著者

田中 浩司 小野 一之

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.111, no.5, pp.681-687, 2002

著者

鬼頭 清明

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.3, pp.364-373, 1991-03-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

的場 匠平

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.9, pp.1613-1640, 2014-09-20 (Released:2017-07-31)

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The study of the development of funereal rites among Japan's aristocracy from antiquity through late premodern times has not only been made possible by the availability of ample historiographic sources, but is also helpful in examining both the peculiar and universal aspects of imperial funereal rites in late premodern times. That being said, no serious attempt has been made yet to trace the process of aristocratic funerals and burials throughout Japan's premodern history. The present article is intended to shed light upon the late premodern transformation of Japanese funereal rites in both substance and perception, using the case of closed funerals (misso 密葬) among the aristocracy of that time. The closed funeral (hereafter misso) was the rite of secretly transporting the body of the deceased to be either buried or cremated prior to the official funeral to be held several days later, and was also a method of avoiding the putrefaction of the corpse in the case of long delays in scheduling the official funeral. The rite itself, which had already been in existence prior to the beginning of the 17th century, became universally known as "misso" by the mid-18th century. Rites similar to misso were often conducted during ancient and medieval times under the name of "heisei-no-gi" 平生之儀 (ordinary ceremony), the difference between the two being that heisei-no-gi was not conducted in secrecy or as an abridgement of the official funeral. Therefore, the transition from the popularity of heisei-no-gi in medieval times to the widespread diffusion of misso in late premodern Japan represents a change in the perception of funerals from a relatively unimportant ritual in medieval times to a ceremony arranged to befit the status of the deceased and carefully planned in advance to take place on the most auspicious day possible. In other words, funereal rites experienced a significant increase in social value. In the opinion of the author, this increase in social value was felt throughout all social classes and became the rationale for the lavishness of funerals among the common people of late premodern Japan, as well as the huge scale on which imperial funerals came to be conducted during the time.

著者

畑守 泰子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.8, pp.1466-1467, 1991

著者

田中 信司

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.1, pp.119, 2009-01-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

松井 輝昭

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.12, pp.2148, 1992-12-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

井上 勲

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.87, no.5, pp.701-706, 1978

著者

辻本 諭

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.114, no.6, pp.1097-1118, 2005-06-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

野々瀬 浩司

出版者

史学会 ; 1889-

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.127, no.11, pp.1751-1758, 2018-11

著者

尚樹 啓大郎

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.110, no.4, pp.603-611, 2001-04-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

坂野 潤治

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.110, no.11, pp.1941-1943, 2001-11-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

鵜飼 政志

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.113, no.5, pp.745-748, 2004

著者

棚橋 信明

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, no.8, pp.1436-1437, 1989-08-20

著者

町田 祐一

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.117, no.9, pp.1613-1634, 2008-09-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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The present article takes up a group in modern Japanese society "educated idler" (hereafter EI) (koto-yumin 高等遊民), whose members were highly educated but were not in social position proper to high educational background. The author examines the group's origins, structure and how it came to be perceived as a social problem. During the last years of the Meiji Era, in the aftermath of the Russo-Japanese War, the ranks of the EI was increasing by some 20,000 members per year due to such factors as "entrance problems" "lack of employment opportunities" and "dropping out" on the middle school level, as well as a "shortage of jobs" for graduates of technical colleges and universities. The author first attempts to place those EIs who had no visible means of support within the context of the state order by first examining pre-War newspaper reporting about "unemployment" and political concerns over the "dangers" of socialist movements, then describes the post-War attempts at state reorganization in the form of educational reform implemented by the Second Katsura Cabinet, resulting in an increase in the number of schools. However, reform efforts met with opposition in the midst of worsening conditions and were scaled down. With the occurrence of the "High Treason Incident of 1910" (Taigyaku Jiken), involving an alleged socialist plot to assassinate Emperor Meiji, and the subsequent arrests of hundreds of activists, the perceived "threat" posed by the EI and the Superintendent General's comment to crack down on it drew public opposition, resulting in a national debate over the social consequences of the EI. The author's analysis of the debate includes the media's understanding of the EI as a problem related to the social structure,the many reports documenting the lives of EI members ranging from literary figures to slum dwellers and criminals, as well as solutions calling for the dampening of lofty youthful ambition by putting young people to work. After placing the EI as a historical phenomenon characteristic of society in the post-Russo-Japanese War era, the author concludes that the educational and social policies implemented were not sufficient to solve the problem, and that the EI disappeared temporarily in the course of the economic boom generated by World War I, but reappeared during the expansion of higher learning institutions during the early Showa Era

著者

岡本 真

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.124, no.4, pp.38-62, 2015 (Released:2017-05-16)

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本稿は、従来大内氏の独占時代とされてきた寧波の乱後の遣明船派遣の実像を明らかにするため、史料上に「堺渡唐船」と記される遣明船について、関係諸勢力の立場、搭乗者と派遣目的、歴史的位置づけの三点を究明した。その結果明らかになった事柄は以下の通りである。 まず、関係諸勢力については、『天文日記』やその他の古文書等に見られる遣明船が、いずれも「堺渡唐船」を指すことを確認したうえで、同船の派遣を中心となって推進したのは、細川晴元と堺商人だった点を論証した。また、本願寺や土佐一条氏は協力者に過ぎず、大内義隆や畠山稙長は同船の派遣を阻止しようとしていた点を指摘した。 次に、搭乗者と派遣目的については、その解明に先立ち、新史料である『活套』所収外交文書二通を紹介し、同書の収録内容や文書末尾の年月日をもとに、これらが「堺渡唐船」関連文書であることを明証した。そして、これを根拠に、従来の遣明船と同様に朝貢使節としての形態を整えたうえでの派遣が図られており、正使は忠叔昌恕という禅僧で、ほかに医師半井明英も乗り組むことになっていたことを指摘した。また、派遣目的は、寧波の乱の際に明側に留められていた前回使節の朝貢品の献上、同使節の遺留品の返却、収監されていた宋素卿の送還、新勘合および新金印の下賜、半井明英の明医学伝習の許可などを要請することだった点を解明した。 それから、歴史的位置づけについては、寧波の乱後に足利義晴・細川高国が明側とおこなった交渉の延長上に「堺渡唐船」があることを明らかにし、従来の研究では存在が確認されていなかった嘉靖准勘合に関する考察をもとに、状況の推移を論じた。また、大内義隆の経営した天文八年度船と同船を比較すると、寧波の乱の際の遺留品の返却や新勘合の獲得などが、両者に共通する派遣目的だった点を指摘した。 そして、以上を踏まえて、これまで大内氏の独占時代とされてきた寧波の乱後においても、それ以前と同様、遣明船をめぐる同氏と細川氏の抗争が継続していた点を明らかにした。

著者

立石 博隆

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.108, no.3, pp.429-430, 1999-03-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

村井 章介

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.87, no.4, pp.411-453,552-55, 1978

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The machinery which the Kamakura Bakufu set up in Kyushu to govern a large area has been much studied from the point of view of institutional history, with priority given to its judicial aspect. In the present article, attention is given to two aspects which have been largely overlooked, namely, its close relationship with the office of county shugo 守護 (Protector) in Kyushu, and its connection with the "tokusei" (徳政 : political innovation), especially the protection of the estates of Shinto shrines. As to the first point, at least eleven counties saw their shugo replaced at the same time towards the end of 1275. This reshuffle formed part of the plan for a counter-attack on Ko-ryo, which had been used by the Yuan as a base for their invasion of Japan. In the reshuffle, the arrival in Kyushu of Kanesawa Sanemasa 金沢実政 as deputy for the shugo of the county of Buzen 豊前 was the starting-point of the political process leading to the establishment of the office of Chinzei-tandai 鎮西探題. There followed the arrival of Hojo Tokisada 北条時貞 as shugo of Hizen 肥前 in 1281 and the exercise of military power over the whole of Kyushu by Hojo Kanetoki 北条兼時, who was appointed shugo of Higo 肥後 in 1293. These appointments were made directly in response to the external tension caused by the Mongol invasion, and resulted in the extension of the influence of the Hojo clan. This process reached its peak when in a short space of time the offices of shugo of four counties, Hizen, Higo, Buzen and Osumi 大隅, were monopolized by Kanesawa Sanemasa, who returned to Kyushu as Chinzei-tandai in 1296, and his close relatives. The development of regional power, pointing to the future territorial government system under the shugo, had already begun. As for the second point, the Tokuso (得宗 : head of the Hojo clan) government, which dominated the Kamakura Bakufu, framed a series of policies called Koan-tokusei 弘安徳政 in 1284 after the Mongol invasion. These policies were an attempt to elevate the Bakufu into a central power ruling over the whole of Japan by having the Bakufu decide cases concerning the land-tenure problems of shrine estates and by organizing the people under the control of manor lords into a new feudal hierarchy. The policies were, however, upset by a coup-d'etat in November 1285 in which the leader of the innovatory movement, Adachi Yasumori 安達泰盛, was killed. What the post-coup Tokuso government inherited from the Koan-tokusei and developed still further was a policy of almost blind protection of the Shinto shrines. Although the Tokuso government was prematurely possessed of several characteristics of the Muromachi Bakufu, it did not attempt to reform the shogun-gokenin (将軍-御家人 : lord-vassal) relationship which was the institutional backbone of the Kamakura Bakufu. Lacking any legitimate claim to exercise domination over the gokenin, it sought to enhance its power by obtaining a huge material base. But this was only to estrange the vassals and to intensify the isolation of the government. The Tokuso government even feared that the Kanesawa family, which belonged to the Hojo clan, might extend its influence in Kyushu, and a step was taken to check the process by which the Kanesawa were becoming a territorial power. In this way, the government could not avoid continually giving rise to its own critics and opponents, and so it deepened its reliance on divine protection in order to escape from the sense of isolation.

著者

佐々木 政文

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.124, no.4, pp.552-575, 2015-04-20

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The present article examines the implementation of Japan's mass state ideology indoctrination policy through Buddhist temples and Shinto shrines within the undercaste ghettos (hisabetsu buraku 被差別部落) of Nara Prefecture during the 1910s, in relation to changing trends in religious belief systems on the local level. The majority of residents of the ghettos of Nara Prefecture, which remained as segregated residential communities originally created for scheduled castes under the social stratification system instituted in the premoden age were traditionally adherents of the Jodo Shinshu 浄土真宗 sect of pure land Buddhism and thus were not deeply versed in beliefs regarding Shinto gods or particularly active in related festivals promoted by the Meiji state since the 1870s. In response to this adherence to Buddhist beliefs and ceremony, Nara Prefecture adopted, following the Russo-Japanese War, a Buraku Improvement Program, which attempted to strengthen adherence to state religious ideology through such projects as revising Pure Land millenarian beliefs emphasizing the afterlife, inculcating the concept of "shinzoku nitai" 真俗二諦 (there being no contradiction between following the teachings of the Buddha, while submitting to the secular authority of the Emperor), the elimination of special social status for Shinto shrine patrons (ujiko 氏子), the installation of Shinto altars in the home, universal allegiance to the national flag and the promotion of pilgrimages to the national Shinto shrines. The author analyzes the program's implementation as a process by which modern Japan's policy regarding the ideological indoctrination of its imperial subjects proactively attempted to mobilize local residents alienated from their traditional beliefs and modes of worship into the state's new system of ritual centered upon the new Shinto pantheon, stressing the divinity of the Emperor. At the same time, as the agents of its Buraku Improvement Program the Prefectural authorities attempted to enlist the Buddhist priests of local ghetto temples, which had been for centuries an integral part of the daily lives of local residents. The Program also called for these priests to promote the Prefecture's austerity program of frugality and increased household saving. These activities were hindered by the fact these same clerics were totally dependent on the local community for their livelihood, in accordance with the Buddhist vow of poverty (dana 檀). As anexample of this dilemma, the author cites the expectations expressed by ghetto community leaders who had formed the Yamato Doshikai 大和同志会 prefectural civil rights advancement association in 1912 that their communities' temples and priests would participate in the activities of the improvement program, while on the other hand condemning the temples as religious organizations economically exploiting their parishioners. It was during the First World War, in 1916, that Nara Prefecture's policy of state ideology indoctrination of ghetto residents began to include the introduction of Shinto shrines directly into ghetto communities ; for example, preparing designated sanctuaries on the grounds of existing temples, from which to worship Emperor Meiji from afar. This change in policy was an attempt to place the community leaders of each ghetto as the key enablers for local religious reform, in the search for a new set of beliefs by which to promote state ideology.

著者

上島 有

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, no.11, pp.1829-1868, 1936-1937, 1988-11-20

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Many attempts have been made to classify ancient and medieval documents written in Japanese. The method which best reflects the essential nature of the documents is classification according to the document style (様式). In Japan, the following document styles have been generally adopted : (1)Kushikiyo-monjo (公式様文書), (2)Kugeyo-monjo (公家様文書) and (3)Bukeyo-monjo (武家様文書). This method of classification corresponds to the three major political systems from ancient to medieval times, namely, (1)the Ritsuryo state (律令国家), (2)the aristocratic (Ocho) state (王朝国家) and (3)the warrior (Buke) political regime (武家政権). However, if we think of a particular document style as consisting of a common writing style (書式) and overall form, for example, not only do we find many differences between Kansenji (官宣旨) / Senji (宣旨) and Inzen (院宣) / Rinji (綸旨), which have been classified as Kugeyo-monjo (公家様文書), but we also fail to find any common features among these documents. The same is also true of documents classified under Bukeyo-monjo (武家様文書). Therefore, the author proposes that the following classification may be more. suitable : (1)Kushikiyo-monjo (公式様文書), (2)Kudashibumiyo-monjo (下文様文書) and (3)Shosatsuyo-monjo (書札様文書). The author attempts to confirm this point by investigating such aspects of writing style as (1)the sentence structure (文体), (2)the identification of the sender (差出書), (3)the name of the addressee (宛名), (4)the identification of official ranks (位署書) and (5)the method of signing the document (署名の仕方) ; such aspects of form as (6)the calligraphy style (書体), (7)how the paper is ornamented (紙面の飾り方), (8)the choice of paper type (料紙の使い方) and (9)how the sheets are pieced together (紙継目の固定の仕方) ; as well as such procedural practices as (10)the transmission of orders (遵行手続) and (11)rules for drafting the documents (書式作成手続規定). The classification proposed here corresponds to the division of the ancient and medieval state into (1)the Ritsuryo state (律令国家), (2)the early oligarchic (kenmon) state (前期権門国家) and (3)the later oligarchic state (後期権門国家).

著者

藤田 朋久

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, no.3, pp.442-443, 1994-03-20