著者

藤原 良章

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.94, no.11, pp.1701-1742,1854-, 1985-11-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

---

There has been a tendency among Japanese historians to slight the litigation system of the medieval imperial court resulting in, very few studies on being done this theme. Recently, however, several important aspects have become clear. First, in the latter half of the Kamakura period, both the Kamakura bakufu and the imperial court administered matters with benevolence, while pursuing a revival of the zasso system (雑訴の興行). Second, the Kamakura bakufu encouraged court nobles to handle independently legal matters related to the imperial court, a move which in turn helped to revitalize the imperial court. Based on these studies, the author believes that an investigation of the imperial litigation system is fundamental in grasping the political history of the late Kamakura period. In the present article, the author examines both the establishment of the legal institution teichu (direct petition from "within the garden") executed by the court nobility, and the role of functionaries (bugyo) within the framework of this institution. First, in the imperial litigation system, each functionary had his speciality and dealt exclusively with cases subsumed under that area (tanto bugyo-sei). This system was first established in the reign of ex-emperor GoSaga, who particularly endeavored to revive the practice of zasso, which was later codified in 1317. Considering the foregoing facts the author believes that the establishment of the tanto-bugyo system had great significance for the revival of zasso in the medieval imperial administration. This system, however, was defective in one important aspect. Functionaries' procrastination and negligence of their duties directly caused the delay of the litigation procedure. It was this defect which triggered the necessity of institutions such as teichu, where one could directly file petitions. Abundant examples indicate the dramatically increasing role of teichu as time progressed. By the beginning of the fourteenth century, upper-class court nobles including dainagon (chief councillors of state), and even emperors themselves served as judges. 'Negligence' on the part of bugyo, again, not only hastened the development of teichu, but also increased the significance of the institution. Taking these facts into consideration, the Teichu Shikijitus (the day of teichu) suggested that, if necessary, even emperors should execute jurisdiction to obtain sage judgement. This suggestion epitomizes the revival of the legal practice, zasso, which was greatly reinforced by the popularity of teichu. The imperial court legal institution, teichu which was first established in 1293 and was consistently developed and improved there after, could be, therefore, regarded as the zenith in the history of the zasso revival supported by the imperial court authority.

著者

伊藤 隆 佐々木 隆

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.87, no.4, pp.467-492, 1978-04-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

著者

神田 千里

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.90, no.11, pp.1654-1672,1745-, 1981-11-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

---

Why was the cult of ikko (一向宗) regarded by the ruling classes of the Sengoku period as a dangerous one related to rebellions? The purpose of this note is to throw some light upon this problem, which, despite the enormous accumulation of research on the cult, has not yet been sufficiently thought out. As the material for the study, the outbreak of ikko-ikki in Kaga Province (加賀国) in 1474 was chosen. To begin with, one can point out the following two features about this uprising: 1)it was a religious insurrection led by the Honganji-monto (本願寺門徒), the followers of the temple Honganji, in the province of Kaga, and was carried out under the slogan to overthrow the enemies of Buddhism; 2)it produced Honganji-monto organizations, called gun (郡), that dominated counties throughout the province. These are the facts which convinced the author of necessity to consider the religious sentiments of the Honganji-monto of Kaga. Former studies have stated that the ikko cult was merely another name and therefore identical to jodoshinshu (浄土真宗), or the pure land sect, of which Honganji was the head temple. These studies also state that ikko cult adherents, with the exception of some so-called "heretics," were jodoshinshu, believers. However, from the fact that the thought and behavior of these very "heretics" were not only in accord with the outlook of the ikko cult current at the time but also identical to the thought and behavior of the rebels in Kaga, the author concludes that the ikko cult must be thought of as being different from the jodoshinshu sect, and that the Honganji-monto of Kaga professed themselves to be believers not in the latter sect, but in the former, which was truly a rebellious cult. So far as can be judged from available sources, ikko cult missionaries included lower class priests, pilgrim ascetics (山伏) and sorcerers (陰陽師), all of whom, despite their "heretical" acts, were considered by Rennyo (蓮如), the chief priest of Honganji, to be ideological disciples of Shinran (親鸞), who formulated the pure land thought.

著者

神田 千里

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.119, no.1, pp.66-73, 2010-01-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

松岡 進

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.9, pp.1622-1623, 1990-09-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

渡邉 裕一

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.124, no.1, pp.147-148, 2015-01-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

佐々木 真

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, no.6, pp.1105-1127,1180-, 1989-06-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

---

Dans cet article, nous examinons les particularites de la milice royale et les rapports entre cette institution militaire novelle et la societe d'Ancien Regime. Etablie par l'ordonnance du 29 novembre 1688 pour augmenter les effectifs de l'armee et mettre un terme aux abus des "troupes reglees" qui constituaient jusqu'alors le noyau des forces militaires, la milice devait, a l'origine, etre temporaire. Des 1726, elle devient pourtant une institution permanente. Le recrutement des miliciens au sein des paroisses, la presentation des candidats officiers au Secretaire d'Etat a la guerre, ainsi que l'inspection de l'etat des troupes etaient places sous le controle des commissaires royaux : intendants de province et subdelegues, et ce, des le XVIII^e siecle. Vis a vis des troupes reglees qui, du fait du systeme de venalite des charges et du recrutement des soldats par contrat, constituaient une sorte de patrimoine des officiers, la milice qui trouvait son recrutement dans le service militaire formait un systeme beaucoup plus centralise. Mais il est vrai que la milice rencontrait partout des obstacles lies a la nature meme de la societe d'Ancien Regime. Les miliciens etaient recrutes dans les milieux populaires et les exempts etaient extremement nombreux, surtout parmi les privilegies. L'Ancien Regime, de par sa nature meme, ne pouvait mettre en place une milice egalitariste. La milice devint finalement impopulaire et ses effectifs etaient surtout composes de volontaires et de remplagants. Les deserteurs etaient legions. Pour resister a l'enrolement dans la milice, les appeles faisaient appel a la solidarite familiale, a celle de leur communaute, a l'appui des notables. Les communautes souvent payaient des remplacants pour eviter le depart de ses jeunes membres et les agents locaux souvent fermaient les yeux sur les volontaires et les remplacants. Le fonctionnement pratique de la milice montre le compomis qui se tisse entre pouvoir royal et societe civile bien plus qu'une penetration reelle de l'autorite monarchique dans la societe. Du fait de la resistance opposee au recrutement, la milice etait composee souvent de gens sans biens, sans etat, sans relations, c'est a dire souvent de ceux qui n'avaient guere de motivations et d'interet a la defense de la chose publique. De plus, la milice ne constituait pas une troupe faite pour la guerre a proprement parler. Comme force militaire de choc, la pouvoir royal devait toujours compter sur les troupes reglees. Pour que la milice se muat en armee moderne, il fallait un bouleversement des structures de l'Etat d'une part ainsi qu'une plus grande adhesion du corps social aux objectifs de l'Etat.

著者

千葉 拓真

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.121, no.8, pp.1435-1458, 2012-08-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

---

This aim of this article is to consider the workings of the late premodern Japanese state through an investigation of the elements of ranked status among the shoguns, emperors and shognate lord (daimyo 大名) and the cort noble (kuge 公家) families, using manuals of letter writing etiquette kept by the great feudal families (daimyoke 大名家). The standards for the aristocratsamurai ranked status order were complicated, involving both bureaucratic status and family pedigree among the aristocracy and bureaucratic status and stipends (kokudaka 石高) among the daimyo, in addition to the factors of each family's complex historical tradition, all of which determined a ranked order letter writing styles. The letter writing styles of the daimyo families were not only influenced by such factors as their position as "other families" (besides the shogunate and emperor) and the letter writing style of the shogunate itself, but also family pedigree and the social mobility that occurred in the kuge-daimyo ranked status order, which each family was constantly trying to improve. While the different styles of letter writing during the Enpo (1673-81) and Kyoho (1716-36) Eras were formed by ranking along the lines of a fixed emperor-shogun order, followed by a kuge-daimyo order, the standards for the ranking became more numerous and the system lacked uniformity, as the status distinctions between aristocrats and daimyo becoming gradually clearer, reflecting the present situation. However, at the same time the kuge-daimyo order came to possess to some extent a coordinated interrelationship. Although the period's kuge-daimyo ranked status order was an issue linked to the state, power structure, as well as political problems and foreign relations, the way in which it was supposed to work was by no means fixed or self-evident. In addition, the problems taken up in this article form an important starting point for examining the changes which occurred in the kuge-daimyo (kobu 公武) order during the Meiji Restoration and when taking up the cases of families other than the Maeda and Tsugaru Clans.

著者

旗手 瞳

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.1, pp.38-63, 2014-01-20 (Released:2017-07-31)

---

This article focuses attention on the Mgar Family, which during the late 7th century monopolized power within the Tibetan Empire (吐蕃) after it rose up on the Tibetan Plateau and embarked on the conquest of the kingdom of Tuyuhun 吐谷渾, which was accomplished in 670. Specifically, the author analyzes 1) how the Mgars were involved in ruling Tuyuhun, 2) what policies the Tufan Empire enacted after its invasion of Tuyuhun and 3) how the purge of the Mgars in 698 influenced the way in which Tuyuhun would be ruled. With respect to objective 1), Mgar Stong rtsan acted as commander-in-chief of the Tuyuhun expedition between 659 and 666; and after his death in 667, military activities in the occupied areas of Tuyuhun were commanded by his sons Mgar Khri 'bring and ^*Mgar Btsan ba. Next, regarding objective 2), after the conquest, the Tibetan Empire enthroned its own king of Tuyuhun, while at the same time embarking on a proactive agenda aiming at taking full advantage of Tuyuhun as a base of operations for the invasion of Tang China. The author argues that in the Mgars played a leading role, similar to their military command, in the implementation of this agenda. Finally, concerning objective 3), as the result of the 698 purge, the Mgar Family, which had taken charge of the Tibetan agenda for Tuyuhun, was for all intents and purposes completely removed from power, and the incident also provided the Tuyuhun people with the opportunity for a large scale estrangement from the Tibetan Empire. Consequently, the author argues that a major crisis in Tibetan rule over Tuyuhun followed from the 698 purge. After the fall of the Mgar Family, the 'Bro, Dba's and Cog ro Families took control of the Tibetan Empire's central government; and during almost every year between 706 and 714 dispatched ministers appointed from among their family members to Tuyuhun, in addition to arranging the marriage of a Cog ro woman to the king. The author argues that through these diplomatic moves, the Tibetan Empire was able to reestablish relations of trust with Tuyuhun. Consequently, around 714 the Tibetan Empire was once again able to reopen its invasion of Tang China with Tuyuhun as its front line base of operations.

著者

板垣 邦子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.90, no.7, pp.1157-1158, 1981-07-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

著者

渡邊 祥子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.114, no.7, pp.1302-1303, 2005-07-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

吉田 律人

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.127, no.6, pp.48-64, 2018 (Released:2019-06-20)

---

本稿では、自衛隊法第83条で定められた災害派遣制度と、衛戍条例第9条で定められた災害出動制度の類似点に着目、軍事力の要請権者や部隊指揮官の権限に留意しつつ、戦前と戦後の法令を分析することで、災害に対する軍事組織の役割を検証した。今日、戦前、戦後ともに災害時の軍事組織の対応について研究の蓄積がなされているものの、第二次大戦の前後を通観した分析はなく、本稿の作業は自衛隊の対内的機能を解明していく上でも意味がある。具体的には、災害時の出動に関する法令を戦前と戦後の組織ごとに整理しながら制度の変遷を追った。 上記の作業から全体像を俯瞰すると、軍事組織としての戦前と戦後の連続性が浮かび上がってくる。戦前、陸海軍ともに地方官からの要請を基本としつつも、師団長や衛戍司令官、鎮守府司令長官や要港部司令官、艦隊司令長官の判断で出動できたほか、連隊長や艦艇長も災害に直面した場合は臨機応変な対応が可能であった。しかし、関東大震災は従来のシステムでは対応できない災害で、それ以後は事前計画の策定や広域的な軍事動員など、災害の教訓を活かした対応をとるようになった。さらに「防空」の問題が浮上すると、陸海軍はそれに応じた枠組みを構築していった。災害対応を定める基本的な法令は変化しなかったが、戦時体制に伴う新たな法令が次々と制定されるなか、災害時の軍隊の存在は「防空」政策の中に組み込まれていった。 戦後、陸海軍が解体するなか、占領軍による災害対応はあったものの、日本独自の災害対処機関は警察や消防に限られた。だが、海上保安庁の新設とともに、海難救助の体制が構築されたほか、朝鮮戦争を契機に誕生した警察予備隊にも災害への対応が求められた。ただし、警察予備隊の姿勢は慎重で、意思決定については総理大臣の判断を必要としたが、災害の現実を前にして、次第に部隊指揮官の判断による対応も可能になっていった。 以上の状況を踏まえると、災害派遣制度の原型は戦前の災害出動制度にあり、戦後の制度は次第に戦前の形に近づいていった。戦前の陸海軍は20世紀前半の災害対応を通じて、防災の一翼を担う機関として社会に定着、その状況は戦後も変わらず、警察や消防で対処できない場合は、最終的な手段として軍事組織が出動することになったのである。

著者

佐藤 雄基

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.120, no.11, pp.1793-1829, 2011-11-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

---

The document form known as kishomon 起請文 was a sworn statement made under threat of punishment from the gods or Buddhas and is symbolic of the diplomatics characterizing medieval Japan as the period in Japanese history most heavily dominated by religion. The kishomon achieved its legitimacy as an integral part of the Kamakura Bakufu's system of litigation. At first glance, the use of kishomon as an instrument for letting divine beings decide in a legal system essentially based on objective decisions about what was reasonable and what was not (rihi 理非) may seem contradictory, but the author's further analysis shows that the application of such forms as sanro kisho 参籠起請 (sworn pledge to be cloistered in a religious institution to await divine judgment) was implemented only in cases where guilt or innocence could not be determined by conventional methods, thus showing its use in a role supplementary to the rule of reason as the foundation of litigation carried out under the Bakufu's Hojo Family Regency. Furthermore, the more systematic the Bakufu's institutions regarding litigation became, the less it was necessary to resort to sanro kisho, to the extent that the kishomon alternative fell into disuse altogether during the Bakufu's later years. Nevertheless, within the function played by kishomon we can see a unique feature of the medieval Japanese rational mind trying to find order by imbuing legal documents with the power of gods and Buddhas. Next the author turns to the era of governance by the households of retired emperors (insei 院政), in which kishomon began to be used in the stratified shoen 荘園 proprietary estate system and being extended to the local level. Here the instrument came be used in various ways in the adversarial aspects of litigation, rather than in the uniform manner stipulated by legal judgments issued by the Kamakura Bakufu. In other words, as changes occurred in the way rights were verified (shoban 証判) on the local level, the legal apparatus of shoen proprietors (honjo 本所) was put in place to settle disputes on the local level through the medium of kishomon, followed by Bakufu law as an extension of it. Finally, the author looks at the aristocratic regimes of the Kamakura period and finds that even during the 12th century, aristocrats preferred in principle not to adopt the then widely popular function of kishomon in their legal dealings, but rather base their rulings on precedents cited from the Ritsuryo 律令 codes. In contrast, the Kamakura Bakufu by utilizing kishomon as a vehicle for legitimizing its right to settle disputes ended up proactively incorporating the instrument into its juridical system. It was only during the regime of retired emperor Gosaga 後嵯峨 (1246-72) that aristocrats began using kishomon like the Bakufu. The author concludes that despite the heavy influence exerted by the Bakufu's use of the kishomon form of divine justice, the principles of adversarial law remained as the characteristic feature of jurisprudence in the dimension of state power and authority throughout the Kamakura period.

著者

松沢 裕作

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.112, no.1, pp.1-33, 2003-01-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

---

In this paper the author analyses the structure of the administrative district system (daiku-shoku system) and local assemblies in early Meiji Japan, focusing especially on their relationship.His main findings are : 1.In the case of Kumagaya Prefecture, administrative districts did not have their own administrative tasks or financial resources.They were only village groups.2.The prefectural assembly consisted of district headmen(hukukucho, who did not represent the people of the prefecture comprehensively or directly.Each member of the assembly represented each district, and because districts were village groups, assembly members needed to return to their districts to hear the opinions of village headmen (kocho) in order to respond to consultations with the prefectural government.3.However, village headmen, who were under the control of village commoners, often resisted the policies of the prefectural government and the district headmen.4.In order to overcome such a functional disorder, disctrict headmen and the prefectural government tried to set up a publicly elected prefectural assembly.Until now, the research on the local administrative district system has held that prefectural governments deprived village headmen of their function as representatives that they had duraing the Tokugawa period.The functional disorder of local assemblies has been explainted by such a deprivation of representation.However, the results of the present inquiry indicate that prefectural governments expected them to be representatives.The problem was that they failed to function as such, in spite of expectations.

著者

中谷 惣

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.117, no.11, pp.1879-1914, 2008-11-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

---

This paper will examine the judicial system in late medieval Italy, focusing on the practices of parties involved in court cases. In Northern-Central Italian cities in the 13^<th> and 14^<th> centuries, communes became established as the governing institutions of cities. In judicial matters, they compiled statutes and established ordinary courts. In addition, various affairs were recorded and archived in an organized manner. Conventional scholarship has studied these problems from the perspective of understanding the roots of the modern state. However, recent studies have revealed that the judicial policy of communes did not exclude the practices of Fehde and private reconciliation, but rather incorporated them. The government of communes was not a top-down control of society but was exercised through a mutual relationship with the social practices of peoples. I will consider the practices of parties in the judicial system from the court records of Lucca. In Lucca in the first half of the 14^<th> century, under the rule of foreign lords, there were numerous courts used by many peoples in civil trials. In these trials, the parties were able to skillfully acquire money or land through judicial orders and agreement between parties. Arguments in the courts often centered not on the principle of entitlement but on exception based on statutes regarding the qualifications of the parties or procedural errors. An analysis of the defense reveals the following points. First, the statutes based on Roman procedures and a commune's administrative orders were utilized by parties as weapons in their litigation strategy. Secondly, information in the archive of a commune was diffused to people through fama and was used in court defense. However, judges were indifferent to the information in the archive. In this way, the judicial system and the documentary system were strategically used by disputing parties. Even though these systems aided the government of a commune, it is in fact through the practices of people within them that these systems were ultimately able to function.

著者

石井 進

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.94, no.2, pp.246-248, 1985-02-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

海野 大地

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.130, no.6, pp.39-62, 2021 (Released:2022-06-20)

---

党の正史である『立憲政友会史』は、政友会院外団の成立を一九〇三年一二月とした。しかし一九〇〇年の発会以来、すなわち初期政友会(伊藤博文総裁期)において院外団は活発に活動した。その背景には党組織の不安定があり、安定した政党組織の確立は政友会が桂園体制の一翼を担う前提となった。 本稿は、政治史・政党史研究の枠外におかれてきた院外の動向に着目し、政友会院外団の成立過程を検討することで、政友会の組織構造や党幹部との関係から院外団を位置づけなおすことを試みる。その目的は、第一に院外団の検討を通して政友会の組織強化過程を示すことで同党が統治主体化する前提を明らかにし、第二に院外団の意義と限界を示し従来の院外団イメージの再検討をはかることにある。 本稿の成果は以下のとおりである。初期政友会における院外団は、議会を中心に離合集散した代議士経験者と代議士予備軍・壮士の連帯であった。院外団は〈硬論による党幹部との一致〉を一貫して戦略とし、地域利害の先鋭化が招く代議士の統制困難に対峙することで、党本部と地方支部の間で地域利害を束ねる広域秩序であった地方団体とともに、党組織を支える中間団体として位置づく。 初期政友会の終点となった一八議会の妥協問題は、院外者を自由党再興路線(脱党)と官民調和受容路線(留党)に分けた。政友会院外団の成立は、後者が組織化した結果であり、硬派が逸脱行為を自重する体制内化傾向を伴った。すなわち政友会院外団は〈体制内硬派〉として成立をみる。 かかる成立過程から、院外団の意義は〈内向きの暴力〉をともなう組織維持志向が党組織の安定化を促す点にあり、それが党幹部による硬派利用に繋がったことが示される。ただしその反面、党組織の安定は組織維持の必要を減退させ、桂園体制下で院外団活動は停滞する。これは党の意思決定の外に位置づくがゆえに地方組織を統合できなかったこととともに院外団の限界となった。

著者

吉川 和希

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.130, no.6, pp.63-86, 2021 (Released:2022-06-20)

---

近年のベトナム史研究では、十七~十八世紀の紅河デルタにおける自律性の高い村落の形成過程が議論されている。しかしながら人口過剰、耕地開発の限界と相次ぐ天災で多くの農民が流亡した十八世紀に各村落がいかなる戦略を採ったのか、いまだ十分には解明されていない。そこで本稿では村落から人員を供出して祠廟・仏寺や地方官衙の維持管理に当たり、その代わりに公的負担を減免される皂隷や守隷に注目し、公的負担の減免という権益の維持・拡大を官に働きかける村落の動きに光を当てることで、村落住民の戦略を考察した。 十七~十八世紀には多数の村落が皂隷・守隷として公課を減免されたが、同一村落であっても時期によって免除される公的負担が変化しており、皂隷・守隷の権益は流動的かつ不安定だった。村落に対する税・役の賦課は地方官吏にとって自身の私腹を肥やす機会でもあったため、地方官の側が皂隷の村落に対して本来免除すべき負担を賦課する事例もあった。そのため村落側は、既に国家によって承認された公課免除の再承認を何度も要求していた。村落住民が自身の免除対象を維持・拡大しようとする際には、他村落と連名で上申文書を発出する、あるいは他村落の事例を援用して自身の主張を正当化するなどの戦略を採っていた。十八世紀半ば~後半に自然災害や動乱が多発する中で、困窮化を回避するために各村落は様々に努力していた筈であり、公的負担の減免を伴う皂隷もその一環だったに違いない。ただ中央政府は全村落の主張を認めると財源不足に陥るので、財政収入との兼ね合いを勘案しながら村落間の利害を調整していたと思われ、村落側の要求を拒絶する場合もあった。このように十八世紀における人口過剰、海上貿易の衰退、耕地開発の限界と相次ぐ天災という状況下で、限られた資源をめぐって中央政府・地方官・村落がせめぎ合っていた。

著者

塚目 孝紀

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.130, no.8, pp.37-61, 2021 (Released:2022-08-20)

---

1885年12月22日に創設された内閣制度は、その根拠法令たる内閣職権で首相に法令・命令(勅令)への副署義務を課すことを通して、「大宰相主義」と呼ばれる強い権限を与えていた。これは、内閣職権の後に制定された公文式でも確認されたが、公文式はこれに加えて法令の起案主体を内閣と規定したことで、執政における大臣責任制と君主無答責をより一層明確にしていた。 首相権限が強力な形で制度化されていた一方、内閣制度創設に際し軍備編成の規模をめぐって軍部大臣人事が問題となっており、内閣制度創設後も伊藤博文首相・井上馨外相・松方正義蔵相など文官閣僚と大山巌陸相ら陸軍主流派との間で軍備構想の相違が見られた。 かかる中で、大山陸相ら主流派が主導して進めた陸軍武官進級条例・陸軍検閲条例改正に対し、反主流派の四将軍派が定年進級の導入や検閲機関としての監軍部廃止を問題視し、主流派と四将軍派との間の陸軍紛議に発展する。軍備構想の点で四将軍派に近いと思われていた伊藤首相であったが、陸軍紛議に際しては中立的に振る舞い、大山陸相に対しては二条例の早期改正要請を副署権限を根拠に保留しつつ、陸軍主流派や文官閣僚の動向を待った上、主流派と四将軍派、及び四将軍派に親近感を有していた明治天皇の主張をそれぞれ容れた形で最終的な裁定を行った。 陸軍紛議によって伊藤首相ら文官閣僚は陸軍主流派の軍備構想を受容したが、伊藤首相はまた陸軍に対して優位性も示していた。これに加え、伊藤首相が内閣―陸軍省と明治天皇との間を調停し、明治天皇もその判断を裁可したことを通じ、大臣責任制と天皇の無答責の君主としての役割が明らかとなった。陸軍紛議の処理は内閣職権・公文式に規定された首相の法律・命令(勅令)の副署義務を課していたことに拠るものであり、同時にステークホルダーの選好の明確化を待って政治的決定を行う伊藤首相の政治指導の特徴を明瞭に示すものであった。

著者

湯浅 翔馬

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.130, no.8, pp.62-85, 2021 (Released:2022-08-20)

---

ボナパルティスムとブーランジスムの関係は、しばしば両者の政治文化的な類似性が指摘されてきた一方で、ブーランジェ事件下のボナパルト派に関する研究は少ない。本論文は、ヴィクトル派という当時のボナパルト派内の多数派集団に着目し、フランス右翼史の画期とされるブーランジェ事件に対峙した時期のボナパルト派の実態解明を試みた。 1880年代後半のヴィクトル派内では、王党派と帝政派の議会グループ「右翼連合」を支持するポール・ド・カサニャックと、これに反対するロベール・ミシェルの間で激しい対立が存在した。この対立により、セーヌ県では帝政派コミテという下部組織が乱立し、カサニャック派とミシェル派に分かれて激しく対立する事態に陥った。1888年春、ヴィクトル公と中央コミテが統制を図った結果、セーヌ県のヴィクトル派組織は、対立の一方で完全には分裂していないという状況で、ブーランジスムの高揚に対峙することになる。 1886年から、急進共和派の改革将軍・対独復讐将軍として台頭したブーランジェに対し、ヴィクトル派内には批判や擁護など様々な見解が見られた。1888年以降、王党派から資金援助を受けながらも、急進共和派の一部を前衛とする反「議会共和政」運動としてブーランジスムが展開するなかで、多くのヴィクトル派は「帝政再建」を棚上げにして、改憲運動に参加していく。しかし、ヴィクトル派指導者層の言説や帝政派コミテの運動の分析からは、ブーランジスムへの対応について、党派内で一貫した方針や運動は存在しなかったことが明らかになった。 ブーランジスム敗北後の組織再編を経て、ボナパルト派は「帝政」ではなく「人民投票」を標語にしたものの、共和政へのラリマンが進展していく。かくして、1880年代前半から展開していた、帝政を支持する思想・運動としてのボナパルティスムの解体が、ブーランジスムを通じて加速するのである。