著者

上田 純一

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.121, no.3, pp.421, 2012-03-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

上田 純一

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.121, no.3, 2012

著者

澤本 光弘

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.117, no.6, pp.1097-1122, 2008-06-20

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It was in 926 AD that Bohai was conquered by Yelu-Abaozhi 耶律阿保機, founder of the Kitai 契丹 (Liao 遼) Dynasty and was designated as Dongdanguo 東丹国. There were many aspects of Dongdanguo that had escaped researchers until 1992, when the inscribed epitaph of Yelu-Yuzu 耶律羽之 was discovered. In this article, the author first investigates the genealogy contained in the inscription and concludes that the leaders of Yelu Abaozhi's tribe (迭剌部 Dielabu) participated in the governance of Dongdanguo. At that time, the Dielabu had been broken up in order to control its burgeoning power over the other seven tribes, necessitating a redistribution of land and people for the purpose of herding. Dongdanguo was established by allocating authority over Bohai to such members of the Dielabu as the brothers of Yelu-Yuzu. In other words, in the background of the establishment of Dongdanguo there lay not only the problem of governing the former subjects of Bohai, but also the aspect of a nomadic state distributing land and human resources among its members. Secondly, the author puts the bureaucratic chaos of Dongdanguo described in the existing source materials into better perspective based on the inscription. Here, the former bureaucratic system of Bohai, with such offices as Daneixiang 大内相, was not only kept in tact to govern Bohai, but was also instituted as a means for organizing Kitai tribes ; that is, adapted to Kitai society itself. Finally, concerning the reason for moving the capital of Eastern Kitai to Liaoyan 遼陽, the inscription shows that king of Kitai was involved in a decision based on the proximity of Liaoyan to the territory controlled by the Dielabu, rather than the conventional explanation that the move was motivated by the desire to monitor the activities of Yelu-tuyu 耶律突欲, the king of Dongdanguo. There is also the view in the research to date that Dongdanguo did not in fact exist, but the discovery of the inscription clearly shows that Dongdanguo was incorporated into the ruling class of Kitai tribal politics, adapted to its nomadic society and was a functioning polity.

著者

木下 龍馬

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.128, no.1, pp.1-35, 2019

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鎌倉幕府裁判研究では、訴状を取り次ぐ挙状と、有利な判決を求める口入はまったく別物として扱われてきた。しかし、近年の院政期裁判研究において、裁判像そのものの見直しが進み、挙状や口入などが同じく働きかけ(権限に基づく命令とは異なる要請)として捉えられるようになった。本稿はこの動向を踏まえ、口入的要素(挙状、口入、申入など)から幕府裁判を再考する。<br>第1章の主要な検討対象である本所挙状は、本所被管の訴を幕府に取り次ぐ文書である。初期の鎌倉幕府は、これらの訴に応じ、さしたる審理をせず武家被管を処分していた。つまり、本所挙状の要請の程度は強く、命令に近いものだった。しかし、承久の乱や御成敗式目制定を経た中期になると、本所側と武家被管側を問答対決させ、理非を判断するようになり、武家被管が勝訴する確率は上がった。本所挙状の効力は低下し、訴を幕府に伝達する役割に近くなっていく。<br>第2章の主要な検討対象である関東御口入は、鎌倉幕府が管轄していない事項(本所進止領や西国堺相論)について本所の審理・裁許を要請する行為である。関東御口入を行う文書は、関東挙状と呼ばれた。鎌倉中期までは、武家被管の訴状を幕府が本所に挙達し、本所が審理を行って裁許を下していた。関東挙状と本所挙状は鏡写しの関係にあった。しかし鎌倉後期になり、鎌倉幕府の実態的勢力が増大するにつれ、幕府からの要請の程度が強まり、本所の審理・裁許の自律性は失われた。すると幕府は、本所被管側と武家被管側を召出して、口入を行うべきかどうかの事前審理を行うようになった。<br>かくして、"武家への挙状"と"武家の挙状"は対照的な軌跡を描いたことを明らかにした。そして、直接命令せず口入を行う固有の領域を幕府が持ったことの意義を論じた。

著者

菊地 大樹

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.8, pp.1361-1396, 1517-1518, 1995-08-20

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While persons known as jikyosha 持経者 have been recognized in the research literature as holy people (ヒジリ), it is still not clear what the practice of "jikyo" actually involved. In this paper the author intends to understand jikyosha within the context of the historical development of Japanese society. In the Nihon Ryoiki 日本霊異記, jikyo appears to be on a level with incantation in the sense of learning sutras and reciting them from memory. In the eighth century under the ritsuryo state reciting the Lotus Sutra and Saisho-o sutra by heart was a requirement for entering the Buddhist priesthood. This policy was strictly maintained until the mid-tenth century, during which time it was a widespread custom for novices to memorize sutras while performing begging in the streets and asceticism in the wild. The ritsuryo code for Buddhist priests and nuns was abandoned, and jikyosha then appeared as holy people with their bases of activity in the mountains and forests. There are many place names related to jikyosha in the source materials concerning Shugen-do 修験道 (mountain asceticism), meaning that many legendary ascetics like those of Omine 大峯 and Kumano 熊野 were regarded as jikyosha and were in a position to perform the Buddhahood ceremony (abhiseka 潅頂) and grant legitimacy with engi 縁起 to other mountain ascetic. The recital of sutras from memory was considered to be a magical, mystic training requiring supernatural virtue and determined by the practice of one's past life. Mountain asceticism and sutra recital are similar in the aspect of attaining magical character, and both were in fact complementary to each other. The promotion of sutra recital by the ancient state shows its intention not only to absorb its magical power, but also control and limit it. During the eleventh and twelfth centuries, demonstrations of magical power took genuine form in response to the demands of the society. The divine service of jikyosha for aristcrats and provincial governors in their small Buddhist chapels and ceremonies involving some 1000 jikyosha in the Lotus Sutra tradition were seen throughout the country, even though the actual number of jikyosha was small. Sutra recital was not only an important part of special ceremonies, but also became part of yearly or monthly Buddhist liturgies. Shunjo-bo Chogen 俊乗房重源 was a representative jikyosha of the time. He was during his prime a mountain ascetic, and during his activities in the great Kanjin 勧進 of Todaiji temple, he often mobilized jikyosha in the ceremony of his own planning. During his last years, he was active in promoting memorization of the Lotus Sutra among children and organized 1000 jikyosha events. Through an analysis of Chogen's activities, the author shows the definite establishment of a place for jikyosha activities within the Ken-mitsu 顕密 Buddhist temple like Todaiji. The paper concludes with an investigation of why from the thirteenth century the general Buddhist laity were allowed to memorize and recite sutras, a consideration of the broader meaning of the practice, in addition to a discussion of themes for future study, like the relationship between jikyosha and Nichiren 日蓮.

著者

谷口 雄太

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.120, no.1, pp.95-96, 2011-01-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

殷 晴

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.127, no.12, pp.1-38, 2018 (Released:2019-12-20)

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邸報(邸抄・京報・京抄とも呼ばれる)とは、宮廷の動静、皇帝の諭旨、大臣の上奏文を日ごとにまとめて掲載した小冊子である。清代の官僚と知識人、そして中国に滞在していた宣教師や外交官にとって、邸報による中央情報の共有は、社会情勢を把握するための重要な手段であった。 しかし、邸報が実際に如何なる過程を通じ、誰の手によって発行され、流通させられたかについては、不明な点が数多く残されている。本稿では邸報の発行と流通過程を解明し、この過程に見られる清朝中央情報の伝播のあり方を考察した。 『大清会典』における邸報についての規定は、実際には遵守されていなかった。諭旨と上奏文を集めて筆写したのは中央官庁に勤務する書吏であり、邸報の印刷も清朝の約三分の二の時期において、民間の商業出版者に委ねられていた。また、邸報の内容には諭旨と上奏文のみならず、王公の従者が私的に探った非公式の政治情報も含まれていた。中央政府は邸報による情報伝播に対し、内容の編集・審査も、印刷と配達用の資金の提供も行わず、誤報が摘発された際に関係者を処罰するという最小限の関与にとどめる姿勢を貫いていた。中央政府が政令を邸報を通じて積極的に公布しようとしたというよりも、むしろ、書吏と業者は地方官をはじめとする人々の中央情報への渇望に応じる形で、政府内部でやり取りされた情報から邸報という商品を作り出し、中央政府がそれを許容したのである。 19世紀末になると、情報発信に対し受け身の姿勢にとどまっていた清朝中央の従来の方針は、近代化の要請に対応できなくなった。こうした状況の下、中央政府は1907年に『政治官報』を発刊し、さらには1911年にそれを『内閣官報』と改称して、「法律、命令の公布機関」と位置づけた。邸報と近代的な官報とでは、政策意図の面でも、発行と流通の仕組みの面でも、根本的に異なると言える。

著者

有山 輝雄

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.3, pp.414-415, 1990-03-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

水野 智之

出版者

史学会 ; 1889-

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.126, no.2, pp.232-240, 2017-02

著者

松浦 義弘

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, no.7, pp.1312-1323, 1994-07-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

遅塚 忠躬

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.5, pp.612-616, 1990-05-20

著者

新津 健一郎

出版者

史学会 ; 1889-

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.128, no.12, pp.1759-1790, 2019-12

著者

鹿毛 敏夫

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.112, no.2, pp.153-190, 2003-02-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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The Otomo family (大友氏), which dominated a large part of northern Kyushu (九州) had a firm intention to trade in Southeast Asia. The Muromachi shogunate (室町幕府) ordered them to remit sulfur for export. Then Otomo Ujitoki managed two sulfur mines in the mountain district of Bungo (豊後). Otomo Chikayo expanded the mining business geographically, and built a big ship called the "Kasuga-maru (春日丸)". The Otomos dispatched trade ships to Korea, China, the Ryukyus (琉球), and several countries of Southeast Asia. In particular, Otomo Yoshishige and Ouchi Yoshinaga, who were brothers, dispatched a fleet to China for trade, but they were considered as smugglers by the government. They went to the coastal areas of the South China Sea, and traded with the merchants who passed through there.

著者

松浦 義弘

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, no.1, pp.1-41,143-144, 1988-01-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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Robespierre, s'il a souvent ete lie a la Terreur, fut aussi l'un des principaux organisateurs de la fete de l'Etre Supreme. Le but de cet article est d'examiner la pensee de Robespierre (surtout sa pensee en matiere de religion) ainsi que le contexte de l'epoque, de maniere a saisir pourquoi il fut a l'initiative de ce culte. 1.La pensee religieuse de Robespierre comporte deux aspects. (1)des principes invariants durant la periode revolutionnaire. (2)une evolution, fruit de sa propre experience personnelle. (1)Robespierre croyait en un "Dieu" transcendant. Mais il ne s'agit pas du Dieu tel qu'il est defini dans le dogme chretien. En effet, Robespierre tenait pour verite l'idee que l'homme dans l'etat de nature est fondamentalement bon. Ceci implique la negation du fondement dogmatique du christianisme puisque dans la pensee chretienne, c'est le Dieu Sauveur qui permet a l'homme de racheter son peche originel a condition que celui-ci fasse preuve de repentir et de foi. Mais la negation du peche originel pour Robespierre entraine des consequences : la corruption de l'homme est due au vice des institutions sociales si bien que les problemes moraux, - la regeneration des moeurs -peuvent etre resolus par une pratique politique de reforme des institutions de la societe. C'est dans un tel contexte ideologique que furent organisees et meme quasiment institutionnalisees les fetes nationales puis la fete de l'Etre Supreme. (2)Lors d'un voyage a Arras, sa ville d'origine, Robespierre eut l'occasion d'assister a une scene de miracle et c'est alors qu'il prit conscience du danger que representait "le pouvoir des pretres". Sur la question des rapports entre les pretres et le peuple ainsi que sur le probleme des cultes, Robespierre modifia sa vision des choses et son attitude s'en ressentit. Outre une politique repressive a l'egard des pretres seditieux, Robespierre proposa deux moyens pour attenuer l'influence politique du "pouvoir des pretres". D'abord, le maintien des cultes, eu egard a l'interet qu'y attachent les gens du peuple. Ensuite, l'education populaire comme moyen pour balayer "l'ignorance", c'est-a-dire l'etat ou les moeurs populaires ne coincident pas avec les principes du nouveau regime. Robespierre pensait que les fetes nationales en faisant appel a l'emotion d'un peuple analphabete constituaient un bon moyen pedagogique. Cependant, les fetes avaient elles memes un aspect ambigu et leur organisation etait liee a la maniere dont Robespierre concevait la situation generale. 2.Au debut de la dictature jacobine quand sevissait la Vendee, Robespierre s'opposait a la liberte des cultes et il n'etait pas question pour lui de fetes. Cette attitude changea partiellement lorsque des rapports commencerent a annoncer la defaite des Vendeens et quand le projet de Lepeletier fut rejete, c'est a dire vers la fin octobre, debut novembre 1793. Mais son changement reel d'attitude date du mouvement de dechristianisation. Pensant que la dechristianisation etait un piege tendu par l'ennemi pour reveiller les fanatismes en s'attaquant aux croyances ancrees dans le peuple, Robespierre non seulement se porta defenseur de la liberte des cultes mais craignant une provocation ennemie visant a diviser l'opinion francaise, il proposa l'organisation de fetes nationales qu'il considerait comme un moyen pour ressouder la societe. En outre, Robespierre qui estimait que la dechristianisation en bannissant Dieu, finirait par corrompre la morale publique, proclama l'existence d'un Dieu ou Etre Supreme, ceci devant permettre la regeneration des moeurs du peuple et le retablissement de la morale publique. C'est ainsi que fut decretee la fete en l'honneur de l'Etre Supreme.

著者

一ノ瀬 俊也

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.2, pp.281-289, 2014

著者

大久保 桂子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, no.11, pp.1795-1796, 1986

著者

福島 恵

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.119, no.2, pp.181-204, 2010-02-20

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In 2005, a tomb of a man by the name of Li Dan 李誕 from a place called Jibin 〓賓 who died during the Northern Zhou 北周 Period was unearthed in Xi'an 西安, China. We know from the tomb's epitaph that Li Dan was from Jibin and that he obtained his official position because he was a kind of "Brahman" 婆羅門種. From this information the consensus seems to be that Li Dan was of Indian (Kashimere) origin, but since there are various theories as to the exact location of Jibin, it is difficult to conclude anything about his origins. In the present article, the author attempts to clarify exactly where Jibin, where Li Dan was born, was located and considers what Li Dan intended to do in China. First, the author does a work up of the content of Li Dan's epitaph, and then introduces newly discovered epitaphs of Li Da 李陀 and his wife An 安 and of Li Xu 李吁. Judging from the content of all three epitaphs, the author concludes that 1) the men were father, son and grandson, respectively and 2) by her family name, An, the wife of Li Da, was of Sogdian origin. The existence of close marital ties between Li Dan and the Sogdians, which has already been speculated about, because of the proximity of Li Dan's tomb to and the tombs of contemporaries, An Jia 安伽, Kang Ye 康業 and Shi Jun 史君, is now a matter of historical fact. Secondly, the time when Li Dan's epitaph was engraved coincides with the time in which the location of the placename Jibin in Chinese was moved from Gandhara to Kapisi, because Gandhara had lost its position of importance due to the decline of Ephthal. Kapisi lies within the linguistic sphere of Bactrian, which is an eastern dialect of Iranian, like Sogdian. Dasa 陀娑, which is Li Dan's adult name (zi 字), can be found among common Bactrian names. Considering these facts within the context of the close relationship between the Li clan and the Sogdians, the author concludes that the Jibin mentioned in Li Dan's epitaph in fact refers to Kapisi, which was populated by Iranian Bactrians. Furthermore, since the Bactrians were well-known as traders, it can be assumed that Li Dan came to China for the purpose of commerce. And thus, the three epitaphs of the Li clan are important historical sources for unfolding the ways in which a group of Bactrians and Sogdians, tied together by marriage, extended their trading activities in the far away eastern land of China.

著者

阿部 浩一

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.107, no.11, pp.1997-1998, 1998-11-20

著者

設楽 薫

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.96, no.7, pp.1142-1159, 1255-1254, 1987-07-20

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Historians specializing in Muromachi politics during the rein of the 10th shogun Ashikaga Yoshiki 足利義材 have thus far focused their attention on his banishment in 1493 (the Meio Incident), which resulted in the assumption of power by the Hosokawa family. Very little interest, however, has been shown toward the problem of Yoshiki's shogunal governance itself. By analyzing the characteristics and background of Yoshiki's direct judgments (gozen sata 御前沙汰), the author attempts to redress this imbalance and also to improve our understanding of the actual status of Yoshiki's reign. The shogun's direct judgments were usually recorded in the ukagaigoto kiroku 伺事記録, a record kept by the officials who screened matters for the shogun's approval. The record for 1490 and related documents illuminate the shifts in procedure and personnel affairs after the Onin War. The judgment process originally took place only in the presence of the shogun, but Yoshiki always received applications and transmitted his decisions through a rapporteur (moshitsugi 申次). Two reasons for this change can be adduced : (1)the new process provided an effective means of dealing with the increasing number of suits and applications, regardless of when the next shogunal audience was scheduled or what personnel were on duty ; and (2)the shogun's cloistered father, Yoshimi, exercised the real power within the administration, although he had himself never been shogun. The rapporteurs were selected from among those long-term confidents of Yoshimi and Yoshiki, such as HAMURO Mitsutada 葉室光忠, TANEMURA Gyobu 種村刑部 and ISSIKI Jibu 一色治部. Yoshimi and his son lacked confldent retainers within the court at the time of Yoshiki's succession, because Yoshimi had been the very leader of anti-shogun Western force during the Onin War (1467-1477). Yoshimi and Yoshiki therefore tended to place greater trust in their long-term confidents than in those who newly came into service at Yoshiki's court. As close retainers these rapporteurs were entrusted with supervising matters involving the shogun's direct judgment. The shogun's liege vassals can be divided into the three categories : (1)those who had served with him before the Onin War, that is, men who were not hereditary servants of the bakufu ; (2)those who came to serve under Yoshimi during the Onin War ; and (3)those who came into service after Yoshiki's succession. Most of the persons whose names came up in gozen sata documents represented categories (1) and (2). Shogunal confidence in them was 'high' but his reliance on them inevitably led to feelings of estrangement on the part of hereditary servants of the bakufu. This, in turn, hastened the decline of Yoshiki himself in the Meio Incident.

著者

梶原 洋一

出版者

史学会 ; 1889-

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.128, no.4, pp.432-456, 2019-04