著者

森田 直子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.125, no.3, pp.39-57, 2016 (Released:2018-10-05)

著者

真辺 将之

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.114, no.1, pp.69-94, 2005

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This paper considers the continuity and change in the consciousness of member of the former samurai class (shizoku), in Meiji era. The consciousness of "shizoku" which, was closely related to the feudal territory (han), to which they belonged once. The consciousness and cohesion which shizoku built up in the Meiji era was based on their experience as hanshi during the last days of the Tokugawa Bakufu. However, their former consciousness did not necessarily continue completely in tact, but grew into the cause for them to support the concept of people's rights. The former consciousness became connected with nationalism; that is, feudal consciousness formed the mentality for acquiring modern consciousness. In addition, shizoku did not necessarily act together, as upper level vassals and ordinary vassals were often opposed to each other, due to different economic relations to their former feudal lord after the Meiji Restoration. However, their consciousness, and cohesion was originated from their experience as hanshi. The conventional research on shizoku has only clarified its social stratification, but there is also a necessity to examine the aspect of consciousness. Moreover, when considering "continuation" and "rupture" during the Meiji Restoration, such research provides interesting and suggestive insights.

著者

片山 共夫

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.89, no.12, pp.1775-1811,1893-, 1980

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The Keshik (Kesig) was a group of people which came to have an important relationship with the system of administration after Qubilai Qa'an started to rule over China. Hitherto it has been explained as a reserve corps of high-class government officials. This study is an attempt to clarify the circumstances and conditions of appointments of Keshikten (=pl. 怯薛丹) to government offices. The results can be summarized as follows. The appointment of a Keshiktei (=sing. 怯薛歹) to a government office took the form of Jang Shih (任使) which was different from the ordinary method of appointment. The relationship between the Qa'an and a Keshiktei was based on the lord-vassal relationship and not on the ordinary relationship between the sovereign and an official. When the need arose to organize Keshikten into the traditional Chinese system of administration, the duality of the system of Keshik and the traditional Chinese system of administration and the possible conflict between them were avoided by appointing the Keshikten to one of the Qa'an's Household offices. Moreover, the lord-vassal relationship between the Qa'an and the Keshikten was preferred to that between the sovereign and an ordinary official. Thus the Keshikten recommended by the chief (Kesigud-un Otokus 怯薛長) and subleaders (Kesik-un-Nojad 怯薛官) of the Keshik was commissioned directly by the Qa'an. It was called Belge Appointment (別里哥選) and the Chung-shu-sheng (中書省), the government department that controlled the general system of administration, had nothing to do with it. The rank to which a Keshiktei was appointed varied according to the Qa'an's favour, the man's position in the Keshik, his family origin and his calibre. Their ranks ranged from the first original rank (正一品) to the ninth original rank (正九品). The chief of the Keshik was appointed especially to higher ranks, i.e., the third original rank (正九品) and above. The subleaders of the Keshik were appointed to the fifth subordinate rank (従五品) and above. The Keshikten who were sons of men who had rendered distinguished services and were appointed to the offices in the Keshik called Boghorci (寳兒赤), Bichikchi (必闍赤), Sughurci (速古兒赤), etc., were appointed to the seventh subordinate rank (従七品) and above. Besides there were Keshikten who were appointed only to the lower ranks and could be promoted only to the fifth subordinate rank (従七品) at most. Above all the fact that the average Keshikten was appointed to the seventh subordinate rank (従七品) at the lowest corresponded to the fact that the People of Kitai (漢人) and the Manzi (南人) who mainly took up appointments as clerical officials (吏員) and school officials (学校官) were promoted only to the sixth or seventh rank (六・七品) at most. This was a manifestation of racist policy of the Mongol rulers. The Keshikten were appointed to a wide variety of offices at the start of their official career and held successively various other higher offices : the chief and vice ministers of the Chung-shu-sheng (中書省), the Shu-mi-yuan (枢密院) and the Yu-shih-t'ai (御史台) which were the three most important government departments, the Hsuan-hui-yuan (宣徽院), the Chung-sheng-yuan (中政院) and other similar Household departments, the T'a-tsung-cheng-fu (大宗正府), the Han-lin-yuan (翰林院) and other similar government departments that held the first subordinate rank (従一品), and major positions in the local administration. It will be observed that the Qa'an of the Yuan Dynasty intended to keep a firm hold on the whole system of administration and to rule the Chinese people by appointing the Keshikten to important offices of government both central and local.

著者

金子 龍司

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.125, no.12, pp.25-46, 2016

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本稿は、太平洋戦争末期の娯楽政策について考察する。具体的にはサイパンが陥落した一九四四年七月に発足した小磯国昭内閣期以降終戦までの政策に注目する。小磯内閣期の思想・文化統制については、先行研究により、東條内閣期の言論弾圧が見直されて言論暢達政策が採用され、思想・言論統制の緩和によって戦意昂揚を目指したことが指摘されている。娯楽統制についてもこの枠組みで語られ、従来強化一方だった統制がサイパン陥落・同内閣の成立を契機として一転して緩和されたと整理され、その画期性が指摘されている。しかし、この統制緩和は小磯内閣が娯楽に対して講じた措置のひとつに過ぎないし、画期といっても、この統制緩和に限らなければ、娯楽への積極的な措置は小磯内閣発足以前からすでに講じられていた。つまり先行研究は、統制緩和の画期性を重視するあまり、小磯内閣の娯楽政策の全容を明らかにしておらず、しかも従前の政策との連続性も見過ごしているきらいがある。したがって本稿は、小磯内閣期の娯楽政策をできるだけ詳しく分析することで右の二点を明らかにし、同政策を歴史的に位置づける試みを行う。具体的には、当事者たちの問題認識や政策決定過程や政策の実効性を検討材料とする。本稿が明らかにするのは以下の事柄である。第一に、娯楽統制史上、小磯内閣期の統制緩和は個別の措置としてはたしかに画期的であったが、娯楽に対する積極的な姿勢や問題認識に関してはむしろ前内閣との連続性が目立っていたこと。第二に、政策の実効性といった観点からは、個別具体的な措置については一定の成果が見られ、戦争末期にあっても興行の機会は確保され盛況も珍しくなかったこと。第三に、それにもかかわらず、政策全体の評価としては、絶望化する戦況下で観客や興行者たちが娯楽を供給・享受して戦意昂揚に結びつけるだけの精神的余裕を失っていたため、失敗に終わったと結論せざるを得ないことである。

著者

山本 英二

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.107, no.2, pp.259-266, 1998-02-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

長谷川 貴彦

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.3, pp.454-455, 1992-03-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

島 創平

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, no.3, pp.285-320,421-42, 1982-03-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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To what extent did Christianity contribute the decline of ancient slavery? To answer this question, we have to consider the role of "manumissio in ecclesia (m.i.e.)" the ecclesiastical manumission, which was established by the emperor Constantin in the early 4th century. Generally the origin of m.i.e. was thought to be back to the Greek sacral manumission acted in sanctuaries from 5th century B.C. to 3/4th century A.D. But an Italian historian Fabrizio Fabbrini insisted that m.i.e. had no relation to the Greek sacral manumission and by m.i.e. Christian church played a big role in the decline of ancient slavery. Many historians have thought that the Greek sacral manumission was originally a religious act. According to them, the form of consecration was the oldest form and as the age advanced, secular elements gradually increased. Meanwhile, Fabbrini said that it was not God but church and its members -churchmen and believers- who played important roles in m.i.e., but in the Greek sacral manumission, priests of sanctuary had little concern with it. Therefore, Fabbrini insisted that the different roles of God and priests indicate the individuality of m.i.e.. But was it right that -as Fabbrini and other historians thought- the Greek sacral manumission was originally a religious act? In fact, when we examined various inscriptions relating to sacral manumission, we found the fact was on the contrary. That is, the most of the early inscriptions of Greek sacral manumission of 5/3rd century B.C. took the least sacralized form and Gods played no important role there. But in the later inscriptions, sacral elements increased. For example, most of the inscriptions of Macedonia of 3/4th century A.D. took the form of consecration, and in certain cases, the motive of manumission was declared and God concerned with it. On the other hand, in the manumission of the Jewish community in Panticapaion of the late 1st century A.D., Jewish synagogue and its members had important roles. Thus, as the age advanced, Greek sacral manumission, contrary to the view of Fabbrini and other historians, was inclined to be sacralized, and when we examined the records of m.i.e. to which Fabbrini had paid little attention, we found similar tendency. In these records, the motives of manumission which had religious contents were mentioned and the role of church and its members became more important. However, we had already similar cases in later sacral manumission. In conclusion, m.i.e. was never independent of other sacral manumission, but it succeeded the later tendency of Greek sacral manumission, increasing its sacral elements.

著者

黒田 智

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.111, no.6, pp.1047-1071,1149-, 2002-06-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

松尾 剛次

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.120, no.6, pp.1141-1146, 2011

著者

藤波 伸嘉

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.122, no.6, pp.1083-1108, 2013-06-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

松方 冬子

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.114, no.9, pp.一四九七-一五二八, 2005-09-20

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This article focuses on the letter sent by Willem II, king of the Netherlands, to the Japanese shogun in August 1844, in order to reconsider if its aim was really "to recommend the opening of Japan", as conventionally thought. The author examines the decision-making process within the Dutch government before sending the king's letter and concludes that the main inducement for sending the letter was to gauge the issuance of a new decree in 1842. They wanted to find out if the Bakufu intended to abandon its seclusion policy totally or to make only minor concessions. The second purpose was to make a breakthrough in traditional Japanese-Dutch relations through the authorities in Nagasaki. The Dutch government knew that information could be lost or censored before it reached the highest levels in Edo, because of many intermediaries between the Dutch chief factor in Nagasaki and the Bakufu. At that time, the Netherland was facing a fiscal crisis resulting primarily from the loss of revenue that followed Belgian independence in 1830. Thus the Dutch government resigned itself to dispatch of a special envoy to Japan on fisial grounds, and ordered the chief factor instead to do the mission. The author argues that the main points of the king's letter were to confirm if Bakufu officials understood the changing circumstances in East Asia, and to discern whether the Bakufu intended to open Japan to international trade. On the second point, the Dutch government clearly received a very distinct answer to its inquiry, which showed the sending of letter was successful for the Dutch government. The author is doubtful that the Dutch government expected the letter to help expand trade with Japan. It is because she found no mention of their urge to open Japan in the Dutch governmental documents and because they did not provide any actual process for opening the country, for example a draft of a commercial treaty, in the king's letter itself. Apparently, the letter carried advice to open Japan, but it was only as an expedient to avoid armed conflict supposedly with Great Britain, which seemed to attempt commercial relationship with Japan next China after the Opium War. The Dutch government in fact did not want such new relations between Japan and Western powers, and valued the Bakufu's answer as a new permit for monopolizing the Japanese trade. Their attempt at direct communications beyond Nagasaki was not successful. The direct road to Edo was closed by the answer from the Bakufu councilors for the king's letter.

著者

本郷 和人

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.11, pp.2031-2032, 1993-11-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

芳澤 元

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.120, no.10, pp.1675-1696, 2011-10-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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When taking up the question of the essential character of Japanese Buddhism during the Muromachi Period, it is necessary to investigate its influence on the era's cultural phenomena. For example, in the recent research dealing with Muromachi culture, focus has been placed on the period's Oei 応永 Era (1394-1428), which amends conventional Kitayama vs. Higashiyama view of the period's cultural history; however, when turning to the subject of the cultural influence of Zen Buddhism, the discussion has not developed beyond the classic study by Tamamura Takeji, which concentrates on the unique character of Shogun Ashikaga Yoshimochi. The cause of the problems that have now arisen is that the research taking up 1) obscure source materials related to the Gozan 五山 Zen temples and 2) the social aspects of Zen Buddism has not yet dealt with the Oei Era. This situation is mainly the responsibility of the historical research done on Buddhism in general and Zen in particular that ignores the aspect of culture. The present article discusses the Tale of Totou Tenjin 渡唐天神, a Buddhist story about Sugawara-no-Michizane (later diefied as Tenjin, the patron of scholarship and the literary arts) appearing in a dream of a Zen monk who advises him to journey to Tang China to learn the art of Zen meditation from his master Fojian 仏鑑, in relation to poetic picture scrolls and the renga 連歌 genre of Japanese poetry. It was during the Oei Era that such aspects of the tale appearing in the latter half of the 14th century as the dream about Michizane and Tenjin folk beliefs, as well as the activities of Zen monks studying abroad in China writing poetry about such subjects as the literati of Jiangnan (Jiangnan renwen 江南文人) and the legend of Tobiume 飛梅, a legendary plum tree planted by Michizane at the Dazaifu Tenjin shrine (Kyushu), all began to be edited as illustrated versions. The author argues that despite the vast research literature dealing with the Tale of Totou Tenjin, no definitive work has yet to appear on the meaning of and historical background to its popularity during the Oei Era. Next, the author takes up records of Ouchi Morimi, the governor of Suo and Nagato Province (Yamaguchi) and home of the Matsuzaki Tenjin shrine, presenting a pictorial image of Totou Tenjin to Shogun Yoshimochi while residing in Kyoto and excerpts from literary works on the subject of the image, in order to show Morimi's conversion to Tenjin beliefs while in Kyushu and the process by which Morimi traveled to Kyoto after Yoshimochi the suceeded to the head of the House of Ashikaga and received the Shogun's favor. From that time on, what led to the further development of the Tale were 1) Yoshimochi and Morimi's adoration of Tenjin and the participation of the shogun and Gozan Zen monks in Tenjin-related Buddhist ceremonies sponsored by Morimi, which would end with renga poetry writing and 2) Koun Myogi, aristocrat, Zen monk and literatus serving the shogun, who was also deeply interested in the Tale of Totou Tenjin, instructing Gozan Zen monks in the literary arts. The world of the Gozan temples and provincial governors participating in the promotion of the literary arts and the appreciation of the fine arts was formed under the auspices of cooperative personal relationships developed between the capital and the provinces during the Oei Era; and it was this world in which the Tale of Totou Tenjin became the main theme in a wide range of artwork. The image of Totou Tenjin is characterized not only by elements limited exclusively to the events and social structure specific to the Oei Era, but also by more fluid elements easily articulated with themes unrelated to Zen Buddhism. This dual character enabled the Tale to develop while gradually drifting away from its original Zen context, and it could not have continued on past the Muromachi cultural scence into the late premodern period merely on(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

著者

石田 晴男

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, no.9, pp.1423-1463,1558-, 1986

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<p>This paper considers the characteristics of the Koga Gunchuso (甲賀「郡中惣」) by studying the movements of the Yamanaka (山中) clans during the Sengoku period. This movement has been regarded by scholars as a process of localization. The Yamanaka, however, were gradually deepening their relations with the Hosokawa (細川) clan since Hosokawa Sumimoto (細川澄元) relied on their support in l507 (Eisho 永正 4). Consequently the Yamanaka clan became the vassals (Uchishu 内衆) of Hosokawa Harumoto (細川晴元) during the Tenbun (天文) era (1532-55) and was appointed as adjutant to the chief constable (Shugodai 守護代) of Kake-gun (闕郡) in Settu (摂津) province. From the Nanboku-cho period, when clan leadership rights (Soryo-shiki 惣領職) were divided in two, up until the Sengoku period, there existed within the Yamanaka clan a condition known as Ryosoryo (両惣領 two clan heads). From the beginning this pair of Soryos (惣領) had been house vassals (Gokenin 御家人) of the Muromachi-bakufu (室町幕府). The Yamanaka's advance into Kake-gun was made by this pair of Soryos, not by any alliance organizations as the "Domyochu" (同名中) or the "Sanpochu" (三方中). In other words, only the Yamanaka clan advanced into Kake-gun, and concerning its rule over the area, the authority of the two Soryos was clearly delineated from that of common clan members (Shoshi 庶子). The "Domyochu" was not organized until after 1549 (Tenbun 18) when Hosokawa Harumoto was driven away by Miyoshi Chokei (三好長慶) and the Yamanaka clan lost Kake-gun. The "Domyochu" was not an organization in which the Soryo and Shoshi were tied together in relationships of equality. Rather it was an organization in which Shoshi were gathered under the Soryo and while it did restrain the power of the Soryo and it was included in their authority as clan heads. The "Sanpochu" was organized in accordance with a plan for forming a strong bond between the Soryos of the Yamanaka, Ban (伴), and Minobe (美濃部) clans in order to cope with the critical condition of the time. However there are no source materials showing other cases in which the members of Gunchuso gathered and organized a group containing the concept of "Kata" (方), like in the "Sanpochu". Therefore the "Sanpochu" can be considered to be an exception and to be equivalent to the "Domyochu" of other clans. The "law" established by the mutual consent of the "Domyochu" and "Sanpochu" should be considered to be a temporary law formed in crisis rather than a condification of the long-standing regional customs. Accordingly this "law" should be considered to be an expression of the dangers inherent in the local lord's domination. The "Gunchuso" was an alliance group formed by the Soryos of each member clan which took part in the "Domyochu", and was an organization of the lord class to facilitate the collection of the original rice tax (honnengu 本年貢). Seven out of the twelve identified members of the "Gunchuso" besides the Yamanaka are recorded clearly in historical materials. According to these materials, they were vassals (either Hokoshu ((奉公衆)) or Gokenin) of the Muromachi-bakufu. "Gunchuso" was a combination of these present or former Bakufu vassals not including the followers of the Rokkaku (六角) clan. "Gunchuso" was organized at about the beginning of the Eiroku (永禄) era (1558-70) to be the fighting force against the Miyoshi (三好). At first it was not called "Gunchu" (郡中). Only after Eiroku 11, when the Rokkaku was driven away from Kannonji (観音寺) Castle, did it come to be called "Gunchu". In those days the Rokkaku could not rule Koga-gun any longer without the help of "Gunchuso". In other words, "Gunchuso" neither excluded the power of Shugo (守護) nor established its own administrative power. Under the domination</p><p>(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)</p>

著者

坂口 太郎

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.122, no.4, pp.459-497, 2013-04-20

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In recent years, particular attention has been drawn to the retired Emperor Go-Uda's 後宇多 promotion of esoteric Buddhism and it surrounding cultural and political environment as the staging ground for the "anomalous (igyo 異形) monarchical regime" of his son Emperor Go-Daigo 後醍醐. This paper discusses the relation between the Daikakuji 大覚寺 line of imperial descent and its "monzeki" 門跡 (Buddhist temples designated for tonsured members of the imperial family, also referred by the title of monzeki) during the late Kamakura and Kenmu 建武 Regime periods, by focusing on prince-monk Shoen 性円 (Go-Daigo's brother), who was chosen as the Daikakuji Monzeki. Little is known about the early life of Shoen, who is generally referred to as "Daikakuji-miya"; however, the author's investigation of yet unpublished historical sources place him at Yasui Monzeki 安井門跡 (Rengeko-In 蓮華光院), which was affiliated to the Ninnaji-Goryu 仁和寺御流 branch of Shingon Buddhism. Given the additional fact that Go-Uda originally planned to take control of Ninnaji-Goryu, the author concludes that Shoen's assumption of Yasui Monzeki was part of his father's overall religious policy. Then Go-Uda founded the Daikakuji Monzeki, providing it with proprietary estates and sub-temples, and transfered his son to Daikakuji, making Shoen his possible successor. The author also points out that in his struggle with Ninnaji, Go-Uda bestowed on Shoen the second highest princely rank and such imperial household treasures as the cintamani jewel. Moreover, in his later years Go-Uda repeatedly performed esoteric Buddhist rituals for the protection of the Daikakuji line, and had Shoen participate in them to train him for his future calling. After Go-Uda's death, Shoen became the abbot of Daikakuji, supporting Go-Daigo, who sent his own son Gosho 恒性 to serve as a priest at Daikakuji, and the fact that Gosho would later be banished to Etchu 越中 Province by the Kamakura Bakufu and then assassinated shows without a doubt that he was part of the plan to overthrow that military regime. Hence, it is likely that because of its control over a large number of proprietary estates, Go-Daigo depended heavily on the Daikakuji Monzeki in his plans to overthrow the Bakufu. As for Shoen during the Kenmu era, in addition to his performance of esoteric Buddhist rituals, he served as a general on the field of battle. Moreover, after the fall of the Kenmu regime, Shoen continued to serve the Southern Court. Since the publication of Amino Yoshihiko's seminal work on the period in question, the research has been focused on the Shingon priest Monkan 文観, in order to elucidate the religious aspects of Go-Daigo and his reign. However, if one considers the historical developments from the time of Go-Uda, it becomes clear, as this article shows, that it was not Monkan, but rather the Daikakuji Monzeki allying with the Daikakuji line of descent led by Shoen, which lent the primary support to Go-Daigo's regime from within the walls of Shingon Buddhism.

著者

大塚 紀弘

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.112, no.9, pp.1477-1512, 2003

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The present article offers the new category of Zenritsu禅律 (the Zen and Ritsu Sects) to accompany that of Kenmitsu顕密(exoteric/esoteric sects) in further clarifying the cheracteristic features of the ten different sects of Buddhism active in medieval Japan.The reasons why this new typology should be effective are twofold.The first concerns differences in how sects regarded Buddhism itself.The eight Kenmitsu sects developed as indigenously Japanese in character and looked upon their beliefs and liturgy in the same way as the medieval state, forming an exoteric/esoteric political ideology.In contrast, during the Kamakura period, monks who went to Song China to study, beginning with Eisai栄西(Rinzai臨済 Zen) and Shunjo俊〓 (Ritsu Sect), brought back with them the Chinese idea of a Zen-Kyo-Ritsu classification of Buddhist sects, added the newly formed Zen and Pure Land Sects to the traditional eight Japanese sects, and divided up the resulting ten sects according to those thress categories.It was this supradenominational classification that resulted in the formation of Zen temples, such Kyo Temples as Sangoji三鈷寺 Temple, the headquarters of the Pure Land Seizan Sect, and such Ritsu Temples as Saidaiji西大寺Temple.This idea of Zen-Kyo Ritsu also exerted influence on the secular world, as a new concept of "Zenritsu" came into being for understanding the three newly formed sects in medieval Japan.The second reason involves such aspects as the Buddhist temple system and medieval culture.Kenmitsu Buddhism, which developed as indigenous to Japan, was first introduced in an esoteric form from Tang China in the ninth century,but personal ties with Chinese Buddhism decreased, as exoteric/esoteric liturgies and practices developed with a unique Japanese character.On the other hand, all the institutional aspects of Zen and Ritsu temples, including the titles given to abbots, the names for temple buildings, names and portraits of monks, reflected both song Buddhist institutions and culture.Therefore, the Buddhist reform movement that arose during the Kamakura period can be considered at the result of the introduction of contemporary Chinese Buddhist norms.

著者

官田 光史

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.120, no.2, pp.203-224, 2011

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As the inevitability of a "decisive battle on Japanese soil" drew nearer and nearer during what appeared to be the final stages of the Pacific War, a movement arose demanding the declaration of a national emergency as provided for under Article 31 of the Meiji Constitution. Despite the attention that this movement has drawn as of late, there has been yet no attempt to clarify the views on the subject held by the movement's leader and constitutional scholar, Ogushi Toyoo. This article discusses Ogushi's ideas based on his personal archives. Given his interpretation that the emperor possessed unfettered sovereignty (Herrschergewalt) with regard to rights laid out in Article 31, Ogushi deserves to be placed within the Hozumi/Uesugi Legal School on the subject of imperial sovereignty. He was of the opinion that through the imposition of Article 31 a national defense state system would be established with the unification of civil affairs and a supreme military command. In opposition to Ogushi's argument, Odaka Tomoo espoused the idea of Staatsnotrecht (emergency legislation) based on the interpretation of Carl Schmitt and expressed fears about a suspension of the Constitution. Ogushi deemed Odaka's argument unacceptable, for if the powers provided by Article 31 meant Staatsnotrecht, revolutionary forces would be enabled to usurp those powers to deny the sovereignty of the emperor. Meanwhile, the National Science Research Council led by Ogushi drafted a legislative bill to allow the government to implement a state of national emergency, over which the Legislative Affairs Bureau raised problems about 1) the relationship between civil affairs and supreme military command and 2) the relationship of a state of emergency declaration to Article 9 of the Constitution. That is to say, if emergency powers could be exercised to suspend Articles 9 and 55, a state of emergency could not be implemented. In response, Ogushi explained that if emergency powers were exercised by avoiding Staatsnotrecht, no constitutional provision would be suspended, except for the articles of Section 2 concerned with the rights and obligations of imperial subjects. For this reason, the tasks of both solving the legal problems of the draft bill and implementing the actual state of emergency both fell into difficulty. It is on this point that the author shows how Ogushi's application of the Hozumi/Uesugi interpretation of imperial sovereignty to the issue of unlimited powers with regard to Article 31 paradoxically placed limitations on that same interpretation in assisting the nation as it prepared for a fullblown wartime system stressing strong leadership and national mobilization in defense of the homeland.

著者

山田 康弘

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.112, no.11, pp.1790-1811, 2003

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In this study, article, the author investigates the meaning that commands issued by the Ashikaga Shoguns had for the daimyo during the Warring States period from two perspectives: the relationship between them out of "utilization and restriction", and the mutual relationship of confrontation among daimyo focusing primarily on those of Western Japan as well as the nature of the effect that trends in such commands had on the behavior. In other words, (1) even during this period, daimyo required a stable relationship with the Shogun due to various circumstances such as the need to obtain legitimacy and to keep hostile forces in check and there was a tendency for them to take advantage of the shogun. (2) While they took advantage of this relationship with the Shogun, however, daimyo were also subjected to various restrictions such as the need to honor the commands of the Shogun (or, the need to honor the wishes of third parties through such commands). This made the commands of the Shogun an important tool in diplomatic relations with daimyo as confrontations between them broadened in scale and increased in complexity during the period. (3) In addition, Daimyo in the Kinki area (Kinai) gained the ability to control these commands by cooperating in the existence of the Shogun and, thereby, promoted collaboration with various other daimyo through the commands, which had become an important tool in the diplomatic relations between daimyo or secured opportunities for them to exercise influence over other daimyo. Various factors such as (1)? (3) above acted to further draw many more daimyo to the side of the Shogun, even after the advent of the Warring States, becoming a factor in the maintenance of a certain degree of influence by the Shogun over the daimyo. This influence of the Shogun on the Daimyo was extremely useful for the daimyo in their diplomatic strategies and was an authority unique to the Shogun on a dimension completely different from the control of the daimyo over their territories. It was therefore not easy for the daimyo to acquire such authority. However, by backing the Shogun, Oda Nobunaga succeeded in gaining the influence 'that the Shogun had over the daimyo and, while gradually exercising that influence, he moved ahead with the task of unifying the nation.

著者

屋良 健一郎

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.121, no.11, pp.1839-1874, 2012

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The island of Tanegashima, which is located south of the Osumi Pennisula of southern Kyushu is best known as the portal for the initial entry of firearms into Japan and the first manufacturer of Japanese-made firearms and has in the research to date been studied almost exclusively in that light, including studies of the Island's feudal lords, the Tanegashima Clan. Although there is some very specialized research on the Tanegashima Clan as locally based land proprietors (kokujin 国人) who went through a process of subjugation to the Shimazu Clan, the characteristic features of the Tanegashimas have yet to be sufficiently explored. The Tanegashimas, who occupied a territory between the ruling feudal lords of Satsuma Province, the Shimazu Clan, and the kingdom of the Ryukyu Islands, should be considered as having a unique character in the light of such geographical circumstances. The present article is an attempt to place the Tanegashima Clan within the context of the southern Kyushu maritime world as it existed during the late medieval period. By virtue of their military alliance with the Shimazu Clan which resulted in their consequent control of the islands to the south of Kyushu, the Tanegashimas were given the opportunity to engage with merchant ships and Chinese junks and participate in trade with the Ryukyu Kingdom. Consequently, the Tanegashimas were able to obtain foreign manufactures; and following their conversion during the latter half of the 15th century to the Nichiren Sect of Buddhism, came to enjoy personal contact and exchange with figures in the capital region, and in the process of fostering ties of mutual friendship, the leading aristocrats and samurai commanders residing in Kyoto found a new source of foreign goods. It should be specially noted that those who came to the islands from the capital region were enthusiastically recruited as vassals by the Tanegashima Clan. This "Kyoto connection" was invaluable in negotiating and securing Shimazu Takahisa's appointment to the prestigious post of Shuri Daibu (Minister of Public Works) in 1551. In the background to the Tanegashima Clan's intimate "Kyoto connection" and its knowledge and technical know-how regarding arms production lay its close relations to the Shimazu Clan, but such relations were by no mean exclusionary, as the Tanegashimas actively sought contact with other feudal lords. Regarding the Ryukyu Kingdom, it was during the reign of its second king, Shoshin (1477-1526), that the monarch assumed an attitude of superiority over the surrounding islands, but continued to trade with the Tanegashimas, despite their "inferiority". In the background of Tanegashima Tadatoki's trade relations with the Ryukyus probably lay the desire to obtain from that kingdom goods that the Hosokawa Clan was importing to the Ming Dynasty, as evidenced by the alliance formed with Hosokawa Takatoki, who was an important figure in the promotion of Sino-Japanese trade relations. The author is also of the opinion that the socalled attempt by Ouchi Yoshitaka to blockade Tanegashima's ships should rather be interpreted as an attempt to intercept the ships being sent to China by Hosokawa Harumoto. From the standpoint of the family as a force in maritime foreign trade due to its geographical location, the Tanegashima Clan should be considered in the light of its multilateral diplomatic ties to the other powerful players in Japan's southern maritime region.

著者

飯塚 正人

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.1, pp.130-131, 1992-01-20 (Released:2017-11-29)