著者

中西 悠喜

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.1, pp.53-63, 2017-09-30 (Released:2020-10-01)

参考文献数

34

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Ṣāʾin al-Dīn ibn Turka al-Iṣfahānī (d. 1432) is among the most neglected figures in the history of Arabic-Islamic philosophy. True, his Tamhīd al-qawāʿid (“Introduction to the Principles,” TQ) has been highly evaluated within the Iranian ʿirfān circle since the late Qajar period; as the author of TQ, he is considered in this circle to be a precursor of Mullā Ṣadrā’s (d. 1640) alleged “synthesis” of Ibn al-ʿArabī’s (d. 1240) Akbarian mysticism, al-Suhrawardī’s (d. 1191) illumi­nationist philosophy, and al-Ṭūsī’s (d. 1274) revived Avicennian philosophy. Modern historians, however, adopt this evaluation while conducting, effectively, no detailed analysis of the contents of the work. Even Melvin-Koushki, who explores in detail the lettrist-occultist dimensions of this politically afflicted polymath’s Weltanschauung, has not gone so far as to redress their inaccurate understanding of TQ itself.In this paper, I will focus on two central issues addressed in TQ: 1) that “absolute theology” (al-ʿilm al-ilāhī al-muṭlaq) is the highest science, whose subject-matter is “existence” (wujūd) as such; and 2) that existence is the Real (al-ḥaqq). What is noteworthy is that Ibn Turka discusses both issues with (critical) reference to major philosophical texts, such as the Ilāhiyyāt of Ibn Sīnā’s (d. 1037) Shifāʾ (on his conception of metaphysics as the regina scientiarum), al-Suhrawardī’s Ḥikmat al-ishrāq (on his thesis that existence is a mental construct), and the Ṭabīʿiyyāt of al-Ṭūsī’s Sharḥ al-Ishārāt (on his theory of the prerequisites for something being analogical). By analysing Ibn Turka’s arguments on the aforementioned two issues while clarifying his positions towards the theses of earlier philosophers, I aim in the present study to indicate the place of this late medieval Akbarian mystic in the post-Avicennian history of philosophy.

著者

飯山 陽

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.2, pp.113-133, 2003 (Released:2010-03-12)

被引用文献数

1 1

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Maslaha has received considerable attention from scholars as a crucial principle which guarantees the developing tendency of Islamic society since the early 20th century. This paper attempts to show its importance in the lslamic legal theory which has been evolved to expand and adapt the established authoritative doctrines in the changing circumstances. Qarafi (d. 684/1285), who is famous for his theory of qawa'id (legal precepts), evolved the concept of maslaha which had been defined as ‘the preservation of the purpose of law (God's legislation)’ by Ghazali to the source of a valid and concrete methodology for creative law findings in his theory of qawa'id. He could legitimate goal-oriented and substantive interpretations by applying considerations of maslaha not only as a criterion to identify a 'illa's suitability but as an indispensable stipulation for some legal principles such as rukhsa (legal license) and sadd al-dhara'i‘(blocking means). Maslaha functions to legitimate his legal theory as a whole which purposes to give mujtahids’ legal methodology to muqallids so as to be depended in their law findings. The origin of maslaha is God, i. e. the prime authority in Islam; thus Qarafi could make use of this concept as the origin of all law findings in structuring his legal theory. Maslaha is the key concept to understand the legal theory and practice in the post-formative period of Islamic jurisprudence.

著者

内記 良一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.1, pp.39-53, 1984-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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In spite of some efforts made by Vollers, C. A. Nallino and Taha Husayn, the etymology of Arabic 'adab (literature) has not been explained clearly yet. This paper is to trace the origin of the word to Pahlavi aδven (ak) from two points of view, phonetical and semantic.It will be easily accepted that Pahlavi aδven or aδvenak passed to Arabic 'adab because of their phonetic coincidence. While Pahlavi aδven (ak) suffered the phonetic change to become aiven (ak), from which Modern Persian word 'ayin appeared and this is why Arabic 'adab and Modern Persian 'ayin share the same meaning (way, manner).As for the semantic development of Pahlavi aδven (ak), we can divide it into three stages. The first is “way, manner”, the second is “etiquette” and the third is “species, form, aspect” etc. Among these three categories of the meaning, only the last one did not pass into Arabic because it developed within the isolated scope of Zoroastrian theology in Islamic days.The first meaning “way, manner” is common in Pahlavi literature and used in Arabic like 'adabu lharb (way of battle). The second meaning “etiquette” which is used especially in Pahlavi Andarz-books is very popular in Arabic as is widely known. At the same time the Sassanians gave much importance on the etiquette concerning holding the banquet (Cf. 'Ayin li'Ardashir). This is why Arabic verb 'adaba ('adb) means “to invite to the banquet”.

著者

西尾 哲夫

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.2, pp.54-73, 1991 (Released:2010-03-12)

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purpose of the present paper is to make a linguistic analysis of the Judeo-Arabic manuscript Or. 7768 preserved in the British Library, which belongs to the so-called Cairo Geniza collection. This manuscript contains two versions of purim mitzrayim (Purim of Egypt or Cairo) written in Hebrew and Arabic, the latter, of course, using the Hebrew characters.According to the parameter of the phonetic correspondence between Hebrew letters and Arabic sounds which each letter stands for, Judeo-Arabic documents can be roughly classified into four periods; i) Early Judeo-Arabic (8C.-10C.), which is written in Early Vulgar Judeo-Arabic Spelling; ii) Classical Judeo-Arabic (10C.-15C.), which is written in Classical Judeo-Arabic Spelling; iii) Later Judeo-Arabic (15C.-18C.), which is written in Later Judeo-Arabic Spelling; and iv) Modern Judeo-Arabic (19C.-). The language of the manuscript in question basically belongs to the third variety of Judeo-Arabic, but shows many linguistic features characteristic of Classical Judeo-Arabic (Spelling).

著者

宮澤 栄司

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.1, pp.128-155, 2007

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Circassian place-names in the district of Uzunyayla (Kayseri, Turkey) are to be analysed in terms of an anthropological approach to landscape. Circassians were forced to migrate to Anatolia by Russia's military conquest of the North Caucasus in the mid-19^th century. Uzunyayla, with 73 Circassian villages, is one of the principal locations where these refugees' eventually settled down and strove to reconstruct their homeland.<br>A landscape emerges at points where geography and human intentions meet. Place-names are the medium by which people inscribe history on natural environments and read history from them. S. Küchler (1993)'s "landscape <i>of</i> memory" is a landscape composed of a number of landmarks that record human actions. At the same time, she proposes to work on "landscape <i>as</i> memory", i. e. a process by which history is re-negotiated on each occasion that events associated with these landmarks are recalled.<br>In Uzunyayla, a "landscape <i>of</i> memory" can be observed in the use of Circassian place-names that make a connection between the Circassians' homeland and their new "home". Most Circassian villages are named after families known as "lords". This practice tells a story that Circassians followed powerful leaders who struggled against each other. Such a landscape is part of Circassians' efforts to maintain an ethnic identity and territory in the face of the state's nationalist policy.<br>The fact that the great majority of these village names are contested means that the process of making a "home" is yet to be completed. Villages are given different names in a competition for prestige, and different village names are often supported by different types of resources. The history of the Circassians' settling in Uzunyayla is constantly re-shaped as different village names accompanying different foundation stories are set off one against another. In this "landscape <i>as</i> memory", the production of history is open to dialogue.

著者

岡田 明憲

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.1, pp.85-99, 1996-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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A variety of goddesses appear in the Zoroastrian pantheon. Among them, three goddesses are especially significant -Armaiti, Aši, and Anahita.Armaiti is a member of the Ameša Spentas and is ranked among the highest order of goddesses. Aši is closely connected with the concept of Aša, the core of the thought of Zoroaster himself. In Yašt it is recorded that Aši was the love of Zoroaster. Anahita, apparently influenced by the cult of Mesopotamian Mother Goddess, became the most popular object of Iranian faith.The three goddesses have separate origins and are theologicaly distinct. Nonetheless, under the influence of Indo-Iranian folk beliefs, all these goddesses have been viewed as the Earth Mother and as the complements to deities of the sky. Ahura Mazda and Armaiti were regarded as the parents of Gaya Maretan, or the primeval man. Mi∂ra and Anahita formed a pair. Aši was closely associated with Sraoša. These models parallel the dual divinities-Dyavaprthivi-of Rg Veda.

著者

秋葉 淳

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.1, pp.84-97, 2013-09-30 (Released:2016-10-01)

参考文献数

54

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It has been generally accepted that in Ottoman society Muslim girls were not excluded from elementary education in the traditional schools (mekteb). However, there is no study that addresses the issue of to what extent girls' education was widespread before the Tanzimat reforms. Although some studies have mentioned the existence of female teachers for girls, they only gave a general description without references or drew on a limited number of examples, and no further investigation has been conducted. This article presents some findings on girls' schools and female teachers in Ottoman society based on two documents, dating from the 1780s and 1811, which provide lists of mektebs located in Istanbul. These documents show that there were a fairly large number of girls' schools: about one-sixth of the schools listed in the first document and about one-third of those in the second document were for girls. Noticeably, most of them were taught by female teachers. Many of the girls' schools with female teachers were probably schools of modest size without an independent school building where the students gathered in the teachers' houses for instruction. However, since mixed schools for boys and girls are known to have been common, one can safely assume that the opportunity for elementary education for girls was significantly richer than is generally supposed for a "traditional" Muslim society. The existence of a large number of female teachers suggests that some women could acquire an education sufficient for teaching children. Their appearance in the official documents also shows that their occupation was socially recognized.

著者

井本 英一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, no.3-4, pp.1-22,220, 1969 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The four-eyed dog is found in the Yama cycle of the Rig Veda, where two four-eyed dogs lead the dead to the fathers in heaven. In the Avestan Videvdat, however, a white dog, spotted with yellow on the ears, plays an important role in the funeral rites, and among the modern Parsees it appears at the Sag-did ceremonies again.Ethnography supports the dog and spottedness symbolism in the wide territorial extent and requires some correction of views which, for example, the late Rev. M. Modi has expounded.Originally the two dogs represented the death and the rebirth, which later have been incorporated in one dog with spotted colour and four eyes.The writer also interprets, against Prof. P. Thieme, Rig Vedic çvagbnin- as one who playing dice at the rite of passage gains two aces, a deuce-ace, and sacrifices the four-eyed dog in order to become sacred, renovate oneself and get rebirth.

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.2, pp.206-248, 2005 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

川崎 康司

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.2, pp.149-153, 2000 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

熊倉 和歌子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.1, pp.62-66, 2012-09-30 (Released:2016-04-26)

著者

相野 洋三

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, no.1, pp.153-164, 1977-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

松山 洋平

出版者

日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント = Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.1, pp.74-78, 2018

著者

ファーディ アブドゥール・アル 杉 勇

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, no.2, pp.101-107, 1975 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

加賀谷 寛

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.2, pp.53-64, 1990 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

矢口 直英

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.1, pp.120-138, 2011-09-30 (Released:2015-02-27)

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This article examines the medieval Islamic understanding of the workings of the brain as represented in Hunayn ibn Ishaq’s (d. 873) Questions on Medicine and the eleventh-century commentary on that work by Ibn Abī Ṣādiq al-Naysābūrī. Medieval Islamic physicians classified the human faculties into three categories: natural, animal, and psychic. They further subdivided the psychic faculties into those of voluntary movement, sensation, and psychic activities proper (including imagination, cogitation, and memory), and ascribed these faculties to the workings of the brain. Like other Islamic physicians, Ibn Abī Ṣādiq knew that movement and sensation required nerves, and the brain with which the nerves are connected. He posited a fine substance called the “psychic pneuma” (rūḥ nafsānīya) as the medium for movement and sensation, and movement and sensation were explained in terms of the mechanical operation of this matter. Being a material process, movement, according to him, requires tough nerves to transmit its power to the organs which are to be moved, whereas sensation, which is thought of as the imprinting of the images of the sensed objects, requires nerves that are tender. Psychic activities were also interpreted as an operation of psychic pneuma in the brain. For these activities were reckoned among the psychic faculties together with movement and sensation. Since the processes of these activities differ, these faculties have different seats in the brain which are of different qualities. For its part, the quality of the matter “pneuma” was believed to affect the quality of these faculties. Thus, Ibn Abī Ṣādiq formed a mechanistic theory of psychic faculties, which was in line with the tripartite theory of brain in Greek medicine. But, unlike the Greeks, he emphasised the materiality of brain and pneumata, and so it seems that he intended to establish the link of brain and mind.

著者

清水 芳見

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.2, pp.99-107, 1984 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

16

著者

森本 公誠

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.2, pp.85-110,204, 1976 (Released:2010-03-12)

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One of the most important institutions characterizing the early Caliphate was the system of diwan set up by 'Umar I. It had two aspects, i. e., one as a system of collecting taxes from the conquered peoples, and the other as that of distributing them, as pensions, to the Arabs. The latter is noteworthy because this system had influence not only on the Arab community but on the political, military and judical institutions in the Arab empire. In spite of this importance of the system, only the diwan of Medina established by 'Umar I has by now been examined and introduced to the scholarly world, no studies of those of the garrison towns (amsar) being available, except the case of Basra. Thus, the purpose of this paper is to shed light on the contents of diwiins which functioned as Arab rosters in Egypt, clarifying that they form the basic material of studies of the system of registration and pensions in the early Islamic Period. The first diwan of Egypt, including the names of 12, 300 to 15, 000 fighting men, was drawn up in A. H. 21, immediately after the Conquest. It is perceptible that three principles were adopted on the occasion of the registration: (1) to preserve the existing tribal groups as much as possible, (2) to reorganize tribes so that each group consists of a definite number of persons, and (3) to treat preferentially persons who contributed toward the expansion of Islam. As regards the second diwan drawn up by the governor 'Abd al-`Aziz b. Marwan, we have an important Greek papyrus from which we can infer the content of the diwan. This papyrus raises and answers many historical problems. For instance, the conclusion may be derived that unlike the common opinion of scholars, the use of Greek as official language before A. H. 87, when the Arab authority abolished it, was not restricted to the financial operations, but adopted for the registration of Arabs and the payment of pensions to them. Even if we admit that once the first diwan was drawn up in Arabic, it will not affect the above said conclusion.

著者

春田 晴郎

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.1, pp.201-207, 2008-09-30 (Released:2014-03-30)

著者

吹田 真里子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.1, pp.103-117, 2003-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The purpose of the present paper is to examine the position women held in the Old Kingdom of ancient Egypt. In the beginning of the last century, the heiress theory predominated in Egyptology. This theory held that, among royalty, the fixed and movable property was inherited through the female line. This applied also in private families. The position of women was therefore considered to be as high as that of men. In the 1960's, G. Robins published a paper denying the heiress theory. In the present paper, focus is placed on the disposition of the property in wills, imyt-pr in order to establish a conclusion about the actual status of women. I will examine the four wills, those of Metjen (Mtn), Khenemti (Hnmti), Ni-kau-ra (Ni-k_??_w-r_??_) and the sisters Pepi and Buwt (Ppi, Bwt).The wills address two types of property. One is property for the family; the other is the funeral foundation, which consists of arable lands given to the person who makes offerings for the deceased. The foundation could be given to only one person; it was not allowed to distribute among several people.The will disposes of the rights that the testator possessed, and shows his wish for his family to make offerings for him. The will thus has a legal function and also suggests religious desire.In ancient Egypt, anyone could make a will regardless of sex. Although women could make a will, fewer women did than men. I focus on the passages relating to women in the four wills. The emphasis is on the female priesthood of the funeral foundation. Women who became priests were able to possess the same status as men.