著者

加藤 祐介

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.121, no.11, pp.1901-1922, 2012-11-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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This article analyses the relationship between the Minsei party's policy advocating a return to the gold standard and the activities of the party's rank and file, focusing in particular on a political leadership faced with balancing two different demands imposed on it: 1) achieving its policy objective and 2) generating the political strength to keep it in power. By adopting this perspective, the author aims to coherently explain the political situation of the time, by dividing the policy-making process into the four phases of policy formation, development, modification, and ultimate abandonment, centering his attention on the "modification" stage and the role of political leadership in it. There were Minsei party members who were sympathetic to requests from their provincial branches to advocate budgetary measures for expanding public utility projects. However, the Hamaguchi Osachi cabinet's objective was to implement a strict policy of retrenchment centered around cutting or postponing public works projects, resulting in tension arising between the government and its own party's machine. It was Minister of Home Affairs Adachi Kenzo who tried to reconcile the two sides, by increasing the budget for unemployment relief projects ("exceptional" public works) by reclassifying a portion of the "normal" public works projects that had been cut as relief efforts. This is what the author means by the "modification" stage of the policymaking process. Adachi by no means unconditionally acceded to the demands of his party's rank and file, but rather stayed in line with the government's principle of cutting and postponing "normal" public works projects, which was the key measure to the success of retrenchment. In his attempt to balance government principles with the political demands of his party, Adachi resorted to the idea of a return to the gold standard in the two-fold mandate of 1) achieving policy objectives (retrenchment) while at the same 2) preserving his party's strength and loyalty (through more public works projects). In the end, due to Great Britain's international renunciation of the gold standard and the chaotic stalemate over passing the domestic budget for fiscal year 1932, Adachi removed himself as a leading figure in the government, resulting in the failure of his attempt.

著者

三浦 徹

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.120, no.6, pp.1154-1156, 2011-06-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

古結 諒子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.120, no.9, pp.1493-1527, 2011-09-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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The aim of the present article is to analyze the process by which Japan brought about a settlement in the first Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895) focusing on the settlement's interaction with both the changing power relations among the Great Powers and diplomatic trends of the Qing Dynasty, in order to show a clear transition taking place in Japan's diplomatic strategy at that time. The War has been pointed to as an event within a 19th century East Asia characterized by the coexistence of the traditional Chinese tribute system and modern treaty organizations that led to the final destruction of the former. However, the research to date has proceeded to discuss the process of Japan's conclusion of the War without sufficiently analyzing movements of the British-centered Great Powers, which supported the establishment of one single international order in East Asia. The main thrust of the research to date is the view that the diplomacy conducted by the Great Powers towards Japan constituted "external pressure" for Japan to wage war against the Qing Dynasty, but has neglected such aspects as Japan's international position and its influence to the Great Powers. For this reason, the present article attempts to analyze Japanese diplomacy within the interrelationship between the activities of the Great Powers and the Qing Dynasty from the standpoints of both Japan and Great Britain. Japanese diplomacy aiming at a conclusion to the War unsettled the leadership role of Great Britain which intended to maintain the cooperation among the Great Powers in East Asia. To begin with, Japan's announcing its intention to continue the War isolated Great Britain, who desired a quick end to the hostilities. Secondly, Japan's choice of the United States, who favored independent action among the Great Powers, as its intermediary with the Qing Dynasty not only elicited a request for negotiations, as Japan was winning on the battlefront, but also kept Great Britain out of the whole affair altogether. Finally, Japan's submission of a peace treaty draft brought to light the changes that had occurred in the interrelationships among the Great Powers. Under such conditions, Great Britain ended up agreeing with Russia, Germany and France in urging Japan to return the Liaodong Peninsula to the Qing Dynasty, in an attempt to reestablish its hegemony in the region. On the other hand, Japan's announcement to accept the advice enabled the exchange of the Shimonoseki Treaty ratification with the Qing Dynasty. Consequently, Japan was able to avoid the disadvantages of a prolonged war by settling the conflict. Japanese diplomacy up to the end of the War was not only directed at settling its dispute with the Qing Dynasty over the Korean Peninsula, but also simultaneously brought about a situation in which arrangements of cooperation among the Great Powers in East Asia centered around Great Britain fell into dysfunctionality.

著者

船田 善之

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.108, no.9, pp.1593-1618,1715-, 1999-09-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

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Up until now, it has often been indicated that under the Yuan Dynasty, the inhabitants were divided into the Meng-gu(蒙古), Se-mu(色目), Han-ren(漢人), and Nan-ren(南人), and that this division was a ranking system. Under this "four class system", the Han-ren and Nan-ren were not free from official or social restraints under Meng-gu and Se-mu, who were the privilege classes. Such has been an accepted theory. "The four class system" is one of the presuppositions about how we interpret these four categories. In this article, the author examines the term, concept and category of "Se-mu". Since he could not find any terms or ideas corresponding to "Se-mu" in the non-Chinese primary sources, he concludes that it was the Chinese who created the term. He then verifies that the category of "Se-mu" was created because it was necessary that Chinese and non-Chinese be divided under the Yuan system. The "Se-mu" consisted of various peoples in terms of ethnicity, culture, or religion. They were permitted to follow ben-su-fa(本俗法); i.e. their own peculiar customs and laws. The fact that such a mixed group of peoples were placed into a single category is the proof that Chinese created this general term for people who did not apply to Han-fa(漢法); i.e. Chinese law. This character of "Se-mu" forces us to reconsider the accepted theory of "the four class system". Also, not a few questions arise about speific cases and institutions that have interpreted on the basis of such a "system". From now on, we should reconsider all kinds of problems: for example, the appointment of officials including ke-ju(科挙), kesik, and yin-xu(蔭叙); the taxation system; the system of family and registration; the legal system including yue-hui(約会); and the consciousness or identity of each people living under Yuan Dynasty.

著者

太田 敬子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.3, pp.327-366,490-49, 1992-03-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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The Mirdasid dynasty ruled Aleppo and its region in northern Syria from 415 A.H./1025 A.D. to 473 A.H./1080 A.D.. The Mirdasid was a family of the Kilab tribe (Banu Kilab) which belonged to the northern Arab tribes. Banu Kilab, taking advantage of political disorder caused by the decline of the 'Abbasid's rule, had extended their influence into the Aleppo region. The Mirdasid principality was founded upon their strong military power. This paper aims to investigate the first period of the Mirdasid dynasty on the point of foreign policy and influence in the international relations. From the middle of the tenth century, the Aleppo region had been threatened by two powerful foreign states; the Fatimid Caliphate in Egypt and the Byzantine empire, both of which aimed to annex this region. Under such circumstances, Salih b. Mirdas, the first prince of the Mirdasid dynasty succeeded in gaining control of Aleppo city with support of a Syrian Arab alliance. To extend their power, the Mirdasides made use of the balance of power between these Great Powers and their limited ability to advance their territorial ambitions into Syria. The principal approach to their foreign policy was to negotiate with each of them, receive their recognition for possession of Aleppo, and then nominally establish an independent state under their patronage. However, before receiving their recognition, the Mirdasides had to engage in some battles with them. As a result, Thimal, the third prince, succeeded in obtaining recognition as the ruler of Aleppo from both of the Great Powers and stabilized the supremacy of the Mirdasid dynasty in the Aleppo region. However, the author has also ascertained that this success owed much to the internal affairs of the Fatimid caliphate and the Byzantine empire and changes that occured in the diplomatic relations between them. The author also examines concretely the position of the Mirdasid princes in international relations. As a result, she has found that their subordinate posture in the diplomatic negotiations did not mean a dependent character. It should be noted that recognition from foreign powers to be the governor of Aleppo was indispensable for the Mirdasid princes to achieve stability within their states ; and to receive such recognition was the principal purpose of their foreign policy.

著者

西村 陽子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.4, pp.513-550, 2009-04-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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This article examines every aspect of the history of ninth and tenth century northern China based on the recently discovered Zhimo 支謨 Epitaph. During the ninth and tenth centuries, the region of Daibei 代北 (the northern part of what is now Shanxi 山西 province) was politically, militarily and commercially one of the most important regions throughout eastern Eurasia. It was the center of a military clique during the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period, and during that time, was the staging ground for repeated campaigns of advancing nomadic tribes. It is no exaggeration that the history of ninth and tenth century Daibei determined the China's historical development during the centuries that followed. Therefore, the task of decoding the Zhimo Epitaph and clarifying the movements of the nomadic powers of Daibei during the last decades of the Tang Dynasty will enable a more systematic understanding of those events occurring in ninth and tenth century northern China that would deeply influence the historical development of East Asia in the centuries to come. The author begins by transcribing the rubbed copy version Zhimo Epitaph into a text, in order to discuss 1) how the Shatuo 沙陀 Turks intended to seize the economic foundations of the Tang Dynasty from the very beginning of their territorial expansion during its last years, 2) how the historiography concerning that expansion was altered considerably as it was transmitted through the regimes formed by the Shatuo Turks during the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period, by comparing the Zhimo Epitaph with other extant sources, and 3) the concrete image of the upheaval staged by the Shatuo Turks at the end of the Tang period and how that upheaval influenced the history of East Asia during the following centuries. Therefore, due to the excavation of the Zhimo Epitaph, it has become possible to gain new perspectives on the formation of the Five Kingdoms.

著者

解良 澄雄

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.10, pp.1796-1797, 1991-10-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

海津 一朗

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.9, pp.1623-1649,1711-, 1992-09-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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This paper is a an empirical study of the law that shows to recover the Ise Shrine Estate Recovery Act (Shiryo kogyo-ho), which the Warrior Government at Kamakura (Bakufu in the East) proclaimed in 1285 and 1301. In early 1285 A.D. (koan 8) the Bakufu ordered local warriors and tradesimen (kotunin) on the states of the Ise Shrine to return their holdings to its original owners, the Shinto priests of the Ise Shrine. The author has found seven judicial precedents of this law in the diaries of court nobles like the Kanchu-ki. These precedents ranged from Ise province to the Kanto area. Because this act applied not only to Bakufu vassels (gokenin) and rear vassels (buke-hikan), their tenure rights, under the fueki-ho and nenki-ho being annulled, but also Kyoto-based hikan groups, who subsequently litigated the Ise Shrine priests. As a result, the Court in Kyoto ordered the Bakufu to repeal the act. At the close of 1286 A.D., the Warrior Government repealed the act of 1285 and reestablished relations with Kyoto. But in l301 the year the (Mongols) navy occupied koshiki-zima Island, as soon as Halley's comet appeared, the Bakufu proclaimed another recovery act for the estates of the Ise Shrine. The Bakufu sent a mission to the Court in Kyoto, to discuss how to defend against the Mongol invaders. The Bakufu's proclamation was one part of their strategy. According to the act, Shinto priests of Ise Shrine were allowed to turn local warriors and tradesmen out of Shrine territory by force. The estates of the Shrine were unified by its leaders, especially the Gegu Shrine priests. In short a concentration of the Shrine power was developing. After all, Bakufu's law, wishing to recover the Estate of the Shrine play an important role to constract "Ichien-ryo", under the policy agreement between East Government (Kamakura Bakufu) and West Government (Kyoto Court). In addition our previous studies said the first law which had played the role to construct "Ichien-ryo" was the law (1312 A.D.) allowing 5 shrines in kyusyu province to recover their Estase.

著者

高部 淑子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.3, pp.408-409, 1991

著者

島津 毅

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.122, no.6, pp.1029-1061, 2013-06-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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From the Heian period on, we observe many examples of funereal ritual in which the corpse was moved to religious facilities, like Buddhist temples. In many of these cases, the corpse was removed in the same manner as removing living persons. The research to date on the subject has termed such activity "heisei-no-gi" and "nyozai-no-gi" and has interpreted its purpose as an attempt to veil the manifestation of impurity arising from death. However, due to both the limited timeframe and material dealt with in the research literature, its conclusions lack sufficient historiographical confirmation, showing that they have been built on a fragile edifice of mere supposition and conjecture. Given such a situation, the author of the present article, referring to the way in which corpses were moved as "heisei-no-gi" citing cases from the 10th century to 16th century, proceeds to identify the very first requirement and the accepted condition through that age. He then points out that while "heisei-no-gi" was a part of funereal procedures, it was a unique practice existing apart from funereal ritual per se. First, as to the purpose of "heisei-no-gi" in terms of its most fundamental meaning, an examination of its relationship between "heisei-no-gi" and ritual impurity shows that even in many cases where "heisei-no-gi" is evident, ritual impurity still occurred, thus proving the conventional interpretation of veiling ritual impurity untenable. Next, the author argues that in funereal rites per se, fear and affright of possibly leading a person to his eventual death would exist, and, therefore, "heisei-no-gi", which was apart from funereal ritual per se, was a device for avoiding that kind of fear and affright. And so the necessity to remove the corpse in a non-funereal manner, by treating it as if it were still alive, gave rise to the practice known as "heisei-no-gi".

著者

佐伯 有清

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.96, no.5, pp.629-633, 1987-05-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

佐伯 有清

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, no.1, pp.122-123, 1994-01-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

佐藤 博信

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.85, no.7, pp.1049-1066,1124-, 1976-07-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

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The chief aim of this article is to analyze the old letters (monjo) which are kept in the possession of Banna Temple (Bannaji) in Shimotsuke province and to further studies about the Kanto Ashikaga families. The contents of the Bannaji monjo are so complicated that very few students have ever made use of them. In this paper, therefore, the author was obliged to take as his chief subject the general framework and meaning of the letters. Furthermore, in this research the materials were carefully selected and limited to the later Middle Ages. But, even then the sources are of quite a considerable number. In the past it has been thought that these letters had been filed into two groups : undated letters (a sort of hosho) dating mainly from the Sengoku period and those letters connected with the Koga-Kubo Ashikaga families. But, after careful examination, it became apparent that the latter consisted of two different groups of letters, the Kogasama monjo and the Shakesama monjo. Most of the Kogasama monjo date from the later Muromachi and Sengoku periods (mid-15th to 16th cent.). The author tried to prove this by checking and investigating each of the successive generations of the Kogasama and Shakesama families and their attendants. Thus, the so-called Bannaji monjo in the latter period of the Middle Ages were made up of two massive groups of letters related to the Kogasama and Shakesama families. And, in addition, they had a three group connection -Bannaji-Shakesama-Kogasama -as was publicly manifest by the right of recommendation belonging to the Shakesama family and the right of appointment belonging to the Kogasama family. In the start of the 16th century these relations came to an end with the decline of the Shakesama family's power. Thus, there emerged a direct link between Bannaji and the Kogasama family. But, in the latter half of the 16th century, in the era of Yoshiuji Ashikaga, a new three group connection was set up among Bannaji, Hoshuin, and Kurihashisama.

著者

巽 由樹子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.9, pp.1585-1616, 2009

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In this paper, I examine the royal articles that were published in the Russian illustrated journals of the late nineteenth century. There have been few studies on representations of the Tsar in modern Russian society, primarily because Soviet historiography has, so far, focused on only two elements of the Russian society-the intellectual high society and the world of the "people." In this paper, I analyze the representations of the Tsar in the illustrated journals of the late nineteenth century in order to fill the gap between the two aforementioned elements. Illustrated journals such as Niva, Vsemirnaia Illiustratsiia, and Rodina, which were entirely new variants of the Russian print media, became highly popular during this period. As most publishers were of Western origin and were familiar with the European tradition of entertaining visual magazines, they imitated the style of the European media when they started their own journals in Russia. The readers of these journals consisted of the urban dwellers in European Russia, who began to form a new social group after the Great Reforms of the 1860s. The images of Russian monarchs that were published in these European-style illustrated journals were quite different from the traditional representations of the saintly Tsar. First, royal portraits in these journals were influenced by the carte de visite style of taking celebrities' pictures, which was fashionable in Western Europe in the 1860s. Second, these journals juxtaposed the articles on the Tsar and his family with those on other European royal houses. Third, these royal articles focused on the private life and the body natural of the Tsar. Good examples of articles that combined all these three elements are the ones on the assassination of Tsar Alexander II in 1881. Russian illustrated journals featured secularized, relative, and humanized images of the Tsar for the purpose of entertaining their readers. This tendency was in contravention to the strategy of representation pursued by Nicholas II, who intended to portray himself as a saintly Tsar and gave much importance to traditional rituals. Nicholas II planned to unite the Russian Empire on the basis of the age-old practice of worshipping the Tsar. In modern Russian society, however, the images of the Tsar had already been secularized through their circulation in these illustrated journals. This gap in the representation of the Tsar may have contributed to the difficulties that Tsarism had to face after the 1905 revolution.

著者

林 友里江

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.124, no.11, pp.37-60, 2015

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古代日本の文書行政の進展は、読申公文から申文刺文へという政務体系の移行に表れる。本稿では、太政官の政務における弁官局の関与の仕方の変容から文書行政の進展過程を検討した。<br> 弁官から議政官への行政案件の上申である弁官申政は、本来は一連の太政官の日常政務の一環として行われていたが、(延長 923-31・承平931-35年間に成立した陣申文は、申政とその前提となる結文のみを独立=孤立=疎外させたものであった。そのため申政者は結文の責任者である大弁に限られたが、それに伴い弁官局の秩序に変化が生じ、大弁は弁官本来の業務に携わらなくなり局の代表者となった。また、陣申文の成立は読申公文と完全に分離した純粋な申文刺文の政務の成立であり、文書行政の進展の到達点として評価できる。<br>また、弁官は本来狭義の太政官からの独立性を有したため、弁・史は少納言・外記に取り次がれて申政を行っていた。しかし南所申文・陣申文には少納言・外記は関与せず、弁官が太政官を訪れ申政するという構造は失われた.さらに、これに対応する変化が太政官奏に起きており、狭義の太政官たる議政官・少納言・外記によって行われた太政官奏に代わり、議政官と弁官によって行われる官奏が主となった。弁官申政における申政事項は申政後も弁官の手から完全には離れず奏にも弁官が関与するようになり、政務全体から弁官の独立性が失われた。<br> 弁官の独立性は、口頭行政を含む直接的・具体的な把握方法で諸司管隷を行ったことに根ざしているが、それらが失われたことで弁官は独立性を喪失した。これが文書行政の進展による政務の変化と同期していることは、文書行政の進展が文書への習熟のみによって実現するのではなく、太政官の秩序の変化、律令制下に残存していた伝統的かつ素朴な作法の放棄をも伴わなければならなかったことを示す。以上のように、文書行政の進展は政務の方法や意識の抜本的変革を必要とし、十世紀前半まで徐々に進行したのである。

著者

石見 清裕

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, no.10, pp.1586-1609,1646-, 1982

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Raising an army and founding T'ang Dynasty by Li Yuan (李淵) have been understood from the viewpoint of the group of Kuan-lung (関隴) rulers since Hsi-wei (西魏) period, through the analysis of the leading members of Li Yuan group by now. However, I should like to pay attention to the Pi-yeh-t'ou of Hsiung-nu in Ordus for the following reasons. (1)Preceeding the raise of his army, Li Yuan appointed his three sons as feudal lords of the far wesl lands, they are Lung-hsi (隴西), Tun-huang (敦煌), and Ku-tsang (姑臧). Soon after he entered Ch'ang-an (長安), he drew back these appointments, So these seemed to have been his strategic preparations to aim Ch'ang-an from Tai-yuan (太原). The clue to understand this relationship between Li Yuan and these three lands, is found in the genealogy of Tou (竇), Li Yuan's empress reported in "Genealogical Tree of Prime Ministers (宰相世系表)" in "Hsin T'anbg-shu (新唐書)". (2)Tou's original family name was He-tou-ling (〓豆陵), in "Genealogical Tree". This Tou was connected with famous Tou family in Han (漢) period, accordig to the legend of the founder of the T'o-pa tribe (拓抜部) known in the preface to "Wei-shu (魏書)". At this occasion, they invented the story that the father of Tou family of Han period came from the land of Lung-hsi, Tun-huang and Ku-tsang. As a result, we can assume the intervention by He-tou-ling family behind Li Yuan's feudal appointments of his three sons in these lands. (3)He-tou-ling family originated from the Pi-yeh-t'ou tribe of Hsiungnu and belonged to He-lien Hsia Dynasty (赫連夏国) originally. They lived nomadic life in the province of Pei-he (北河) even after the downfall of Hsia (夏) Dynasty and possessed enough power to revolt against Pei-wei (北魏) in the reign of Emperor Hsiao-wen (孝文). As the influence of Pei-wei decreased after the disturbance of Liu-chen (六鎮之乱), they spread widely over Ordus and He-hsi-t'ung-lang (河西通廊). Because of their great power, Kao Huan (高歓) and Yu-wen T'ai (宇文泰) even quarrelled over Pi-yeh-t'ou in the province of Ordus. (4)In the meantime, it is evident from many examples that the strategic point of North China in order to take possession of Ch'ang-an lies in Tai-yuan and Ling-chou (霊州). Therefore, Li Yuan obtained Ling-chou under control through the alliance with the Pi-yeh-t'ou, and He-hsi (河西) route by feudal appointments of his three sons in Lung-hsi, Tun-huang and Ku-tsang. He also controled Turk (突厥), the menacing power in the north, and Hsueh Chu (薛拳), the most powerful warlord in the west, and managed to build up a scheme to enter Ch'ang-an. During T'an period, Tou family's fame had no equal, because they had not only a genealogical relation to Kao-Tsu (高祖), but also they played important parts to found the dynasty. In the result of this discusson, it can be said that Hsiung-nu did not disappear simply after the downfall of He-lien Hsia Dynasty (赫連氏夏国) in the history, but they actually parti cipated in founding T'an Dynasty.

著者

洪 性珉

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.126, no.11, pp.41-65, 2017

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本研究は、遼宋増幣交渉(1042年)の歴史的意義について考察したものである。興宗親政期の遼の政治的状況をみる際、欽哀皇后一族や耶律重元の動向を顧慮しなければならない。欽哀皇后の一族蕭孝穆は、その一族と興宗両方を配慮しなければならない立場にいた。欽哀皇后は、耶律重元を次期皇位継承者として支持していたため、興宗は彼を政治的な配慮のうえで厚遇し、多くの権力を与えていた。<br>重熙12年(1041)12月に、興宗は南枢密使蕭孝穆と北枢密使蕭恵と協議し、「関南の地」を取るために宋と戦争することを決めた。その際、蕭孝穆による宋との戦争への反対は確認されるが、欽哀皇后の一族による反対は確認されない。興宗は、戦争準備をすると同時に蕭英と劉六符を宋に遣わした。劉六符によって作成された遼の国書は、梁済世という人物によって盗まれて、宋に事前に報告される。遼の国書を入手した宋は、増幣でその問題を解決すると決め、富弼を遼に遣わして交渉を行った。<br>増幣交渉における各人物の立場は異なっていた。遼の興宗は、当初から「関南の地」の割譲を宋に強く求めていた。それに対して、富弼は一貫して増幣による利を説き、最終的には「増幣」で交渉を妥結することに成功した。一方、遼側の交渉担当者劉六符は、領土の割譲に拘っていなかったので、興宗の立場と異なる。これは、興宗皇帝への忠誠と同時に、一族の基盤となる南京地域への配慮も必要であった彼の個人的背景に起因する。<br>増幣で戦争局面がおさまると、遼の内部の諸部族が財物を得られる機会を失って、不満が高まる様子が確認される。これは遊牧国家における掠奪・分配行為と深く関わるものであり、遼の皇帝と諸部族の関係は、以前の遊牧君主と諸部族の関係との類似性が認められる。また、増幣交渉以降は、遼の対宋外交戦略として「威嚇行動」の駆使が見て取れる。その点で、劉六符にとって増幣交渉とは、遼の戦争準備を巧みに「威嚇行動」に転換させて増幣を導くことであった。

著者

吉田 金一

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.89, no.11, pp.1677-1711,1773-, 1980

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Although it is well-known that Russian ambassador Spathary who had been sent to China in 1676 left a detailed official report, it is not very well-known that the Manchu Memorials on his mission to China was preserved in Petersburg University. In the present article I have reconsidered Spathary's mission to China by using this important Manchu Memorials. The reason why Spathary was sent to Peking in 1676 was because in 1670 the Emperor of China had sent to the Tsar an imperial letter. In this letter China demanded a fugitive, Gantimur, should be sent back, while the answer carried with Spathary stated that the Chinese Imperial letter written in Manchu was not able to be read and Spathary insisted that the Tsar knew nothing about Gantimur. But according to the Manchu Memorials it comes out that Chinese anthorities didn't place trust in what Spathary had said. Nevertheless Chinese authorities took care to hush up this matter. On June 5 China received a letter of the Tsar and gifts from Spathary in the palace and on June 8 received the twelve articles of petition from Spathary. The full text of this twelve articles of petition is recorded only in the Manchu Memorials, while missing in the Spathary's official report. In the sixth item of the petition Spathary desired the exchange of Russian captives and fugitives who have been stayed in China for Chinese in Russia. Therefore, on July 6 Chinese authorities made a proposition to Spathary to exchange Russian captives for Gantimur, in regard to which Spathary answered that the Tsar wouldn't allow. Relating to other items nothing was discussed. On July 30 the Chinese emperor commanded, "On the twelve articles of petition each item should be replied verbally and a letter and presents should be sent to the Tsar." This decision is also recorded in the Manchu Memorials, and omitted in Shih-lu (実録). As a matter of fact, on August 13 Spathary refused to fall on his knee to receive gift for the Tsar, so the imperial decree of July 30 was amended. On August 29 Ko-lao (閣老) conveyed the following new orders to Spathary and his suites. "Gifts should be sent to the Tsar, but a written letter should not be sent to him because Nikolai (Spathary) is discourteous and obstinate. And unless Russia carries out the three demands such as repatriation of Gantimur, Russian should be refused to enter into China." But, as Spathary firmly demanded an imperial letter written on equal terms, on the next August 30 Ko-lao explained to him that China would not able to give any other imperial letter except one written with Russia considered as a tributary state. Therefore Spathary gave up receiving the Imperial letter and left Peking on September I without hearing replies to the above twelve articles of petition. After all Russia couldn't open diplomatic relations with China. China paid its regard to Spathary and dealt leniently with him as much as possible. I suppose this would be due to that Russia had been a great country and China had been troubled with the Rebellion of the Three Feudatories (三藩の乱) at home. Nevertheless China was not able to get rid of its own tributary system.

著者

中立 悠紀

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.128, no.7, pp.1-26, 2019

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本稿は、BC級戦犯が靖国神社に合祀されるまでの経緯を、戦犯釈放運動の旗振り役でもあった復員(ふくいん)官署(かんしょ)法務(ほうむ)調査(ちょうさ)部門(ぶもん)、及びその周辺政治勢力(戦争(せんそう)受刑者(じゅけいしゃ)世話会(せわかい)、白菊(しらぎく)遺族会(いぞくかい))の動向から明らかにする。<br>復員官署法務調査部門(以下「法調(ほうちょう)」と略記)とは、旧軍の後継機関である復員官署内で戦犯裁判業務を担当した部署である。多数の旧軍人事務官から構成され、法調は戦犯家族の世話も行い、戦犯を合祀する際に必要であった戦犯の名簿も所持していた。<br>講和条約発効直前の一九五二年二月に、法調は戦犯合祀を企図し始め、密接な協力関係下にあった戦争受刑者世話会とともに合祀を推進した。そして援護法と恩給法の対象に戦犯・戦犯遺家族が組み込まれると、一九五四年に靖国神社は世話会に対して、「適当の時機に個人詮議」という留保付きで戦犯を将来合祀する姿勢を示した。ただし、一九五七年秋の段階でも、靖国は世論に配慮して合祀の時期は慎重を期していた。<br>ところがそのような状況にもかかわらず、一部新聞がこれを報道してしまい、世論を警戒した靖国は戦犯合祀そのものに消極的になってしまった。厚生省引揚援護局・法調側は靖国に配慮し、新聞報道で特に問題となっていた東條英機らA級戦犯とBC級戦犯を分離させ、BC級戦犯の先行合祀を要望した。しかし一九五八年の段階で、世論の反発を気にするあまりにBC級の合祀すらも慎重になってしまった靖国を、援護局側は説得するのに約一年を要した。<br>しかし、最後に靖国側は合祀要請を受け入れ、法調が調製した祭神名標に基づき、一九五九年にBC級戦犯の大部分を合祀したのである。<br>本稿を通じて、ポツダム宣言受諾後に解体された旧帝国陸海軍の佐官級官僚が、靖国への戦犯合祀において担った役割を明らかにする。

著者

塚田 孝 松迫 寿代 山口 佳代子 幡鎌 一弘 守屋 正彦 仁木 宏 村田 路人 熊谷 光子 渡辺 恒一 八木 滋 藤田 加代子 渡辺 祥子 町田 哲

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.107, no.5, pp.800-802, 1998