著者

旗手 瞳

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.1, pp.38-63, 2014

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This article focuses attention on the Mgar Family, which during the late 7th century monopolized power within the Tibetan Empire (吐蕃) after it rose up on the Tibetan Plateau and embarked on the conquest of the kingdom of Tuyuhun 吐谷渾, which was accomplished in 670. Specifically, the author analyzes 1) how the Mgars were involved in ruling Tuyuhun, 2) what policies the Tufan Empire enacted after its invasion of Tuyuhun and 3) how the purge of the Mgars in 698 influenced the way in which Tuyuhun would be ruled. With respect to objective 1), Mgar Stong rtsan acted as commander-in-chief of the Tuyuhun expedition between 659 and 666; and after his death in 667, military activities in the occupied areas of Tuyuhun were commanded by his sons Mgar Khri 'bring and ^*Mgar Btsan ba. Next, regarding objective 2), after the conquest, the Tibetan Empire enthroned its own king of Tuyuhun, while at the same time embarking on a proactive agenda aiming at taking full advantage of Tuyuhun as a base of operations for the invasion of Tang China. The author argues that in the Mgars played a leading role, similar to their military command, in the implementation of this agenda. Finally, concerning objective 3), as the result of the 698 purge, the Mgar Family, which had taken charge of the Tibetan agenda for Tuyuhun, was for all intents and purposes completely removed from power, and the incident also provided the Tuyuhun people with the opportunity for a large scale estrangement from the Tibetan Empire. Consequently, the author argues that a major crisis in Tibetan rule over Tuyuhun followed from the 698 purge. After the fall of the Mgar Family, the 'Bro, Dba's and Cog ro Families took control of the Tibetan Empire's central government; and during almost every year between 706 and 714 dispatched ministers appointed from among their family members to Tuyuhun, in addition to arranging the marriage of a Cog ro woman to the king. The author argues that through these diplomatic moves, the Tibetan Empire was able to reestablish relations of trust with Tuyuhun. Consequently, around 714 the Tibetan Empire was once again able to reopen its invasion of Tang China with Tuyuhun as its front line base of operations.

著者

白川 静

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.90, no.9, pp.1428-1434, 1981-09-20

著者

坂野 鉄也

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.119, no.2, pp.147-180, 2010-02-20

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The purpose of this paper is to explain the reason why in the sixteenth century Paraguay the Spaniards or their descendants quarrelled between themselves in court, sometimes for five or six years, about the rights over yanaconas, who served them while living in their residences or farms; it is not aim to discuss the inter-Spanish relations but to search for the cause of trying to get a few of yanaconas in exchange for many efforts and expense. This discussion proposes to rethink the relationship between the Spaniards, the colonizer, and the Indios, the colonized, and to make clear the image of the Paraguayan colonial society as it appeared in the middle of sixteenth century. The results of the analysis based on judicial documents, reserved but not yet put in order in the Archivo Nacional de Asuncion, Paraguay, are as follows. 1) The yanaconas were situated under a specific legal system differentiated from that of the colonial institution, encomienda system. 2) The real image of the yanaconas is not similar to that described in previous studies, in which historians and anthropologists have supposed that they were indios who lived near Asuncion, the first and capital colonial city of the Paraguayan region, or the captured indios who resisted to Spaniards or the Spanish colonization. 3) In colonial Paraguay under the condition of a partially functioning encomienda system, the yanaconas filled the role of connection between the Spaniards and the conquered or unconquered indios by receiving visits of their relatives, a common practice in their native society. This resulted in the Spaniards or their descendants competing to get or not lose yanaconas.

著者

三鬼 清一郎

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.108, no.11, pp.1930-1932, 1999-11-20

著者

渡邉 宏明

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.10, pp.1775-1810, 2014-10-20

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It was during Japan's second pro-Constitution movement that the Seiyuhonto Party was formed and began to open the path leading to the formation of the Minseito Party. However, due to a scarcity of source materials related to the Seiyuhonto and its chairman, it has been difficult to trace the most conservative element of the Seiyukai Party, in terms of the changes that took place in the Seiyuhonto within the process of its merger with the Kenseikai Party. The present article focuses on the relationship that was established between the National Association of Towns and Villages (NATV) and the Seiyuhonto during 1920-21 in an attempt to reexamine politics at the end of the Taisho era. The author begins with a description of two political processes facing the fifteenth session of the the National Diet; namely, enacting the Universal Manhood Suffrage Act and increasing the National Treasury's share of funding for compulsory education, in order to show the cooperation that was established between the Seiyuhonto and the NATV in implementing regional policy, which was followed by a joint effort to apply pressure on the Tripartite pro-Constitution Cabinet, in particular the Cabinet's Seiyukai faction. For the Seiyukai prior to the enactment of universal suffrage, cooperation on the part of the NATV was crucial in terms of both the party's platform and political influence. Next, the author outlines the political process in the fifty-first session of the Diet surrounding the abolishment of county (gun 郡) administrative offices, within which the Seiyuhonto, forced to keep universal suffrage in view, decided to join together with the Kenseikai to implement increased Treasury funding for education, thus opposing the shutdown of gun offices, which was supported by the NATV. There is no doubt that the prestige of the Seiyuhonto at this point in time was at its height, especially among the business community; however, its role as spokesperson for the NATV had definitely declined. The changes that occurred in the Seiyuhonto as the result of these three political processes characterized the transition from spokesperson for the NATV, which governed Japan regionally, to a party of the masses in anticipation of general elections. However, the tokonami Takejiro faction of the Seiyuhonto, which was formed as a new electoral base, being organizationally similar to the Wakatsuki Reijiro faction of the Kenseikai, lacked any uniqueness as a political party at the time. Consequently, as tokonami's dream of the revitalizing the "Great Seiyukai" became more and more remote, the formation of the Minseito became more of a possibility on the political scene of the last years of Taisho.

著者

大津 透

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, no.12, pp.p1831-1880, 1986-12

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Because of a shortage of the materials, former studies of the financial administration before the Kai-yuan (開元) period do not elucidate how the administrative departments actually worked. The legislative documents of the period excavated in the Turfan basin in 1972 are thought to be possibly part of the Ordinance of the Department of Public Revenue (度支式). In a former monograph, the writer took up the fragments with 'ampero' marks on of the Ohtani Documents (which the Ohtani Expeditionary Party excavated in Turfan and brought back to Japan in the early twentieth century), and restored them to their original form, which was found to be the main part of the above-said legislative documents. In this monograph the writer studies the documents left in Japan and China, to show that they refer to the national budget during the Yi-feng (儀鳳) period and to throw a light on that budget system, the actual operation of the financial administration and the annual schedule concerning the budget under the Code-Statute (律令) regime of the Tang Dynasty. The documents show the facts that 1)the Department of Public Revenue (度支) reported the national budget for the next year 674 to the throne (in this case, the prince) in the zou-chao (奏抄) form on the 28th day of the tenth month of 673 (儀鳳3) and the throne assigned it ; 2)the Department of Treasury (金部) sent an imperial directive (旨符) to enforce the budget to Xi prefecture (西州), the prefecture received the imperial directive and carried it into effect ; and 3)though the directive was sent to Xi prefecture, it seems to involve the whole national budget applied all through the Tang's territory. The documents not only include the detailed orders concerning conversions of the kind of yong-diao (庸調) tax, official purchases, transportation of the tax, the expense of its transportation and the other various expenditures, but also refer to the permanently applicable regulations about the tax register (計帳), the account-list (勾帳), the delivery date of the goods of tax to the capital or other places and so on. That is to say, they include all kinds of orders concerning financial administration. Important is the procedure that the Emperor examine and assign all the orders every year. By that procedure the Emperor Supervised the financial administration under the Tang Dynasty. The writer makes clear the annual schedule concerning the budget system in the documents. First, every prefecture presents its tax register (計帳) to the Board of Finance (戸部) in the fifth month, and the Board calculates the number of the taxable individuals, on which the budget should be made for the next year. Secondly, every prefecture balances its account at the end of a year, and presents the account-list (勾帳) to the Department of Judical Control (比部) for audit, and the balance is carried over to the revenue of the next year. Thirdly, several departments report their annual expenditures and balances to the Department of Public Revenue in the first decade of the eighth month. According to these reports, the Department of Public Revenue draws up the budget for the next year and reports it to the throne in the zou-chao form by the end of the tenth month. In the beginning of the next year the Department of Treasury sends the imperial directive to enforce the budget to every prefecture. Every prefecture collects the goods for the yong-diao (庸調) tax in the eighth month and transports them to the capital or other designated places in the ninth month. This system of annual budgeting became more and more laborious and clumsy and was abolished in the year 736 (開元24). A new system started, based on 'permanently applicable directives' (長行旨条) consisting of five chapters. The major part of the budget became fixed. In the year 780 (建中元) the liang-shui (両税) tax system was established and the financial administration was fundamentally changed on the policy of 'regulating income by measuring expenditure' (来

著者

細川 武稔

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.107, no.12, pp.2083-2106, 2198-2199, 1998-12-20

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In order to better clarify medieval society, its warrior class and what the shogunate was, it is necessary to consider religion. The aim of the present paper is to shed light upon the character of the Muromachi shogunate by examining the residences, temples and shrines of the Ashikaga family. The first shogun, Ashikaga Takauji first lived in Rokuhara (an eastern suburb of Kyoto), then he and his younger brother Tadayoshi built residences in the center of Kyoto, and established a new shogunate there. Tojiji temple was attached to Tadayoshi's residence the Sanjobomon-tei. Aftr his death, Takauji and the second shogun Yoshiakira decided that Tojiji temple would be the patron temple of the Ashikaga family. Takauji and Yoshiakira lived near Tojiji temple, and Gosho-Hachimangu shrine was built at Tadayoshi's Sanjobomon-tei as the guardian of the shogun's residence. Therefore, the whole Sanjobomon area belonged to the Ashikaga family. The third shogun, Ashikaga Yoshimitsu, built his residence, called the Muromachi-dono, in a northern suburb of Kyoto. He also built Shokokuji temple near Muromachi-dono, as the area became much larger than that at Sanjobomon. Yoshimitsu moved the functions of the Ashikaga family temple nearer to him, sponsoring, for example, the Hokkehakko memorial service for the former shogun, at Shokokuji temple instead of Tojiji temple. After building his residence in Kitayama to the north of Muromachi-dono, he sponsored the Hokkehakko in Kitayama. From the reign of the fourth shogun, Ashikaga Yoshimochi, the two temples of the Ashikaga family coexisted. Regardless of where the shogun lived, Hokkehakko was performed at Tojiji temple, while smaller temples of each shogun were built on the grounds of Shokokuji temple. This indicates that the Muromachi shogunate at that time came to assume a double character, one attributable to Takauji's government, the other to Yoshimitsu's.

著者

加藤 祐介

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.121, no.11, pp.1901-1922, 2012-11-20

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This article analyses the relationship between the Minsei party's policy advocating a return to the gold standard and the activities of the party's rank and file, focusing in particular on a political leadership faced with balancing two different demands imposed on it: 1) achieving its policy objective and 2) generating the political strength to keep it in power. By adopting this perspective, the author aims to coherently explain the political situation of the time, by dividing the policy-making process into the four phases of policy formation, development, modification, and ultimate abandonment, centering his attention on the "modification" stage and the role of political leadership in it. There were Minsei party members who were sympathetic to requests from their provincial branches to advocate budgetary measures for expanding public utility projects. However, the Hamaguchi Osachi cabinet's objective was to implement a strict policy of retrenchment centered around cutting or postponing public works projects, resulting in tension arising between the government and its own party's machine. It was Minister of Home Affairs Adachi Kenzo who tried to reconcile the two sides, by increasing the budget for unemployment relief projects ("exceptional" public works) by reclassifying a portion of the "normal" public works projects that had been cut as relief efforts. This is what the author means by the "modification" stage of the policymaking process. Adachi by no means unconditionally acceded to the demands of his party's rank and file, but rather stayed in line with the government's principle of cutting and postponing "normal" public works projects, which was the key measure to the success of retrenchment. In his attempt to balance government principles with the political demands of his party, Adachi resorted to the idea of a return to the gold standard in the two-fold mandate of 1) achieving policy objectives (retrenchment) while at the same 2) preserving his party's strength and loyalty (through more public works projects). In the end, due to Great Britain's international renunciation of the gold standard and the chaotic stalemate over passing the domestic budget for fiscal year 1932, Adachi removed himself as a leading figure in the government, resulting in the failure of his attempt.

著者

国分 航士

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.119, no.4, pp.479-505, 2010-04-20

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Article 30 of the Meiji Constitution pertaining to petitions filed by imperial subjects specified that "rules" for concrete procedures were to be established; and the Parliament Act (Gi'inho 議院法) concerning petitions to the congress, and the Petitions Act (Seiganrei 請願令) pertaining to petitions filed with the Emperor and administrative bureaus were promulgated as a result. This article examines the process of promulgating the Petitions Act by discussing why the act was passed in 1917. in addition, the article discusses the new link that was established between the Emperor and his subjects (or rather, the nation) through the enactment of the petition system through an examination of the conditions before, during and after the enactment of the Constitution. Because the act of petitioning the Emperor was prohibited prior to the Constitution's enactment, focus was placed more on appeals to administrative bureaus at that time. However, in the process of enacting the Constitution and studying European practices, petitioning the Emperor came to be interpreted as being important as petitioning the legislature and administrative bureaus. After the Constitution was enacted, petitioning the Emperor became the subject of a debate between Ito Hirobumi (伊藤博文) and Ito Miyoji (伊東巳代治) within the process of preparing an imperial household system. The argument concerned how petitioning should be understood in terms of the "will of the people": Would it be a means of "procuring the will of the people" or "probing the will of the people?" Furthermore, heated debates arose on how the Emperor and the legislature should be positioned within the framework of the Constitution. For example, what would be the interrelationship between petitioning the two (i.e., expressing the "will of the people") and perceptions concerning the relationship between the monarch and his subjects. The promulgation of the Petitions Act was also interpreted as a measure responding to a changing society and as a law protecting the rights of imperial subjects. Consequently, the Petitions Act, which attempted to systematically lay out the petition process, was a piece of legislation that "probed the will of the people" and, as a matter, was the first law of its kind to do so under the Constitution. Furthermore, the Act represented a new linkage between the Emperor and the nation, through the Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal, who was put in charge of handling petitions filed with the Emperor.

著者

大月 康弘

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.107, no.9, pp.1673-1682, 1998-09-20

著者

千葉 正史

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.108, no.1, pp.65-92, 153-152, 1999-01-20

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The pupose of this paper is look at the events surrounding the Yihetuan 義和団 Incident in the light of the communications revolution touched off by the invention of the telegraph during the late Qing period and consider the overall political transformation brought about by this technological breakthrough. During the Yihetuan Incident, communication between the capital and the provinces became very difficult due to the destruction of the telegraph lines around Beijing by the Yihetuan. The speedy transmission of information had taken on utmost importance: for example, in the conclusion of a mutual defense agreement between the southern provinces and foreigh countries, there was fear of contradictions arising from the central government already having declared war on them. This possible conflict of interest was easily dissolved by telegraph messages sent from Baoding 保定 via Shangi 山西. Just after this event, the Yihetuan began to tear down telegraph lines in Shangxi, thus pushing the Qing empire to verge of destruction. During the occupation of Beijing by the allied forces of the eight world powers, the telegraph network was put under their control. Under this state of affairs, the lack of telegraph facilities for communication concerning peace ne-

著者

森 涼子

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.120, no.4, pp.520-545, 2011-04-20

著者

照内 崇仁

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.119, no.1, 2010-01-20

著者

黒川 康

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.8, pp.1480-1481, 1995-08-20

著者

秋葉 淳

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.2, pp.272-281, 2014-02-20 (Released:2017-07-31)

著者

平井 上総

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.4, pp.576-589, 2009-04-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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This article attempts a textual criticism of the Chosokabe Motochika Shikimoku (hereafter Keicho Shikimoku) purported to have been promulgated in Tosa Province during the Toyotomi Hideyoshi regime in the second year of Keicho (1597). The article begins with a comparison between Chosokabe family institutions and the content of the Keicho Shikimoku, by focusing on a set of provincial-wide bylaws (Chosokabe-shi Okitegaki) promulgated during that same time. The comparison reveals marked differences between the two documents in both wording and institutional arrangements. The author concludes that the content of the Keicho Shikimoku conflicts with Chosokabe family custom in many ways. Next, a comparison is made between the Keicho Shikimoku and the legal codes promulgated by the Yamauchi family for it Tosa Han fief during the Tokugawa Period, revealing similarities between the two documents in both content and form. The author concludes that the so-called "Keicho Shikimoku" was not a legal code of the Chosokabes, but must have been compiled after the formation of Tosa Han sometime during the 17^<th> century or after. In order to pinpoint the date of compilation, the author compares the Keicho Shikimoku with revisions made in the Tosa Han legal codes between Kan'ei 18 (1641) and Genroku 3 (1690), and discovers that the greatest similarity occurs with respect to the revisions made in Kanbun 3 (1663). Moreover, the fact that the Keicho Shikimoku prohibition on samurai attending dance performances and sumo wrestling tournaments reflects the actual situation during the several years following Kanbun 3 also suggests that the 1663 legal code for Tosa Han was its source. As to the reason why the Keicho Shikimoku was written, the author argues that it was an attempt by local samurai facing extinction in the midst of the political upheaval that occurred in Tosa during Kanbun 3 to reinforce their legitimacy by emphasizing historical ties to the Chosokabe family. The author concludes that the Keicho Shikimoku was a fictitious legal code modeled after legal codes in force in Tosa Han during the late 17^<th> century and shows that the Chosokabe family did not use the phrase "ichiryo gusoku" 一領具足 (allowing cultivators to arm themselves; later how local samurai-cultivators referred to themselves) in any of the legal codes it promulgated or any official document it issued, indicating that ichiryo gusoku was merely a popular phrase, not an official legal institution.

著者

鈴木 蒼

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.129, no.3, pp.38-62, 2020 (Released:2021-09-09)

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本稿は、文化史上特に重要とされながら、これまで研究が僅少であった、平安時代における書筆に優れ文字を巧みに書いた人々、「能書」の性質について考察を行ったものである。当該期における「能書」は、種々の依頼(命令)に応じてさまざまな文書の清書を行うという、彼らにしか行い得ない独自の社会的役割を持っていた。こうした彼らの書に関する能力は、九世紀初頭より十世紀後葉頃までは、紀伝道を中心とする大学での学習、あるいは親族間による書の技術の伝習という、二つの方法を中心として育成された。この二つを巧みに利用した小野氏をはじめとするいくつかの一族は、能書の一族として九・十世紀の間勢力を保持した。また、彼らはその能力を、天皇・皇太子といった権力者と人格的関係を築く一助としても活用した。 十一世紀前後より、能書は自身の臣従する主君(権門)の命令による清書のみを行うようになる。また、十一世紀中葉までに摂関家に臣従した能書とその後裔以外の人物は、能書としては没落してしまう。こうした変化の背景として、十世紀後葉以降、権門が官人を掌握するようになるという、貴族社会の質的変容が考えられる。 またこの時期、故実や特定の血統といった単純な書の能力以外のものが、能書にも求められるようになる。その中で、藤原行成という優れた能書を祖に持ち、故実の創出を行った世尊寺家(藤原行成子孫)が、十一世紀後葉には有力な能書の一族として立ち現れてくる。しかしそのために、九・十世紀に比べ、大学出身者の能書は大幅に減少する。また、鳥羽・後白河院政期には、院近臣の一族である勧修寺流藤原氏が、摂関家の能書藤原忠通との人格的関係や、複数の権門と良好な関係を築いたことによって、書の一族として急成長する。しかし、後白河院政の終了後、彼らは急速に能書役から退いたため、平安時代以降に書の一族として残ったのは世尊寺家のみであった。

著者

上野 雅由樹

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.119, no.11, pp.1870-1887, 2010-11-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

西田 友広

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.127, no.8, pp.35-51, 2018 (Released:2019-08-20)

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本稿では、日本の中世社会の特徴をよく示す法諺として知られる、「獄前死人、無レ訴者、無二検断一」(獄前の死人、訴え無くば、検断無し)という言葉の意味を再検討し、この法諺を、中世社会の検断の実態の中で、整合的に理解し、位置づけることを試みた。 この法諺はこれまで、日本中世の検断(刑事訴訟)における弾劾主義・当事者主義の原則の存在を、またさらに広く、中世社会が自力救済を原則としていたことを象徴的に示すものと理解されてきた。そして、「獄の前に死体があったとしても、訴えがなければ、検断は行われない」、さらには「行ってもらえない」という意味で理解されてきた。 しかし、一方で、訴えが無いにもかかわらず検断が行われ、それが不当であると訴えられたり、鎌倉幕府や朝廷などによって禁止されたりするという実例も多く存在する。 この法諺の「訴えが無ければ、検断は行われない/行ってもらえない」という通説的理解と、訴え無しに検断が行われ、それが非難されるという実例の存在は、どのように整合的に理解することができるのか、この点の解明が本稿の目的である。 まず第一章では、この法諺に関する先行研究にさかのぼり、「訴えが無ければ、検断は行われない/行ってもらえない」という通説的理解の成立過程とその問題点を確認した。その結果、通説的理解の形成過程とともに、一方で、当時の検断のあり方との間に矛盾も指摘されていたことを明らかにした。また、先行研究における史料解釈にも問題点が存在するものがあることが明らかになった。 次に第二章では、中世の検断の実態を確認し、訴えと検断との関係について、史料に即して検討し以下の事を明らかにした。まず、中世にあっては、様々な権力主体が、権利・利権として検断を行っており、それゆえに不当・過酷な検断が横行していた。これに対し、鎌倉時代中期以降、検断の執行を訴えがあった場合に制限しようとする動きが生じてくる。この動きは、撫民法として幕府や荘園領主にも採用され、地域社会レベルでの検断に規制が加えられていった。一方、悪党問題の発生にともない、特に幕府では、一定の形式と手続きの下、訴え無き検断の正当化が進められた。地域社会レベルでは訴え無き検断の制限が行われる一方、幕府や荘園領主レベルでは訴え無き検断の正当化が進められていったのである。 そして第三章では、「獄前死人、無レ訴者、無二検断一」という言葉が記された訴訟の経緯を確認し、この言葉が発せられた意図と、その意味内容を明らかにした。この言葉は、東寺の執行職をめぐる至徳二年の訴訟の中で発せられた。それは、訴訟の争点となった殺害について、検断の結果、その犯人は明らかになったという主張を否定するために発せられた言葉であった。よって、この言葉は「訴えが無ければ、検断は行われてはならない」と、訴え無き検断を否定・拒否する意味と解釈すべきである。 中世にあっては、様々な権力主体が、権利・利権として検断を行っていたため、不当・過酷な検断が横行していた。これに対し、鎌倉時代中期以降、検断を訴えがあった場合のみに制限しようとする動きが生じ、地域社会レベルでは訴え無き検断の制限が行われる一方、幕府や荘園領主レベルでは訴え無き検断の正当化が進められていった。訴えと検断をめぐるこのような状況と、「獄前死人、無レ訴者、無二検断一」という言葉が発せられた経緯を踏まえるならば、この法諺は「訴えが無ければ、検断は行われてはならない」と、訴え無き検断を否定・拒否する意味で解釈するべきである。そして、このように解釈することによって、この法諺は中世社会の検断の実態の中で、整合的に理解し、位置づけることができる。

著者

クラーマー スベン

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.126, no.8, pp.54-76, 2017 (Released:2018-10-20)

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1953年10月から実施された「昭和の大合併」は日本の第2次大規模市町村合併政策である。それは各都道府県の市町村を対象にし、市町村の数を3分の1に減らすという目標で実施された。主な目的は戦後の地方行政団体(兼自治体)の財政危機の解決だとされている。この「昭和の大合併」において以前には存在していなかった新しい市が数多く誕生した。その中では奈良県天理市が注目すべき事例である。 天理市は1954年4月1日に発足した。その前身町村は山辺郡丹波市町、同郡二階堂村、同郡朝和村、同郡福住村、磯城郡柳本町、添上郡櫟本町である。「天理」という市名の由来は新宗教団体の天理教である。天理教は1838年に発祥し、その本部は教祖中山みきの故郷である丹波市町の三島地区にある。天理教は19世紀末から丹波市町の発展に貢献し、天理教の巡礼などが町の経済発展を支えてきた。「昭和の大合併」の際、新市を天理教にちなもうとしたのである。 『改訂天理市史』は天理市を誕生させた合併について詳しく説明せず、問題点がなかったかのように協議の要点と市の発足だけ述べている。しかし、現地の行政資料と新聞記事を確認すると、天理市の発足を危うくするほどの問題点があったことが分かる。具体的には二階堂村と櫟本町が一時的に天理市合併に参加しない方針を示し、さらに「天理市」という名称を採用するために天理教の許可が必要であったが、合併協議会の議論でこの許可が下りるかについては、確実ではなかった。本論は以上の問題点とその解決を説明した上、天理教の役割について検討し、「昭和の大合併」中の天理市合併の意味について考察する。先行研究において宗教は合併に対して大きな要因として扱われていないが、天理市の事例が示すよう、場合によって宗教が重要な役割を果たせる。