著者

前田 徹

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.1, pp.119-126, 2000

被引用文献数

1

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In this brief paper, I will examine the lines 100-115 of "Gilgamesh and Agga." I agree that, in this part of the text, the speaker was Gilgamesh and he was addressing Agga. However, I do not agree with the interpretation that Gilgamesh was expressing his gratitude for the mercy Agga had shown him, since we have no evidence to prove this situation. I offer an alternative interpretation for this part of the text; Gilgamesh allowed Agga to be an official in the army under his command, since Agga had no status and no privileges after he had been defeated in battle and had been abandoned by his own army. Gilgamesh released Agga. Agga served as his general and representative of Gilgamesh's rule over Kish.

著者

三笠宮 崇仁

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.2, pp.1-14, 2000

著者

古林 清一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.1, pp.1-16, 1991-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Rashid Rida (1865-1935) is famous as a leader of Salafiyya Movement and the editor of his journal, al-Manar. In this paper, I have attempted to elucidate his view on jama'a. Ride expected Muslim's group called jama'a as true leaders of Islamic Community (umma). Jama'a is defined by him as ulu al-amr (possesors of authority), ahl al-hall wa'l-'aqd (electors of caliph) and ahl al-ijma' al-muta' (people whose consensus is considered as compulsive to umma).Then I examined Ride's efforts to form organizations for his Islamic Reform Movement. These efforts are represented in his plans for Jam'iyya al-da'wa wa'l-irshad (Society of Propaganda and Guidance) and Hizb al-islah al-islami al-mu'tadil (Moderate Islamic Reform Party).

著者

黒柳 恒男

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, no.1-2, pp.1-16,168, 1969 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Pancatantra, famous collection of animal fables of Indian origin, was translated into Middle Persian by Burzoe in the sixth century, but this version was lost. In the eighth century, Ibn al-Muqaffa' translated the Middle Persian version into Arabic prose and named it “Kalila wa Dimna” after the names of two jackals in the text. This Arabic translation became the basis for subsequent Persian versions.First of all, in the tenth century the famous poet of the Samanid court, Rudaki put the Arabic version into Persian verse form at Amir Nasr's request, but no more than several verses of this epic have survived.Abu al-Ma'ali Nasr Allah, probably a native of Shiraz, translated the Arabic version into Persian prose about 1144, which was dedicated to Bahram-Shah of Ghazna. This version was made in such an elegant style that it had effect on many later Persian works, such as “Akhlaq-i-Nasiri” and “Marzban-nameh”.About the end of the fifteenth century Husain Wa'iz Kashifi made by far the best known Persian version, entitled “Anwar-i-Suhaili”, which was aimed at simplifying and popularising Nasr Allah's version. But his style was much more bombastic and florid, with many exaggerated expressions and considerably expanded parts.This bombastic version became simplified in India and Abu al-Fadl, a famous historian and minister under Akbar, compiled a book, entitled “'Iyar-i-Danish”, which was derived from Kashifi's version.

著者

宮武 志郎

出版者

学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.1, pp.149-165, 1996

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The Nasi family of Marranos (crypt-Jews) expanded its commercial activities not only in the Ottoman Empire but also in the Mediterranean world and Eastern and Western Europe during and after the Christian persecution. The Nasi family was led by Donna Gracia and her nephew and son-in-law, Don Joseph Nasi: the former claimed to have returned to Judaism during her refuge in Ferrara, but the latter returned to Judaism after his immigration to the Ottoman Empire.<br>Joseph took advantage of various ways to develop his economic, political and communal activities. For example, the Nasi family set up its close relationship with the Ottoman court through the Jewish court physicians, especially Moshe Hamon, when they immigrated to Istanbul in the first half of the 1550s. Their economic success owed to commercial and intelligence networks, and to many other factors and agents, that they had inherited from the Mendes family.<br>The Ottoman archives and Rabbinical Responsa show evidence of Joseph's aggressive attitude and of his commercial and intelligence networks at three points.<br>The first was the Ancona Boycott, when Joseph attempted to take advantage of his Jewish faith and use Sephardic Rabbis as his propagandists. His ends were to spread his leadership over many independent Jewish communities, to improve the heretic status of Marranos, and to monopolize Mediterranean trades.<br>The second point was the rebuilding of Tiberias. Gracia rebuilt the old Palestinian city mainly for her own pious motives, but Joseph seized on her plan as a good opportunity to extensively develop his economic activities. At the same time, this plan involved Jewish court physicians as Joseph's messengers to the Ottoman court.<br>The last point was Joseph's friendship with Selim II, the eleventh Ottoman Sultan. The Sultan awarded him the "Dukalik: similar to the authorities of Sancakbeyi" of Naxos and Cyclades which gave him a uinque political status as well as commercial privileges in domestic and foreign trade.<br>The conclusion must be drawn that Joseph Nasi was not a Jewish hero who had the character of a proto-Zionist, but a realistic businessman who gave precedence to his profits over his Jewish faith.

著者

井上 一

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, no.3, pp.33-48,133, 1965

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Theodor Heuß sagt in seinem Artikel «La Monarchie Hellenistique» (Firenze, 1955): "Die Ideologie der hellenistischen Monarchie mußte von ihr nicht ad hoc hervorgebracht werden, sondern stand in Augenblick ihrer Geburt wie eine reifende Frucht zur Verfügung." (S. 208) "Die Fürstenspiegelethik war nicht auf die Philosophie beschränkt und fand deshalb auch ihren eindrucksvollsten Vertreter in Isokrates." (S. 211)<br>Der Verfasser handelt von Isokrates' «Euagoras» in Bezug auf die Untersuchung seiner Fürstenspiegelethik. Er hat seine Hauptbesprechungen über den πεπραγμενων des kyprischen Dynasten (z. B. seine Herrschaftsform, seine Krieg gegen Persien) mit den gleichzeitigen internationalen Affären im Mittermeerraum vergleicht; danach schließt er als folgend: Isokrates nimmt die Herrschaft des Euagoras gewiß als Idealkönigtum auf: doch seine Behandlung begrenzt sich auf die Beziehung zwischen Athen und dem kyprischen Dynasten, so spricht er schwerlich klär von den charismatischen Zügen und dem Wesen seiner Herrschaft, Vasallkönigtum des persischen Reiches. Trotzdem, glaubt der Verfasser, möchten es sehr interessant sein, daß der griechische Pulizist als das Modell des Idealkönigtums die Herrschaft des halbbarbarischen Dynasten, der seine Lage zwischen den Mächte des Mittelmeerraumes kunstvoll gehalten hat.

著者

井上 一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, no.3-4, pp.33-48,133, 1965 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Theodor Heuß sagt in seinem Artikel «La Monarchie Hellenistique» (Firenze, 1955): “Die Ideologie der hellenistischen Monarchie mußte von ihr nicht ad hoc hervorgebracht werden, sondern stand in Augenblick ihrer Geburt wie eine reifende Frucht zur Verfügung.” (S. 208) “Die Fürstenspiegelethik war nicht auf die Philosophie beschränkt und fand deshalb auch ihren eindrucksvollsten Vertreter in Isokrates.” (S. 211)Der Verfasser handelt von Isokrates' «Euagoras» in Bezug auf die Untersuchung seiner Fürstenspiegelethik. Er hat seine Hauptbesprechungen über den πεπραγμενων des kyprischen Dynasten (z. B. seine Herrschaftsform, seine Krieg gegen Persien) mit den gleichzeitigen internationalen Affären im Mittermeerraum vergleicht; danach schließt er als folgend: Isokrates nimmt die Herrschaft des Euagoras gewiß als Idealkönigtum auf: doch seine Behandlung begrenzt sich auf die Beziehung zwischen Athen und dem kyprischen Dynasten, so spricht er schwerlich klär von den charismatischen Zügen und dem Wesen seiner Herrschaft, Vasallkönigtum des persischen Reiches. Trotzdem, glaubt der Verfasser, möchten es sehr interessant sein, daß der griechische Pulizist als das Modell des Idealkönigtums die Herrschaft des halbbarbarischen Dynasten, der seine Lage zwischen den Mächte des Mittelmeerraumes kunstvoll gehalten hat.

著者

大城 道則

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.1, pp.103-118, 2000-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The primary purpose of this article is to publicize the interaction between Egypt and Nubia around 3000 B. C. Ancient Egyptian culture has always developed its own culture by adopting several contemporary cultures. Although it was understood that the main influence on Egyptian culture was from Mesopotamia, there is another possibility-Nubia. G. A. Reisner called this culture the Nubian A-Group culture. Nubian A-Group sites were found in abundance throughout Lower Nubia. Recent works show that the Nubian A-Group culture had a sophisticated society; rich graves of the rulers in Qustul contained many luxury goods from Egypt. The Qustul Incense Burner, which was carved with Pharaonic iconographies, was especially significant.This article examines the Nubian A-Group culture by focusing on Pharaonic iconographies of Qustul Incense Burner and reconfirms that Egypt and Nubia had close relationship.

著者

飯山 陽

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.2, pp.141-160, 2007 (Released:2010-03-12)

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It is usually said that maslaha as a legal concept was first defined in a tangible manner by al-Ghazali (d. 1111) and that he made a breakthrough innovation in the evolutional history of maslaha theory. But in my previous article (Oriento 47: 2 [2005]), I analyzed the maslaha theory of his master al-Juwayni (d. 1085) and clearly demonstrated that (al-Juwayni's) theory was innovative by comparison with former theories. The current article investigates three books of legal theory written by al-Ghazali, namely Mankhul, Shifa' and Mustasfa, to reconsider whether his achievement was this accepted notion. The findings show that most of the terms and the logic used in his maslaha theory had been already used by al-Juwayni. However, al-Ghazali arranged his master's maslaha theory in an easily comprehensible and methodical fashion. His master's theory, in contrast, was complicated and used many terms inconsistently, and what is more, he criticized harshly the interpretation and application of maslaha by the Maliki school. This is why later scholars, especially Maliki scholars, quote al-Ghazali's maslaha theory exclusively. Thus, the achievement of al-Ghazali in the history of maslaha theory should be sought in his arrangement of his master's theory, because without that, it is hard to understand how later scholars could have evolved maslaha theory and applied the con-cept in legal practice.

著者

後藤 光一郎

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, no.2, pp.33-55, 1964-10-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

9

著者

三橋 冨治男

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, no.2, pp.199-220,234, 1966

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Ottoman admiral, Piri Reis' old map was discovered by Bay H. E. Eldem, Director of National Museums in 1929, when the old Ottoman Imperial Palace—Topkapu Saray was being turned into a Museum of Antiquites. This old map was missing for a long time.<br>The detailed research of Prof. P. Kahle and other scholars have presented very important informations regarding this map, because it was sometimes called "the map of Columbus".<br>This paper gives the explanation about figure, substance matter, preserved condition and two varieties of this old map, and shows the big image of well-known Turkish admiral in the 16th century with some interesting episode. At the same time, this paper points out that Ottoman Turks were excellent experts in the field of cartography and they stood very far above the level of European cartography in those days.

著者

白木原 和美

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, no.2, pp.55-78_7,181, 1971 (Released:2010-03-12)

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In the collection of the Tenri Sankôkan Museum, there is a long gold fitted sword (Photo I) and a set of gold fitted decorations for a smaller sword (Photo II).The sword of this type has begun brought in sight recently from Northern Persia, but few in number. The three specimens which Prof. R. Ghirshman introduced in the Artibus Aside Vol. XXVI, 1963) and the beautiful one in the collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York are especially famous.The handle and scabbard of these swords have distinctive features as follows; (1) the handle has projections for tight holding, (2) no guard or, if there is, very small, (3) there are two wide bands to reinforce the scabbard, one of the two is fitted at the mouth of the scabbard, (4) each band has a golden fish-shaped knot for suspension, (5) the width of the scabbard is neary the same from the tip to the end, (6) the side views of the tip of the handle and the end of the scabbard are the same “{” shape, (7) the basic pattern of the decoration is somewhat like squamation.The sword of this type is sometimes found on silver dishes in the period from the later half of Sasanian Dynasty to the early Islamic Age in Persia. It was drawn on the wall painting in the districts along the Silk Road. Also it is reported that there have been found many stone-statues which have the sword of this type in Altai, Mongolia and Western China. However, they are all newer than some of the Persian silver dishes. So I presume that this type of sword might have been completed in Northern Persia and its surroundings during the later Sasanian Dynasty.In Japan, the same sort of sword has been used si nce the 8th century. Among them, the most famous sword is the one of the Shôsôin Treasures. This sword has the same distinctive features as the above mentioned except in items (5) and (7). Even now, in Japan, a sword of this type is frequently used for ritual purpose. They are brilliant souvenirs showing the introduction of Persian civilization to our country. In addition, I would like to state that it is wrong to support the opinion that the pattern of squamation of the sword expresses the feathers of holy birds.It is clear that in Western Asia, there has long been a tradition to depict bush or trees by swarms of little arcs. And later this method of describing plants seems to be combined with the method of drawing the gathering of parmette. With this assumption, I presume that these patterns of squamation on these swords have similar characteristics as of the fringe of the arch of Taller Grotto, Taq-i-Bustan and so on. This pattern of decoration was transmitted to European countries and, because of its nobleness, was to be used as the decoration of the arches of church entrance and the edgings of church windows etc., I presume.

著者

野元 晋

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.1, pp.171-183, 1995-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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This paper aims at elucidating how the idea of correspondence between the existent beings in the cosmos was discussed in early Isma'ilism, especially with regard to the doctrine of the seven enunciator-prophets (nutaqa', sdg. natiq). For this purpose we analyze a chapter on the fourth natiq, Moses (Musa), which deals with our subject, from the still unedited text Kitab al-Islah, or The Book of Correction, written by a Neoplatonist-inclined thinker, Abu Hatim al-Razi (d. 322/934-5), as an a attack on his coreligionist Muhammad al-Nasafi (d. 332/942).According to al-Razi, al-Nasafi holds that the fourth natiq has the perfectness of the number four just as the sun, the fourth astral body, has it. Refuting this, al-Razi asserts that the real holder of the “fourness” (arba'iyah) is the seventh natiq, Qa'im, who discloses the inner meaning of all the sacred laws of his six predecessor-nutaqa'. In order to establish his argument, al-Razi cites some examples of the correspondence between the seven nutaqa' and some beings from the world of nature in the cosmos such as the seven days of the week, the seven parts of the human body and the seven dyeing colours (asbagh): just at each member of these groups in the world of nature takes its role in the development of its own group, each natiq takes his own role in the development of the history of human kind. This implies that in the cases of both nature and the seven nutaqa' the last phase of development is the most perfect. Thus, al-Razi's own argument shows us another example of the early Isma'ilis' utilization of the knowledge of nature and the natural sciences of their time, as is pointed out by P. E. Walker in the case of Abu Ya'qub al-Sijistani. Oun research in the future should seek out other examples of this practice among other Isma'ili thinkers.

著者

前田 龍彦

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.1, pp.155-170, 1999-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

15

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Sukala-maddava that Buddha had taken at the last time in his life is now interpreted as rotten flesh of boar or mushroom, in a sense, poison. It is natural to think that either could have caused Buddha's death. Buddha himself, however, said that nobody could eat those substances except himself. It is difficult to believe that Buddha is portrayed as weak as an ordinary human in Buddhist texts, for Buddha defeated Mara, death. This interpretation makes nirvana seem somehow negative. Therefore we have to search for an affirmative answer for nirvana, in the background of Indo-Iranian or Indo-European culture, because the Pali language belongs to Ancient Prakrit.A boar, if that is what sukala means, is identified as Vrtra in Rgveda (I. 121.11; I. 61.7; VIII. 66.10; X. 99.6 etc.), and as one of ten incarnations of Vishnu, Varaha which made the world reborn in the Bhagavatapurana (III. 13), also Verethragna who runs in front of Mithra in the Mihr Yasht (70). In addition, in the Taittiriyaranyaka (I. 10.8), a black boar saves the world by appearing from the bottom of water. His 10 incarnations symbolize winter, and death (RV. X. 51.3; Vendidad, 4), and these incarnations signify the voyage in the underworld. Now, Verethragna is the guide of Mithra in the darkness of night. Namely, the boar signifies an obstacle, winter, night, death and the underworld, and also acts a helper of renewal, of rebirth. Boar, therefore, has two meanings: obstacle and helper, psychopompos, to go to heaven.While the name “Chunda” has no special meaning, it is important that he is a son of a blacksmith, kammarah. Blacksmith is an alchemist, which is symbolically important, and the divine blacksmith, Tvastr, is a creator of Vajra for Indra. An alchemist makes gold from base metals, and is a person who can make a mortal Buddha into a gold immortal being, and vajra is the weapon to kill Vrtra, to defeat death.Another item is in the Mahaparinibbanasuttanta, “A pair of golden clothes” (4.35) that Buddha wore. “A pair” is equal to “twins”, whose meaning is “death and rebirth”. The twin Sala trees also mean “death and rebirth”, and “gold”, and the name of hiranna (golden) river (5.1), that Buddha crossed just before entering nirvana, are symbols of “eternity”. Two offering foods, Sujata's and Chunda's, that Buddha praised (4.42) are also “a pair”. One, Suj ata's, was for “birth” of Buddha and the other, Chunda's, was for his nirvana, “death”. This pair too has the same meaning. They all signify the future of Buddha.Thus in my opinion, Sukala is a flesh of boar, and eating of it makes Buddha equal to vrtrahan, and means going to heaven. People who have the same Koine could easily understand that Buddha was eternal. Probably the interpretation of sukala as mushroom happened in China: sukala could be translated into a food of “eternity” in Chinese thought, ling-zhi for example.

著者

柴田 大輔

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.2, pp.95-111, 1999 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Das weit bekannte Ersatzkönigsritual im alten Mesopotamien steht im engen Zusammenhang mit dem Ersatzritual, das der Beschwörer (ašipu) alltäglich durchgeführt hat. Das letztere Ersatzritual ist bisher nicht gründlich untersucht worden, während das Ersatzkönigsritual von mehreren Fachforschern aufgemerkt wurde. Im vorliegenden Aufsatz lege ich zuerst einen Abriß des Ersatzrituals vor, dann stelle ich die Problematik über das Ersatzritual zusammen.Im Kap. I werden die als “Ersatz” übersetzten akkadischen und sumerischen Wörter, puhu, (an) di/unanu, nigsagilû und níg-sag-íl analysiert. Im Kap. II werden die keilschrifttextlichen Materialien zum Ersatzritual, soweit mir bekannt ist, angeführt. Dabei fasse ich besonders ins Auge, was das große Ritual ist, in dem das Ersatzritual eingeordnet wird, und was als Ersatz vorbereitet wird. Im Kap. III werden die folgenden Verläufe des Ersatzrituals analysiert: 1) Der Kranke, für den das Ritual durchgeführt wird, wäscht sich die Hände über dem Ersatztier/-bild oder legt sich mit dem Ersatztier/-bild ins Bett. 2) Es wird vor Šamaš und/oder dem Ersatztier/-bild erklärt, daß gerade das Tier oder das Bild als Ersatz für den Kranken vorbereitet wird. 3) Das Ersatztier/-bild wird begraben oder in den Fluß hingeworfen. Im Kap. IV wird dann die Logik, die das Ersatzritual konstituiert, betrachtet. Zum Schluß im Kap. V werden die noch ungelöste Probleme über das Ersatzritual zusammengestelltf

著者

前田 徹

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.2, pp.106-117, 1982 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

東長 靖

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.1, pp.64-79, 1990

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In my last paper [in <i>The World of Islam</i>, Nos. 33/34, 1990] on the controversies over the orthodoxy of <i>Wahdah al-wujud</i> in the late Mamluk period, I pointed out that most of the sufis were within the &lsquo;orthodox&rsquo; and that in this period we find no &lsquo;<i>ulama</i>&rsquo; vs <i>sufi</i> schema.<br>In this article I take up Ibn Taymiyah's comprehension of <i>tasawwuf</i> for enlargement of my last study. It is fact that Ibn Taymiyah, who belongs to the early Mamluk period, severely criticized <i>Wahdah al-wujud</i> and some popular sufi practices, but he was not against <i>tasawwuf</i> itself.<br>He divides sufis into three groups as follows; (1) &lsquo;true&rsquo; sufis who worship only Allah, (2) sufis who observe legal (<i>shar'i</i>) manners in their practices, and (3) superficial sufis who follow some customs without understanding of their true meaning. He puts his own position in the first group, and from this inner standpoint he criticizes other sufis such as those of <i>Ahmadiyah-Rifa'iyah Tariqah</i>, who belong to the third group, for their innovation and deviation from <i>shari'ah</i>, and demands their repentance. According to his view, <i>Wahdah al-wujud</i> goes outside of this framework of sufis. So his criticism on <i>Wahdah al-wujud</i> was not against <i>tasawwuf</i>, rather his aim was to defend &lsquo;true&rsquo; <i>tasawwuf</i> as he thinks it.<br>From this and the last study, we can conclude that nobody was against <i>tasawwuf</i> itself in the Mamluk period with the only exception of <i>Wahdah al-wujud</i>, which was criticized as philosophy by some, not all, thinkers.

著者

八木 久美子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.2, pp.142-156, 1994 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Naguib Mahfouz is a world-famous novelist of Egypt. He is widely known with his social novels set in modern Egypt. His first three novels, which are set in Pharaonic Egypt, have not been studied enough so far. They are works loyal to the so-called ‘Pharaonicism’ which characterized the national literature of Egypt in the twenties of this century. The national literature was itself a new trend to give a literary expression to ‘the territorial nationalism’, or the orientation toward a nation-state. Consequently, these three works of Mahfouz are not negligible for understanding the nature of ‘the territorial nationalism’ and why this movement rapidly receded into the background in the thirties.First of all, loyal to the Pharaonicism, Mahfouz presents the ideal image of Egypt, particularly in terms of the relationship between the rulers and the ruled, in Pharaonic Egypt. This ideal image is the very image of Egypt for which Mahfouz strives. At the same time, he never fails to covertly criticize the social corruption and injustice in the real society of Egypt. However, ‘Pharaonicism’ itself has its own limitations. As Pharaonic Egypt has never been symbolic of anything positive for Egyptians until its historical value was recognized by western scholars, it cannot contribute to the legitimatization of the new ideal image of Egypt.Secondly, ‘the territorial nationalism’ was supported mainly by western-educated intellectuals such as Mahfouz. The most serious problem for them in propagating their thought was how to communicate with the masses. The gap between these two groups of people was almost unbridgeable in those days. In these ‘Historical Works’ of Mahfouz, the masses are described as faceless and particularly as a group of people easily maneuvered by men of religion.These works of Mahfouz shed light on the weakness of the western-educated intellectuals calling for ‘the territorial nationalism’.

著者

奥西 峻介

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.1, pp.107-117, 1993-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

44

著者

嶋本 隆光

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, no.2, pp.35-49, 1985 (Released:2010-03-12)

被引用文献数

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The practice of BAST is an interesting aspect of Qajar history (1779-1924) in Iran. The criminals and the oppressed who took sanctuary at such places as shrines of the Imams and their relatives, mosques, residences of the respected mojtaheds and sayyids, royal stables, and so forth, could be immune from any official punishments until some agreement was reached.Since it was most generally observed during the Constitutional Period (1905-1911), when characteristically thousands of people rushed into the precinct of British Legation in order to attain their political goal, this practice seems to have been looked upon as essentially political, not as socio-religious one. However, if we scrutinize many examples of BAST scattered in the official histories written in the latter half of the 19th century, it will be known that in the understanding of this practice socio-religious elements are of crucial importance for in most cases the places chosen had something to do with those popularly regarded as “sacred and religious.”In this paper, the author, while admitting the politico-legal elements as important determinants of BAST, will reflect its meanings from socioreligious aspects by putting particular emphasis on such factors as popular awe, belief, and social consensus toward it.