著者

上里 隆史

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.114, no.7, pp.1179-1211, 2005

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This article investigates the migration of Japanese in the China Sea region, especially in and around Naha, the capital of the Kingdom of Ryukyu, between the 16th and 17th centuries. Previous research on the Japan-Ryukyu relations during medieval times has chiefly focused on the diplomatic relations between the Muromachi government, the Shimazu family of Satsuma, and the Ryukyus. It goes without saying, however, that the focus on state trade alone does not fully explain the historical relations between the two states. It is also necessary for us to consider such private aspects of trade as the activities of people who participated as well as recent findings on medieval maritime trade for a proper understanding of the relationship between medieval Japan and the Ryukyus. The migration of people from Japan to the Ryukyu Islands dates back to the 15th century. The "Ryukyu Kokuzu 琉球国図", a map of the Kingdom in those days depicts Japanese and Ryukyuans living together in Naha. According to the genealogical data on the Ryukyus, Japanese who had emigrated there during the 16th and 17th centuries through the transportation mode which had evolved at that time, can be divided into three groups, based on their places of origin: Kinai, Hokuriku, Kyushu groups. Those people were probably maritime merchants who commuted between the Ryukyus and Japan, but resided permanently in the Ryukyus and engaged in certain occupations, such as the administration of Naha, foreign affairs, medicine, and the tea ceremony. As for the structure of the port city of Naha, Naha-Yomachi 那覇四町, literally, the four townships of Naha, had developed on the fringe of the Chinese settlement of Kumemura 久米村, which was the core of Naha. The fact that Japanese institutions, such as a Shinto shrine, were located on the periphery of Naha-Yomachi shows that, like the goddess Mazu 媽祖 for the Chinese people, Naha was one of the overseas territories of Japanese merchants. Japanese immigrants resided together with Ryukyuans in Naha-Yomachi. During the 16th century, wajin (倭人), or armed Japanese merchants would throng into Naha in quest of the Chinese goods when ever Chinese envoys visited the Ryukyus. The Ryukyu royal government tried to restrict armaments, but failed. Japanese trading facilities called Nihon Kan 日本館 were set up in Naha. During the latter half of the 16th century, Kumemura, the center of Naha and the Chinese settlement, declined, while Naha-Yomachi prospered. During this period, the trade route between Japan and Fujian via Manila was established based on the active circulation of Japanese and new continental silver and Chinese raw silk. The Ryukyus functioned in it as an entrepot between Japan and Manila. It has been thought that the route from the Ryukyus to Southeast Asia was completely abolished in 1570, however, this is not true, for the Ryukyus changed its form of trade from state-sponsored trade to private trade carried out by wajin maritime merchants. The Ryukyus thus become a node connecting East to Southeast Asia.

著者

中島 楽章

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.8, pp.1423-1458, 2009-08-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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This article reexamines, with the help of contemporary Chinese and European sources, the plan by Kato Kiyomasa, the lord of Northern Higo Domain, to initiate trade with Luzon during Toyotomi Hideyoshi's invasion of Korea, which Kiyomasa led in 1592. In a letter written to his retainers at home in late 1593, Kiyomasa ordered a Chinese junk loaded with wheat and silver to be dispatched to what the author argues was Luzon, since 1) junks were maritime, rather than coastal, trading vessels, and 2) wheat, the major cargo on board, was the main commodity in Japan's trade with the Philippines at that time. The author argues that Kiyomasa, fearing a long campaign in Korea, planned to used the profits from the Luzon venture to procure sorely needed arms and ammunition. For Japan during the last years of the 16^<th> century, its supply of munitions, like lead and saltpeter, were supplied by three routes, all terminating in Kyushu: 1) the Macao-Nagasaki route, 2) the Chinese route linking Fukien with Kyushu and 3) the entrepot trade from China and Southeast Asia through such points as Luzon. However, given the fact that around the time of Hideyoshi's invasion, the Philippines was suffering from a lack of munitions due to decreasing Chinese imports, Kiyomasa planned to trade for such highly sought after commodities as gold, for the purpose of procuring munitions within Japan. Furthermore, it is a fact that Kiyomasa ordered another junk to sail to Luzon in 1576, which succeeded in arriving at Manila in the summer of the following year, despite worsening diplomatic relations between Japan and the Philippines. Finally, the author confirms that during the 1590s, Japanese vessels began to venture out on the high seas, to not only Luzon, but such Southeast Asian continental locations as Cochin China, Siam, Cambodia and Malacca. The activities of the vermillion seal ship's voyages to the region, which began at the beginning of the 17^<th> century, were hardly spontaneous events, since their routes and trade activities had already been pioneered during last decades of the previous century.

著者

加島 潤

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.113, no.3, pp.377-378, 2004

著者

山室 恭子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, no.1, pp.89-96, 1986

著者

黒田 達也

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, no.2, pp.228-235, 1988

著者

伊藤 滋夫

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.109, no.3, pp.459-460, 2000-03-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

島田 誠

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, no.7, pp.1201-1220,1319-, 1988-07-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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From the late Republic to the early Empire there lived some people called provinciales in the Mediterranean World. And sometimes they were juxtaposed to Italici, who had originated from Italy or still dwelled in there. Most scholars think that they were peregrini (foreigners), who dwelled in the provinces. But a few scholars oppose them and assert that provinciales were the Roman citizens who resided in the provinces, and that Roman citizens who dwelled in Italy were called Italici. This paper is concerned with the following three problems : I.What was the status of provinciales? II.Were the Roman citizens who dwelled in Italy called Italici? And what is the nature of privilege called ius Italicum? III.Under what conditions could both provinciales and Italici exist? I.The author examines the usage of provinciales in the Latin literature and finds that some Roman citizens were called provinciales, but no foreigners were called provinciales. In turn the author scrutinizes the usage of the designations of foreigners, and concludes that in the Latin literature provinciales is carefully distinguished from the terms for the foreigners. This confirms that the term provinciales designates those Roman citizens who dwelled in the provinces. II.In the Latin literature, there are some Italici juxtaposed to provinciales, and they seem to be Roman citizens who dwelled in Italy. But under the Republic, some negotiatores doing business in provinces were also called Italici. So they might be thought of as men of Italian origin who resided in the provinces. The author investigates the designation of the Italian negotiatores in provinces using Latin inscriptions. He finds that they referred to themselves in two ways, 'Italici' and 'cives Romani (Roman citizens)'. Also he finds that the former designation was used before the 60's B.C. and the latter appeared after the 30's B.C. Hence, the author concludes that Italici from the late Republic were not men of Italian origin in provinces, but Roman citizens who dwelled in Italy. Next, the author attempts to reconsider the nature of ius Italicum. It usually is considered as (1)a communal privilege granted to communities whose status was identified with that of Italian municipalities, (2)communities, on which the privilege was conferred, which were regarded as the highest in the provinces, and which enjoyed autonomy, immunity, and the special right that their land could be held ex iure Quiritium by Roman citizens, (3)a privilege which was devised in the age of Augustus, in order to compensate the inhabitants of some communities for their loss of Italian status. However, the privilege appeared first in the middle of the 1st century A.D. And a Greek inscription records a Roman citizen woman as a person of Italian right without any mention of her community. Hence the author makes the following assumptions : i)The privilege granted to the groups of Roman citizens whose status was identified with that of those who dwelled in Italy ; ii)The privilege was devised in the middle of 1st century A.D., in order to reconcile the conflict between provinciales and Italici ; iii)From the 2nd century the discrimination between them became obsolete, so the ius Italicum began to be thought of as a communal privilege. III.Finally, the author considers the historical and social conditions on which both provinciales and Italici could exist. The distinction between them requires certain conditions ; i.e., that almost all inhabitants in Italy were Roman citizens but in provinces Roman citizens dwelled among foreigners. Under these conditions the idea that Roman citizens had to dwell in Italy became fixed, and Italici began to discriminate against provinciales. This discrimination soon disappeared, and in A.D.212 almost all the inhabitants of the Roman Empire became Roman citizens. After that, provinciales came to mean the inhabitants in provinces.

著者

山田 篤美

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.119, no.1, 2010-01-20

著者

石田 尚豊

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.107, no.12, pp.2139-2142, 1998-12-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

周藤 芳幸

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.11, pp.2027-2029, 1993-11-20

著者

相澤 隆

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.106, no.10, pp.1866-1868, 1997

著者

吉田 伸之

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.122, no.7, pp.1305-1307, 2013-07-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

根津 由喜夫

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.111, no.5, pp.922-925, 2002

著者

網野 善彦

出版者

山川出版社

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.81, no.8, pp.1-60, 1972-08

著者

佐々木 真

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, no.6, pp.1105-1127,1180-, 1989

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Dans cet article, nous examinons les particularites de la milice royale et les rapports entre cette institution militaire novelle et la societe d'Ancien Regime. Etablie par l'ordonnance du 29 novembre 1688 pour augmenter les effectifs de l'armee et mettre un terme aux abus des "troupes reglees" qui constituaient jusqu'alors le noyau des forces militaires, la milice devait, a l'origine, etre temporaire. Des 1726, elle devient pourtant une institution permanente. Le recrutement des miliciens au sein des paroisses, la presentation des candidats officiers au Secretaire d'Etat a la guerre, ainsi que l'inspection de l'etat des troupes etaient places sous le controle des commissaires royaux : intendants de province et subdelegues, et ce, des le XVIII^e siecle. Vis a vis des troupes reglees qui, du fait du systeme de venalite des charges et du recrutement des soldats par contrat, constituaient une sorte de patrimoine des officiers, la milice qui trouvait son recrutement dans le service militaire formait un systeme beaucoup plus centralise. Mais il est vrai que la milice rencontrait partout des obstacles lies a la nature meme de la societe d'Ancien Regime. Les miliciens etaient recrutes dans les milieux populaires et les exempts etaient extremement nombreux, surtout parmi les privilegies. L'Ancien Regime, de par sa nature meme, ne pouvait mettre en place une milice egalitariste. La milice devint finalement impopulaire et ses effectifs etaient surtout composes de volontaires et de remplagants. Les deserteurs etaient legions. Pour resister a l'enrolement dans la milice, les appeles faisaient appel a la solidarite familiale, a celle de leur communaute, a l'appui des notables. Les communautes souvent payaient des remplacants pour eviter le depart de ses jeunes membres et les agents locaux souvent fermaient les yeux sur les volontaires et les remplacants. Le fonctionnement pratique de la milice montre le compomis qui se tisse entre pouvoir royal et societe civile bien plus qu'une penetration reelle de l'autorite monarchique dans la societe. Du fait de la resistance opposee au recrutement, la milice etait composee souvent de gens sans biens, sans etat, sans relations, c'est a dire souvent de ceux qui n'avaient guere de motivations et d'interet a la defense de la chose publique. De plus, la milice ne constituait pas une troupe faite pour la guerre a proprement parler. Comme force militaire de choc, la pouvoir royal devait toujours compter sur les troupes reglees. Pour que la milice se muat en armee moderne, il fallait un bouleversement des structures de l'Etat d'une part ainsi qu'une plus grande adhesion du corps social aux objectifs de l'Etat.

著者

鈴木 蒼

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.129, no.3, pp.38-62, 2020

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本稿は、文化史上特に重要とされながら、これまで研究が僅少であった、平安時代における書筆に優れ文字を巧みに書いた人々、「能書」の性質について考察を行ったものである。当該期における「能書」は、種々の依頼(命令)に応じてさまざまな文書の清書を行うという、彼らにしか行い得ない独自の社会的役割を持っていた。こうした彼らの書に関する能力は、九世紀初頭より十世紀後葉頃までは、紀伝道を中心とする大学での学習、あるいは親族間による書の技術の伝習という、二つの方法を中心として育成された。この二つを巧みに利用した小野氏をはじめとするいくつかの一族は、能書の一族として九・十世紀の間勢力を保持した。また、彼らはその能力を、天皇・皇太子といった権力者と人格的関係を築く一助としても活用した。<br> 十一世紀前後より、能書は自身の臣従する主君(権門)の命令による清書のみを行うようになる。また、十一世紀中葉までに摂関家に臣従した能書とその後裔以外の人物は、能書としては没落してしまう。こうした変化の背景として、十世紀後葉以降、権門が官人を掌握するようになるという、貴族社会の質的変容が考えられる。<br>  またこの時期、故実や特定の血統といった単純な書の能力以外のものが、能書にも求められるようになる。その中で、藤原行成という優れた能書を祖に持ち、故実の創出を行った世尊寺家(藤原行成子孫)が、十一世紀後葉には有力な能書の一族として立ち現れてくる。しかしそのために、九・十世紀に比べ、大学出身者の能書は大幅に減少する。また、鳥羽・後白河院政期には、院近臣の一族である勧修寺流藤原氏が、摂関家の能書藤原忠通との人格的関係や、複数の権門と良好な関係を築いたことによって、書の一族として急成長する。しかし、後白河院政の終了後、彼らは急速に能書役から退いたため、平安時代以降に書の一族として残ったのは世尊寺家のみであった。

著者

鈴木 博之

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.4, pp.557-578,656-65, 1992

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This paper is a case study describing the local lineages of the Jiang 江 village, She 歙 xian during the Ming and Qing periods. The points are following below. The Jiang lineages gained the advantage in this district socially and economically, and the people believed that the lineage's destiny was under the influence of geomancy, feng-shui 風水. From this point of view, the Jiang lineages and others tried to conserve the environment of the mountainous region against the move by the foreign settlers to develop minerals and commercial agriculture, on a backdrop of opposition arising due to continuing stratification among the lineage members. The festival organization called she-hui 社会, shen-hui 神会, si-nui 祀会, etc. was founded on a sublineage basis, including slaves, zhong-po 庄僕, in the Jiang village and Qing-yuan 慶源 village Wu-yuan 〓源. But the sublineages were not equal one another and the qualification to participate in the festival was limited according to social and economical differences. It's well known that the areas were the hometowns of Hui-Chou (Hsin-an) merchants. Segments of the Jiang lineages extended their business activities to the cities in Jiangnan, especially Yang-zhou 揚州, which was famous as a salt merchant center. But local lineages were not formed in Yang-zhou, rather the merchant segments based their relationships on the original lineages. This presented a precarious position for outside merchants. The connection with the hometown was a sort of insurance against the natural features of the region which would protect them and their descendants.

著者

石井 進

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.106, no.6, pp.1200-1202, 1997

著者

橋爪 烈

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.110, no.9, pp.1741-1742, 2001-09-20

著者

五味 文彦

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.105, no.2, pp.271-272, 1996