著者

木村 秀海

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.94, no.1, pp.38-66, 127-126, 1985-01-20

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The aim of this paper is to clarify the fundamental structure of Western Chou bureaucracy by using Western Chou Bronze Inscriptions. After demonstrating that in Bronze Inscriptions we must interpret 〓 (original from of Chung 〓) as Tseng-i 増益, and 〓 (another from of Ching 京) as Kao 高, Ta 大 and 〓 (original from of She 歙) as Tsung-she 総摂 and Cheng-chang 正長, I reinterpret the Bronze Inscriptions and come to the conclusions as follows : 1.In the Western Chou period, there existed three government offices : Ching-shih-liao 卿事寮, Kung-tsu-liao 公族寮 and Ta-shih-liao 大史寮, and every bureaucrat belonged to one of them. 2.Ching-shih-liao was the government office of Royal Domains which took charge of political and military affairs of Iiu-shih 六〓 in Tsung-chou 宗周 and those of Pa-shih 八〓 in Cheng-chou 成周. This office also assumed the character of royal government which could issue military commands toward feudal vassals. The chief of this office was Ta-shih 大師 and the subchief was Hsiao-fu 小輔. This office had five lower offices : Ssu-tu 〓土, Ssu-ma 〓馬, Ssu-kung 〓工, Shih-shih 師氏 and Tsou-ma 走馬. Every office consisted of one chief and two subchiefs. All of them were attached to either Pa-shih or Liu-shih, one chief and one subchief to Liu-shih, and one subchief to Pa-shih. 3.Kung-tsu-liao was the office which took charge of the royal home management. This office was deeply connected with Ching-shih-liao through conveying the King's and Queen's orders, and conveying requests appeals of officials ranked higher than Shih-tai-fu 事大夫 to the King. The chief of this office was Ta-tsai 大宰, and the two subchiefs were Hsiao-tsais 小宰 under whom came Shan-fu 善夫. The Shan-fu organization consisted of one chief and two subchiefs. 4.Ta-shih-liao was the office of secretariats where close attendants of the King made drafts and kept documents. The chief of this office was Nei-shih-yin 内史尹 (Ta-shih 大史). He had two subchiefs, Tso-nei-shih 左内史 and Yu-nei-shih .右内史 5.In the middle of the Western Chou period, the names of the officials were changed as below. The earlier period of Western Chou Ta-pao (大保) Hu-chen (虎臣) Hsiao-chen (小臣) Tso-tse (作冊) The later period of Western Chou Ta-shih (大師) Tsou-ma (走馬) Shan-fu (善夫) Nei-shih (内史) 6.The Western Chou bureaucracy adopted the fief rank system other than the official rank system. The four fief ranks known by now were Ching-shih 卿士, Shih-tai-fu 事大夫, Ya-shih 亜事 and Lu 旅.

著者

井ノ口 哲也

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.120, no.9, pp.1569-1577, 2011-09-20

著者

青木 然

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.11, pp.1929-1968, 2014-11-20

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This article studies the perceptions of Korea and China among the people in Japan during the latter part of the 19th century. The antecedent research has explained that the people had become to transfer their own sense of inferiority to their East Asian neighbors, whose Westernization had been stagnant, and disdained them because the people's opposition to Westernization had been crushed by means of the suppression of the revolt. This interpretation ignores the contradictory situation of a nation of people unable to internally resolve their own opposition to Western culture, while looking down on other nations based on those same Western standards. In order to show the way such a contradiction was dealt with in the Japanese mass consciousness, this article takes up the popular entertainment, especially kodan (講談), the Japanese traditional storytelling, to extract the Japanese people's understanding of Western culture and their hopes represented by the images of Korea and China on a deeper level than what was expressed in rebellion. In presenting the evidence, the author attempts to clarify the features of narrative of the popular entertainment in order to interpret its depiction of Korea and China in terms of popular understanding by focusing on the mentality of popular entertainment, as well as the changes of national entertainment policy, trends and social contexts. In concrete terms, the author identifies two conflicting types of narration in popular entertainment at the time: the satirical style that originated on the urban scene during the late Edo period and the oratorical style, which first appeared during the 1880s, against a backdrop of increasing migration from the countryside into the cities. In the performances taking up such events of the early 1880s as the Imo Incident (July 1882) in Seoul, Korea and the Sino-French War (1884-85), we find satirical narrative showed its twisted sympathies with "obstinateness" of the forces of resistance in both countries and ridiculing the shallow Westernized behavior of the Japanese people. On the other hand, when dealing with the 1st Sino-Japanese War, the oratorical style pours invective and abuse upon the Chinese, while the satirical performances objectified them and counteract with words of sympathy for the Koreans and Chinese. In the presence of such conflicting narrative styles, the Japanese people became aware of Korea and China not only as scapegoats for its own oppression, but also as a means of escaping from the constant anxiety of being confined within the limits of the Western code of civilized behavior. However, the difficulty in confronting the fallacy of its civilized self-image became expressed in the Japanese people's hesitation to empathize with its Korean and Chinese counterparts. Such a way of adopting Western civilization, which skillfully grants dispensation from self-denial, can be called, in the opinion of the author, one of the "privileges" accorded the masses living under imperial rule.

著者

水野 智之

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.106, no.10, pp.1791-1817, 1997-10-20

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In the present paper, the author attempts to clarify the process by which the family pedigrees (Kamon 家門) of aristocrats (kuge-shu 公家衆) were confirmed (ando 安堵) by the Muromachi shogunate, in order tb investigate the relationship between the shogun and the emperor during the period. First, the author focuses on the Muromachi shogunate from the regime of Ashikaga Takuji to that of Yoshiakira and examines the significance of the shogun confirming the status of main family (honke 本家) and concludes that such certification was not on the same level as chiten-no-kimi 治天の君 confirmations, which included the element of vassalage, but rather was carried out in order to quell rebellion and disputes within the warrior class. The author then turns to the question of how the shogun got involved in confirming the pedigrees of aristocratic families. He states that during the Northern and Southern Court period such confirmation was made by the emberor; however, from the Kanno era (1350-52), opinions on such matters submitted to the emperor by the Muromachi shogun (buke shisso 武家執奏) came to exert more and more influence on obtaining aristocratic status. Such actions were designed to bring the aristocracy into service to the shogunate. The author then focuses on the regime of Ashikaga yoshimitsu, in order to shed light on the process leading up to the shogun's confirmation of aristocratic pedigree. In this sense Yoshimitsu's shogunate can be divided into three periods. During the early and middle years of the regime, aristocrats sought confirmation of their proprietorships from Yoshimitsu on a personal basis, and this tendency strengthened during the later years of the regime. In. an investigation of the background and significance of shogunal confirmation of aristocratic families, the author sites that in the case of Yoshimitsu, 1) very cordial relationships exited between the atistocracy and the shogun, 2) it was a time when pedigree inheritance within aristocratic families has become unstable, and 3) confirmation was granted via personal liege to Yoshimitsu. Finally, the author views the period spanning the shogunates of Ashikaga Yoshimochi and Yoshimasa, in order to examine further developments in shogunal confirmation of aristocratic pedigree. During this period, confirmation would be granted either by the shogun in conjunction with the emperor or by the emperor alone. As to the relationship between the shogun and emperor under this state of affairs, the role played by Yoshimitsu in maintaining and recognizind aristocratic pedigree was gradually transferred to the emperor, as the shogun's function became limited to confirming proprietary rights related to aristocratic pedigree.

著者

坂口 太助

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.119, no.10, pp.1718-1742, 2010-10-20

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Japan lost more than eighty percent of its vessels during the Pacific War (1941-1945), mostly due to submarine attacks. These massive losses caused not only the interruption of maritime communications, but also greatly contributed to the collapse of the Japan economy. Within the research to date, it has been pointed out that the Imperial Japanese Navy did not establish a command dedicated to protecting maritime communications until November 1943, leading to the conclusion that the prime cause of the massive losses was the Navy's focus on front line battles rather than protecting maritime communications. However, the author of this article argues that this research has not paid enough attention to the process by which the General Escort Command was formed and proceeds to reexamine that process and the Navy's response to the maritime communications issue through the perceptions of the Japanese government and Imperial Army. The number of vessels lost between December 1941 and March 1943 exceeded the prewar estimate. However, many of these losses were sustained in transport operations to the front; and the number of vessels destroyed by submarine attack while transporting resources back to the homeland was below expectations. Lacking one large fleet like an escort command at that time, the response of the Navy to Allied submarines was to assign groups of smaller units to each area. Rather than submarine attacks, it was the situation at the front that was more closely related to the loss of vessels, due to requisitions by both the Navy and the Army for vessels to replace ships lost at the front. The author argues that this was the main factor in the decrease of vessels available for transporting resources. The government, Army and Navy all attached their highest priorities to establishing dominance at the front and the promotion of building new ships. After the Allied Forces' counteroffensive and the commercial destruction being caused by submarines became more and more evident, the Navy decided to review its organization for protecting maritime communications and consequently established the General Escort Command to control existing units. According to the trends of vessel loss during the war, it is clear that organizing a special command had not been necessary until the spring of 1943. Therefore, the author concludes that the focus on the front did not necessarily mean slighting maritime communications and that the Navy responded to the issue at the appropriate time.

著者

渡邉 宏明

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.10, pp.1775-1810, 2014

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It was during Japan's second pro-Constitution movement that the Seiyuhonto Party was formed and began to open the path leading to the formation of the Minseito Party. However, due to a scarcity of source materials related to the Seiyuhonto and its chairman, it has been difficult to trace the most conservative element of the Seiyukai Party, in terms of the changes that took place in the Seiyuhonto within the process of its merger with the Kenseikai Party. The present article focuses on the relationship that was established between the National Association of Towns and Villages (NATV) and the Seiyuhonto during 1920-21 in an attempt to reexamine politics at the end of the Taisho era. The author begins with a description of two political processes facing the fifteenth session of the the National Diet; namely, enacting the Universal Manhood Suffrage Act and increasing the National Treasury's share of funding for compulsory education, in order to show the cooperation that was established between the Seiyuhonto and the NATV in implementing regional policy, which was followed by a joint effort to apply pressure on the Tripartite pro-Constitution Cabinet, in particular the Cabinet's Seiyukai faction. For the Seiyukai prior to the enactment of universal suffrage, cooperation on the part of the NATV was crucial in terms of both the party's platform and political influence. Next, the author outlines the political process in the fifty-first session of the Diet surrounding the abolishment of county (gun 郡) administrative offices, within which the Seiyuhonto, forced to keep universal suffrage in view, decided to join together with the Kenseikai to implement increased Treasury funding for education, thus opposing the shutdown of gun offices, which was supported by the NATV. There is no doubt that the prestige of the Seiyuhonto at this point in time was at its height, especially among the business community; however, its role as spokesperson for the NATV had definitely declined. The changes that occurred in the Seiyuhonto as the result of these three political processes characterized the transition from spokesperson for the NATV, which governed Japan regionally, to a party of the masses in anticipation of general elections. However, the tokonami Takejiro faction of the Seiyuhonto, which was formed as a new electoral base, being organizationally similar to the Wakatsuki Reijiro faction of the Kenseikai, lacked any uniqueness as a political party at the time. Consequently, as tokonami's dream of the revitalizing the "Great Seiyukai" became more and more remote, the formation of the Minseito became more of a possibility on the political scene of the last years of Taisho.

著者

平井 上総

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.4, pp.576-589, 2009-04-20

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This article attempts a textual criticism of the Chosokabe Motochika Shikimoku (hereafter Keicho Shikimoku) purported to have been promulgated in Tosa Province during the Toyotomi Hideyoshi regime in the second year of Keicho (1597). The article begins with a comparison between Chosokabe family institutions and the content of the Keicho Shikimoku, by focusing on a set of provincial-wide bylaws (Chosokabe-shi Okitegaki) promulgated during that same time. The comparison reveals marked differences between the two documents in both wording and institutional arrangements. The author concludes that the content of the Keicho Shikimoku conflicts with Chosokabe family custom in many ways. Next, a comparison is made between the Keicho Shikimoku and the legal codes promulgated by the Yamauchi family for it Tosa Han fief during the Tokugawa Period, revealing similarities between the two documents in both content and form. The author concludes that the so-called "Keicho Shikimoku" was not a legal code of the Chosokabes, but must have been compiled after the formation of Tosa Han sometime during the 17^<th> century or after. In order to pinpoint the date of compilation, the author compares the Keicho Shikimoku with revisions made in the Tosa Han legal codes between Kan'ei 18 (1641) and Genroku 3 (1690), and discovers that the greatest similarity occurs with respect to the revisions made in Kanbun 3 (1663). Moreover, the fact that the Keicho Shikimoku prohibition on samurai attending dance performances and sumo wrestling tournaments reflects the actual situation during the several years following Kanbun 3 also suggests that the 1663 legal code for Tosa Han was its source. As to the reason why the Keicho Shikimoku was written, the author argues that it was an attempt by local samurai facing extinction in the midst of the political upheaval that occurred in Tosa during Kanbun 3 to reinforce their legitimacy by emphasizing historical ties to the Chosokabe family. The author concludes that the Keicho Shikimoku was a fictitious legal code modeled after legal codes in force in Tosa Han during the late 17^<th> century and shows that the Chosokabe family did not use the phrase "ichiryo gusoku" 一領具足 (allowing cultivators to arm themselves; later how local samurai-cultivators referred to themselves) in any of the legal codes it promulgated or any official document it issued, indicating that ichiryo gusoku was merely a popular phrase, not an official legal institution.

著者

桑野 聡

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.114, no.1, 2005-01-20

著者

水上 たかね

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.122, no.11, pp.1876-1902, 2013-11-20

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When selecting capable personnel to man its Army and Navy, both of which were founded during the last years of that regime, the attribute known as "wazamae" 業前, meaning certain rare and desirable skills, was a key point for the Tokugawa Bakufu. Although there has been previous research on personnel selection, an analysis of the actual situation, particularly actual cases among the lower ranks, has been lacking due to limited historical materials. Furthermore, the situation of the Navy is not as well understood as that of the Army. Therefore, in this article, the author examines the actual conditions under which naval officers were appointed by utilizing the documents formerly stored in tamonyagura 多聞櫓 (the battlement enclosures) of Edo Castle. The article begins with an analysis of the changes that took place in the posts held by naval officers and the way in which appointments were made according to their social status. Methods differing from the norm were adopted in the case of lower ranking officers, putting great emphasis on "wazamae," regardless of individual social or family status and hereditary stipend. These methods made it possible for capable people to play important roles in the Navy, while minimizing changes in social status and expenditures. However, the Navy was not satisfied with these methods and attempted to grant social status and privileges appropriate to their officers' "wazamae" and assigned duties. Next, the author considers the ideas of both the Navy and the Bakufu's central authority during the Keio 慶応 era (1865-68) concerning "meshidashi" 召出 (lit. to summon; but also meaning to grant fiefs or stipends as reward for being taken into the service of the shogun) held by the sons and brothers of direct Bakufu retainers and indirect vassals (baishin 陪臣) demonstrating exceptional "wazamae". Despite the Navy's hope to employ their new personnel selection method, an obstacle existed based on the principle that the recipient of such a fief or stipend served the shogun as the head of a "family" in accordance with that family's status and hereditary stipend. Therefore, while the Navy continued to request that their officers receive meshidashi, the grants were controlled by the Bakufu's central authority, in particular, through restrictions against forming branches of direct retainer families. This occurred against a backdrop of the expansion of departments requiring "wazamae" and the establishment of shared precedents regarding appointments and promotions. Finally, the author takes up reforms in the naval officer personnel system carried out after the battle of Toba-Fushimi. Although the reforms were epoch-making in basing appointments upon "wazamae" rather than family status, the gap between the treatment of the heads of direct retainer families and that of other members was not easily bridged. Even after the reforms at the end of the Tokugawa period dismantled Japan's premodern military system, the warrior class continued to exist firmly upon the basis of the traditional "ie" 家 (family) institution.

著者

高林 陽展

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.120, no.4, pp.461-495, 2011-04-20

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This article offers a historical account of "mental hygiene" in England between 1890 and 1930, based on medical journals, newspapers and parliamentary publications, in order to document the process by which medico-political ideas and practice for the prevention of mental disease were established. Mental hygiene has been widely linked with the negative aspect of social exclusion, as seen in the persecution of the mentally disabled under the Nazi regime. However, it is a little known fact that the science of mental hygiene also aimed to increase mental productivity through preventive measures. In England, during the period in question, psychiatrists promoted programs for the "early treatment of mental diseases". "Early treatment" here specifically refers to the establishment of more accessible psychiatric facilities on an outpatient basis and a voluntary admission system, both of which were expected to encourage more people to use psychiatric services. In terms of the published discourse surrounding the subject of "early treatment", the author argues that books and articles were written and disseminated not only to maintain mental health for the sake of national productivity, but also to serve and strengthen the professional interests of psychiatrists, who had been forced to work under competitive market conditions due to the 1890 Lunacy Act. In this latter sense, the subject of mental hygiene became a verbal instrument for protecting the rights of members of the profession to earn a living.

著者

村上 司樹

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.6, pp.1210-1219, 2009-06-20

著者

松丸 道雄

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.12, pp.2093-2095, 1995-12-20

著者

工藤 美知尋

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.3, pp.421-422, 1995-03-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

井村 行子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, no.11, pp.1757, 1982-11-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

北村 暁夫

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, no.9, pp.1575-1576, 1989-09-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

浅井 紀

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, no.4, pp.504-511, 1982-04-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

勝浦 令子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.106, no.4, pp.574-596, 1997-04-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

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The aim of this article is to examine how Empress Shotoku (Shotoku Tenno 称徳天皇), who had taken the Buddhist tonsure, understood the relationship between Buddhism and kingship, in order to shed light on imperial succession in Japan during the eighth century. Empress Shotoku was of the opinion that the most important issue concerning her successor was that the Buddhist tradition be carried on, and thought that the ideal succession should be based on the joint monarchy carried on between Empress Suiko (Suiko Tenno 推古天皇) and Crown Prince Shotoku (Shotoku Taishi 聖徳太子), the ruler of the Buddhist faith (hoo 法王). So the Empress finally gave up her determined effort to establish a line of succession from the offspring of Crown Prince Kusakabe (Kusakabe-no-Oji 草壁皇子) and instead appointed the monk Dokyo 道鏡 to be her successor. From these facts, the author makes the following points. First, the Buddhist papacy that was given to Dokyo was thought by the Empress to signify the type of kingship determined by Buddhist law as outlined in the Suvarnaprabhasa Sutra (金光明最勝王経), a scripture that was always placed at her right hand. Secondly, the status of her successor would be granted by "heaven" (ten 天) to a person who was worthy of "all the holy gods of the heavens and earth". She also perceived that she had the authority from her father Shomu 聖武 to choose anyone with such worth to be her successor, even if he or she was a slave. It was in this manner that the Empress determined Dokyo to be heaven's choice to succeed her as ruler of the faith. The author also argues that in order to legitimate her choice of a holy monk not of royal blood to succeed her, she cited the inter-pretation of Prince Shotoku's authority that had become popular in the eighth Century. This explanation stated that Prince Shotoku had not been chosen successor because he was of royal blood, but rather because he was the reincarnation of the holy and learned Chinese Buddhist monk, Huisi 慧思. Of course, the Empress' plan was thwarted by a divine message from the Usa 宇佐 Shrine, but the her idea that the Japanese emperor be a Buddhist monk had after her death much influence on Japanese kingship throughout the latter half of the eighth century.

著者

寺内 由佳

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.129, no.6, pp.49-73, 2020 (Released:2021-09-09)

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本稿では宇都宮城下の古着商人・沢屋宗右衛門(沢宗)と丸井屋伊兵衛(丸伊)を対象に、各々の経営をふまえ、仕入れと販売の面から取引を分析・比較することで、宇都宮という地方集散地における古着流通の有り様を明らかにする。 城下の古着仲間内で行われた直接取引では両者に特徴的な様相はみられないが、城下外の諸所との仕入れ・販売取引では差異が明らかであった。 仕入れの面では、丸伊は文化期末から積極的に江戸へ赴き、呉服・太物類を扱う問屋と取引をした。さらに足利から結城にかけての織物生産が盛んな地域で、払物や仕立て直し品を含むとみられる商品を仕入れた。ここでは前貸しによる委託という問屋的性格もみられ、当地域での取引が経営の成長に繋がったと考えられる。一方沢宗は江戸以外の地域へ出向いた様子はなく、江戸商人との取引も顕著なのは文政期初頭までとなり、太物の扱いが主という傾向もみられた。質屋を兼業したため、城下や在方を含む近隣地域から持ち込まれ、質流れとなった品を扱ったとみられる。 販売の面では、沢宗は城下の武家、仙台から南東北の大小様々な城下町・宿場、そして城下近隣から野州南西部、常州西部にまで及ぶ在方から多くの者が訪れた。多様な階層の幅広い需要に応える品揃えの小売店という性格がうかがえる。一方丸伊は今市や東北南部の、ある程度規模の大きな城下町・宿場の商人との取引が顕著であり、上質な品を中心に扱い、同業者が仕入れ目的に訪れる店という性格がうかがえる。 両者の仕入れ・販売取引から、宇都宮という地方集散地が持つ性格、中央市場とは異なる周辺地域や遠隔地との関わり、古着という商品の特徴が反映された売買の具体的な様相も明らかになる。宇都宮を中心として形成される商品流通圏の中に、各々の商人が選択・開拓した取引関係によって成立する流通経路が存在するのであり、両者の差異は古着という商品がもつ緻密な流通構造を示す。

著者

堀部 猛

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.130, no.7, pp.43-60, 2021 (Released:2022-07-20)

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古代の日本では、官人への出身や得度に際し、戸籍を勘検して身元を確認する勘籍が行われていた。その勘籍に関する木簡が、二〇〇五年、徳島県の観音寺遺跡ではじめて出土し、注目を集めた。阿波国名方郡に本貫をもつ資人の勘籍について、国司が解で報告するという内容をもつ。この木簡が示す勘籍の手続きは、後に『延喜式』(式部上)の条文にもなる帳内・資人特有の勘籍方式である。すなわち、本貫の京・国が保管する戸籍でもって勘籍を行い、その結果を式部省に報告し、それを受けて省が補任する。通常の勘籍が人事を所管する式部省・兵部省と民部省との間で行われるのに対し、帳内・資人の場合、戸籍の勘検そのものを本貫地で行い、民部省が介在することはない。 こうした特殊な勘籍のあり方は、本主との関係と、トネリとしての歴史性に由来する。貴人の従者である帳内・資人は、本主との強固な主従関係を有し、人選から任用まで一貫して本主が主導していた。勘籍も本主が牒を発給して本貫の国郡に働きかけて実施される。一般の官人の奉仕が天皇に集約されるのに対し、帳内・資人は第一義的には本主に奉仕し、それを通じて天皇に奉仕するという関係であった。それゆえ、本主が主導する任用過程のなかで勘籍を完結させる方式がとられた。 王族や豪族の家政機関的組織を律令国家機構に包摂していくなかで、王族・豪族のもとにいた従者を律令官人制のなかに組み込み、広義のトネリから分化させ再編したのが帳内・資人であった。本主に奉仕するという本質は、そのまま律令官人制のなかに持ち込まれたため、考選など細かな規定が令で定められ、勘籍もまた通常の官人とは異なる方式が策定されたのである。

著者

村田 優樹

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.130, no.7, pp.1-39, 2021 (Released:2022-07-20)

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本稿では、革命期ロシアで活動した二人の知識人、ミハイロ・フルシェフスキーとボリス・ノリデの学問的・政治的著作と実践政治の分析を通じ、当時の「ウクライナ問題」の展開を、「自治」という国制をめぐる論争という観点から分析した。特に、両者の活動のなかで、歴史研究、評論活動、実践政治が緊密に結びついていたことに注目した。 第一章では、近世にウクライナの地に存在したヘトマン領自治についての二人の研究を扱った。両者は全く異なる問題関心から近世ヘトマン領自治にアプローチしていたが、一六五四年のヘトマン領とモスクワ国家の合同のみならず、一八世紀の自治の廃止まで通時的に論じることで、その歴史学的研究の水準を大いに進展させた。 第二章では、二人による同時代の国制論議を検討した。ウクライナ民族主義者のフルシェフスキーは、ヘトマン領を民族の栄光の歴史の一部とみなし、同様の領域自治を、民族の自然権に依拠して達成することをめざした。他方、ノリデはヘトマン領自治の消滅の歴史を叙述することで、近代主権国家となったロシアの「単一と不可分」を擁護した。両者は専制についての相反する評価にもかかわらず、歴史的権利の原理への専制の非妥協的性格の認識において一致していた。 1917年の二月革命後の時期を扱う第三章では、二人の政治家としてのウクライナ自治問題への関与を考察した。フルシェフスキーは民衆の動員の成功を演出し、臨時政府から自治への譲歩を引き出そうとした。他方、法制審議会の成員としてウクライナ問題を担当したノリデは、国家の単一性を依然として維持しようとした。こうして、ウクライナ自治の問題は、権力の正当性をめぐる対立として展開した。 以上を踏まえ、本稿では、ウクライナ問題の国制論争としての側面を論証したのち、「多民族帝国」の民族問題について、それぞれの社会固有の言説空間がもつ術語や論理構造に注目することが重要であると結論した。