovay Srok, the governor of the province, only approved their decision after, and avoided becoming actively involved in a matter inside the community of Cham-Chhvéa. </p><p>However, it must be noted that Document No. 20811 provides only one account and that we need to compile more information in order to describe the history of Chams-Chhvéas in Cambodia.</p>

著者

北川 香子

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.1, pp.01-029, 2019-06

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This article is an attempt to clarify the way in which Princess Malika (1872-1951), the daughter of Cambodia King Norodom (r.1860-1904), managed the household of the “Yukanthor Family” and brought up her children, based on the documents related to the Princess. Prince Yukanthor (1860-1934) is a Cambodian historical hero, known for his resistance to the French colonial regime, resulting in his exile, with such honors as a high school and a street named after him in the city of Phnom Penh, while Princess Malika is well-known for such achievements as the establishment of the first school for young women (École Malika) and the compilation and publication of works of Cambodian classical literature (the story of Kaki) and history textbooks. Moreover, their daughter, Princess Pengpas (1893-1969), served as the minister of education under the post-independence monarchy. However, despite such activity and fame, these two women have yet to be the subjects of any serious research; and not for any lack of source materials, for the National Archives in Phnom Penh presently holds at least 13 folders, containing several hundred individual documents, related to the “Yukanthor Family,” which consisted solely of the Princess Malika and her children, who lived in Cambodia after the exile of Prince Yukanthor and his death. The collection records over forty years of the family’s struggle to improve its living conditions through continual petitions to the authorities and replies issued by both the Cambodian and French colonial powers that be.In the process we find, for example, the Princess’ ideas about educating her children, providing them with the highest levels of education possible, including French lessons, regardless of their gender. In more general terms, the Princess, perceiving that the Khmer including herself were powerless than the French, set out to remedy the situation through the introduction of modern education into Cambodia. For her, the barrier between innately privileged royalty and its commoner subjects was even more unsurmountable. From a debate involving a comparison between “Khmer law” and “the laws of other countries,” we discover her perception of Cambodian traditions being equal in worth to those of any other nation, including France. It seems to be these kinds of ideas that greatly influence the process of administering education in post-independence Cambodia.

著者

北川 香子

出版者

順天堂大学国際教養学部

雑誌

順天堂グローバル教養論集 = Juntendo journal of global studies : 順天堂大学国際教養学部紀要 (ISSN:24240001)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, pp.18-32, 2017-03

著者

北川 香子

出版者

天理南方文化研究会

雑誌

南方文化 (ISSN:02864592)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, pp.49-77, 2016-03

著者

北川 香子

出版者

山川出版社

雑誌

東南アジア. 歴史と文化 (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

no.43, pp.87-116, 2014

著者

北川 香子

出版者

東南アジア学会

雑誌

東南アジア -歴史と文化- (ISSN:03869040)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2014, no.43, pp.87-116, 2014

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<p>In January 1885, anti-French rebellions broke out at various points in the Kingdom of Cambodia. France concentrated four thousand troops on Cambodia and barely suppressed the rebels with the help of the Cambodian King by the end of 1886. In general understanding, those rebellions were the reaction of Cambodian elites to the treaty which the Governor of Cochinchina, Charles Thomson, forced to King Norodom on 17 June 1884. Although much attention has been given to the roles played by supreme elites, such as the Governor of Cochinchina, King Norodom, Second King Sisowath and Prince Si Votha during those years, little is known about the situation in each region under the rebellions. In this paper, I inquire closely into the activities of the rebels who uprose along the Mekong River between Kampong Cham and Kracheh. After the rebellion subsided, this region began to develop significantly under the French colonial rule which guaranteed the safety of the traffic on the Mekong River from Cochinchina to Laos. </p><p>The rebellion in Kampong Cham─Kracheh region occurred in inland <i>srok srae</i> (the land of paddy field), and the main participants were Khmers. <i>Prei</i> (forest) or <i>phnom</i> (mountain) behind <i>srok srae</i> were not the foothold of the rebels, but served as supply and escape routes for them. Ethnic minorities and religious or magical authorities were not included in the main body of the rebels. Most chiefs of the rebels were officials who held traditional titles as governors and <i>balats</i> (deputy governor). They led hundreds of people, held their own grounds in the plain of <i>srok srae</i>, and shared information about the maneuvers of French troops by exchanging letters with each other. They had been respectively appointed by different authorities, and some of them were appointed by Si Votha who had maintained another independent kingdom to the north of Kampong Thum, which contacted with the territory of Siam. A dozen "Burmese warriors" were distributed under chiefs who had strong ties with Si Votha, and Siamese of Siem Bouk played an important role in supplying guns and ammunition for the rebels. These facts suggest that the rebels maintained close connection with Northeast Thailand area. The targets of the rebels were those who related to the French colonial rule, Chinese merchants, and Malay and Chams along the Mekong River. </p><p>The French did not have enough military power to defeat independent chiefs to control the entire <i>srok srae</i>, but could find skilled pro-French local officials and nominated them as governors in the process of suppressing the rebellion. During the decade after the outbreak of rebellion, the chiefs of the rebels disappeared one by one, and the governors newly appointed by the name of the King were received by the local population. Then the French succeeded in stabilizing their rule to promote "a colonization without collision" on the territory along the Mekong River to the edge of <i>prei</i> and <i>phnom</i>.</p>