著者

香月 法子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.1, pp.113-126, 2004-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Zoroastrian high priests in India are of the opinion that Parsi society and Parsi identity will be wiped out by the interfaith marriage and entry into the faith of the children of these marriages. But there is more to it than that. There are the currents of conversion to Zoroastrianism all around Central Asia. Most clearly converts have claimed that their ancestors were Zoroastrians.Quite a few Zoroastrians, of those who have been traditionally called, are negative about accepting members whose parents are not both Zoroastrians. Behind the tendency of refusing to accept converts in their society or institutions in India are the serious religious disturbances risen by communalism in India and the exclusive environment of Parsi society. To protect their own society, Parsis, who are minority in India, have accepted the interfaith marriages selectively and have accepted the children of the marriages as physically and spiritually pure because of the ties of blood.However, for others, even if they affirm that Zoroastrianism is the faith of their ancestors, it is difficult to say that they possess physical and spiritual purity from the point of view of Zoroastrianism. Nevertheless, the controversy about the issue of conversion to Zoroastrianism seems to be increasing, as society in general seems to recognize converts as Zoroastrians, in the absence of conditions for formal entry (naojot) or of a definition of a Zoroastrian which is accepted by everyone. However, unless Zoroastrians change their ideas of physical purity and impurity, which are considered integral parts of the tenets of Zoroastrianism, it will be difficult to find a unified view.

著者

山本 啓二

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.2, pp.135-147, 2001 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Historical astrology is the branch of astrology that deals with political and religious history by using the conjunctions of the superior planets. This kind of astrology had been developed in Sasanian Persia on the basis of the Indian system of yuga.The Book of Religions and Dynasties attributed to Abu Ma'šar (787-886 A. D.) is the most complete surviving work that gives us a systematic account of the full range and methodology of historical astrology. The most significant difference between The Book of Religions and Dynasties and other surviving texts concerning historical astrology attributed to Sasanian and early 'Abbasid astrologers, such as Zoroaster, Gamasb, Maša'allah, and al-Kindi, is that only the former attempts to explain philosophical and technical principles.According to The Book of Religions and Dynasties, astrological interpretation is mainly based on four kinds of conjunction and four horoscopes. Out of the four conjunctions, three are those of Saturn and Jupiter, occurring every 20 years in each sign, every 240 years within the same triplicity, and every 960 years returning to the first sign, and one is that of Saturn and Mars every 30 years in the sign of Cancer. The basic horoscopes are set up for the vernal equinoxes in 571 A. D., i. e. the year of conjunction indicating the Religion, in 622 A. D., i. e. the year of Hegira, in 749 A. D., i. e. the year in which the shift of rulership to as-Sawad (the 'Abbasids), and in 809 A. D., the year in which the sign of conjunction moved from a watery triplicity to a fiery one.Historical astrology was introduced from the Sasanian tradition by al-Mansur (ca. 713-775) as one of the policies by which he could lay the solid foundation of the newborn dynasty, and it was used most effectively among the early 'Abbasids. The Book of Religions and Dynasties will cast a new light on the future studies of Sasanian and early 'Abbasid dynasties.

著者

春田 晴郎

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.1, pp.201-207, 2008

著者

鈴木 道子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.1, pp.127-144, 1980-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

永井 正勝

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.1, pp.161-166, 2010-09-30 (Released:2014-03-31)

被引用文献数

1

著者

田澤 恵子

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.2, pp.111-118, 2012

著者

春田 晴郎

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.2, pp.125-134, 2001 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

22

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A new transliteration and translation of the Avroman Parchment No. 3 (British Library Or. 8115), written in Parthian, is given here.Transliteration based on P1. III in Minns 1915:1. ŠNT IIIC YRH' 'rwtt MZBNW ptspr BRY tyryn2. ZY MN bwdy KRM' 'smk MH 'bykškn PLG y't3. W ZBNW 'wyl BRY bšnyn KZY 'HY KL' ZWZN XX XX XX IIIII4. MH MN bwmhwtw '(py) h (w) z hmy 'KLW QDMTH5. ŠHDYN tyrk BRY 'pyn (m..g) BRY ršnw 'rštt6. B (RY) 'bzn grybnzwy B (RY) mtrpry synk BRY m'tbwg7. [] (.) KRM' 'smkn KRM' ZBNT 'wyl MN8. ptspr (K) L' ZWZN XX XX XX IIIII1.4 '(py) h (w) z: '(p) [y] h [w] (z) in the present state;1.5 (m..g): (m) [..] (g) in the present state.Translation:“Year 300 (=A. D. 53), month Arwatat, Patspar son of Tiren from Bod sold a half part of the vineyard Asmak which is within the ploughland; and Awil son of Bašnen bought it for a total of 65 drachms, (the price asked) by the landowner, ‘as brothers’ (> on equal terms with the seller?). They swore together that there should be no accusation, before the witnesses: Tirak son of Apen, M…g (?) son of Rašn, Arštat son of 'bzn (?), Grybnzwy (?) son of Mihrfriy and Senak son of Matbog. Awil bought [] vineyard, Asmakan vineyard from Patspar for a total of 65 drachms.”On the readings:1.3 KZY: nzd in Gignoux 1972, but his reading is impossible.1.4 'pyhwz or 'pyhwn: 'tyhrw in Gignoux 1972, 'py hrw in Perikhanian 1983; previous scholars read the fifth letter as {r}, but that reading is not correct because they, probably, overlooked a wormhole which covered the uppermost part of the letter. —now the wormhole has become larger and covered the entire area where the letter existed. For the reading of the final letter, see Haruta 1992: 33 n. 27; see also the length of the first letter {Z} in ZWZN in 1.3.On the translation:1.3 KZY 'HY “as brother (s)”: I tentatively interpret the phrase as “as equals, on equal terms, ” though one can translate it as “as partners” or “as co-owners.” KZY 'HY may be related to βραδδιγογο in Bactrian [Sims-Williams 2000: 82-83 (Document P), 187].1.4 'pyhwz hmy 'KLW /apexwaz ham xwart/“They swore together that there should be no accusation”; or 'pyhwn…/apexwan…/“…there should be no claim”: for 'pyhwz “without accusation”/ 'pyhwn “without claim, ” cf. 'pw šk'rw, 'pwyx's, etc. in Sogdian [Yoshida et al. 1988] and αβηδαχοαυο, αβηχοαυδο, etc. in Bactrian [Sims-Williams 2000]. For the Aramaeogram 'KLW “to swear, ” cf. Herzfeld 1924: 134-135 and Haruta 1992: 29, 32 n. 27; Schwartz [1989] discussed in detail the verb √xvar- “to swear, ” a verb homophonous with “to eat.” Note that this interpretation is possible only when you read the document in Parthian; this is the strongest evidence, I think, against the allegation that it was written in Aramaic.

著者

井本 英一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.2, pp.13-30, 1983 (Released:2010-03-12)

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New Persian sada was derived from Middle Pers. *sadag/*satak, which was derived from Old Pers. *sataka-. OPers. *sataka- meant ‘the hundredth’ that is, ‘the hundredth day.’In Shahnameh several references to sada together with the No Ruz festival are found. Originally the sada festival was held on the hundredth day from the winter solstice, say, about Farvardin 10th; it lasted to Farvandin 13th (April 2nd).The Easter fires are also held about almost the same time and a new fire is lit on the Easter eve.The ancient Chinese held the Han-shih-tsieh _??__??__??_ ‘festival of eating cold food’ on the 100th, 103rd or 105th day from the winter solstice. It was held from April 2nd to April 5th. During the three days all fires were put out and a new fire was lit on the last day. The day was the last day of an ancient spring New Year.Sada was the last festival of the No Ruz festival and the new fire was lit on that day.

著者

小澤 一郎

出版者

日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント = Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.1, pp.40-56, 2016

著者

和田 廣

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.1, pp.149-150, 1993-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

宮崎 市定

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, no.3-4, pp.1-15,138, 1964 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Shen-tsung, the 6th Emperor of Sung dynasty, received two ambassadors successively from so-called the Western Regions, one sent by the Sultanate of Seljukides, and the other by the East Roman Empire. These two countries confronted keenly each other and the antagonism was the cause of Crusade. The war devastated the Middle East, resulting in a great loss of population. The Seljukides had to recruit Turkish soldiers from Central Asia to reinforce the army. Thus the pressure of Turkish people toward the east became weaken and gave a chance to the neighbour tribes of Mongolia to rise to a new power. Moreover, the Mongol could arm themselves with abundant iron weapons learning the fabricating technique of the Chinese. Taking advantage of the exhaustion of the Turkish people, the Mongol conquered at last the whole Western Regions.

著者

高橋 寿光 西坂 朗子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.1, pp.2-13, 2016-09-30 (Released:2019-10-01)

参考文献数

18

被引用文献数

1

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The second boat pit of Khufu is located on the south side of the pyramid of Khufu at Giza, Egypt. In 2011, the cover stones of the second boat pit were lifted up by the Japanese-Egyptian joint mission. The graffiti in red, yellow and black inks were recognized on some of the cover stones. It is well known that the graffiti written on building stones provide information about transportation procedures and workmen involved in the work. This paper aims to examine the graffiti on the cover stones in order to understand transportation process and workmen responsible for these works. The graffiti on the cover stones can be chronologically divided into at least two stages by observing the surface treatment of each cover stones. The stone surfaces which show the older stage were roughly shaped. On the other hand, the surfaces at new stage were carefully smoothed. According to observation, it was presumed that the old stage corresponds to the phase from quarry to workshop and the new stage coincides with the phase after shaping stones at workshop. The old stage graffiti include the simple signs such as "ankh," "hetep," "nefer" which seem to represent the team of workmen in charge of transporting stones. The destination marks in old stage such as "pyramid," "temple" instruct transportation from quarry to pyramid area. The graffiti in new stage include inscriptions with the name of Khufu or Dedefra which represent the workmen in charge of drugging stones in the pyramid area. The destination marks include "boat" or "boat-pit" which seems to indicate the instructions of delivery to the second boat pit. The study of graffiti on the cover stones from second boat pit suggest that two distinctive organizations were involved in the transportation of stones from quarry to the building site at Giza.

著者

中田 考

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.1, pp.16-31, 1992-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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In the classical Islamic jurisprudence the Jihad is defined as ‘to expend one's life, wealth, and words in the war or the defence against infidels’. But after the collapse of the Ottoman Caliphate, the political situations of the Islamic world drastically changed, which called various responses among Muslim intellectuals. Faraj, the ideologue of the Egyptian ‘Jihad’ group demonstrates that contemporary rulers apostatize from Islam because they do not rule according to the shari'a. So it turns to be individual obligation for Muslims to go jihad against the apostate rulers, for the jihad against apostates is to precede that against native infidels and the near enemy is more dangerous than the distant. But the jihad against the rulers has now no hope to succeed, so Shaikh 'Abdulgadir, a member of the ‘Jihad’, argues that the military training for the jihad is incumbent on every sane adult Muslim who has the necessary equipments and that Muslims should elect a qualified commander by lack of the caliph.Dr. 'Umar 'Abdurrahman, the mentor of the ‘Jama'a Isldmiya’, who classifies the rulers of the Muslim states into six categories, distinguishes the contemporary ruler from the traditional types of rulers and coins the word mustabdil for that. He concludes that the mustabdil is infidel and consequently has no legitimacy to rule and that Muslims must rise against him. Abu Ithar, Dr. 'Umar's disciple refines the conception of mustabdil and proves that the war against a mustabdil is not the rebellion which is one of the hudud crimes, but Muslim's duty.Thus the fight against evil rulers is justified both in the framework of the jihad theory by Faraj and 'Abdulgadir, and in the discussion about the legitimacy of the caliph by Dr.' Umar and Abu Ithar.The ‘revolutionary jihad theories’ radically differ from the classical theory of the jihad and the caliphate. In the classical Islamic jurisprudence the jihad is defined as the war against infidels and strictly separated from the notion of apostasy which is one of the hudud crimes. The caliphate theory is inserted in the chapter of the rebellion in the Islamic jurisprudence, so that it serves mainly for the justification of the temporal ruler and excludes the possibility of discussing the caliph's apostasy.

著者

渡辺 千香子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.1, pp.40-57, 1997-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

20

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The aim of this paper is to discuss the meaning of the Assyrian royal lion hunt from the religious point of view and to speculate further how it was perceived in society. Some features of the hunt described in texts suggest possible associations between the Assyrian royal hunt and mythological themes. This leads us to speculate that the hunt was performed as a “cult-drama” based on Ninurta's myths in which the king's role as a victorious hunter conveys an association with the achievement of the divine hero. In Mesopotamia, there is evidence that a “hunting prohibition” existed concerning lions where the killing of the animal was strictly reserved for the king. In order to investigate the reason for such prohibition, the significance of the royal lion hunt in the context of its social function is examined Ninurta achieves his divine kingship by subduing monsters; in a similar way, the king's position in society is reinforced by slaying lions.Possible explanations for the specific function of the royal lion hunt as perceived in society are sought from the anthropological point of view. The lions were seen as embodying the essence of wild forces which are to be brought into society at a propitious time in order to ensure the continuity of life in the community. The king functions as the only figure who is capable of introducing such forces into society from the wild, since he occupies the place of conjunction between the wild and the civilised domains.

著者

前川 和也

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.2, pp.28-51, 2003 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

31

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The battle formation of the Sumerian phalanx, which is carved in relief on the reverse of the Stele of the Vultures, is studied in this article in light of textual sources, i. e., administrative documents, almost contemporary to the Stele, and later royal hymns and lexical texts.DP 135 (dated around 2370 B. C.) suggests that a complete Sumerian phalanx was composed of thirty-two soldiers: a commander, a sub-commander, twenty-four spearmen and six shield-bearers. According to the Stele of the Vultures (produced 50 years or more earlier than DP 135), on the other hand, Lagashite troops of thirty men in phalanx formation, being led by King Eannatum, charged on the enemy. In my view, the phalanx of the Stele is composed of the following soldiers: a sub-commander, a shield-bearer who protects the sub-commander, twenty-four spearmen standing in four lines, and four shield-bearers protecting the first four spearmen of the respective lines. Although neither a commander nor a man holding a protective shield for the commander is found in the Stele, the battle formation drawn on the Stele differs only superficially from what DP 135 suggests. King Eannatum, whom the Stele depicts as standing unguarded in front of his troops in phalanx, plays the role of commander.I reconstruct the phalanx of the Stele as follows. The head and the two feet that are found on the far right (as one faces it) in the phalanx relief of the Stele (called Head 1-Feet 1-2 in this article) represent the sub-commander of the troops. The second soldier, with the head and feet second from the right in relief (Head 2-Feet 3-4), protects the sub-commander with his large shield. The spearman of Head 3-Feet 5-6 stands at the head of the six men in the first line, being guarded by the shield-bearer of Head 4-Feet 7-8, and so on. On the far left of the Stele, the head and feet of the spearman, who is positioned first in the fourth line, are only imperfectly carved (Head 9-Feet 17-18). Two more heads are in relief on the left side board of the Stele, with the carvings of their four feet being completely lost from the board (Head 1′-Feet 1′-2′ Head 2′-Feet 3′-4′). I conclude that the spearman of Head 9-Feet 17-18, found last on the reverse, occurs again on the right of the side board (Head 1′-Feet 1′-2′) and that he is protected by the fifth shield held by the man of Head 2′-Feet 3′-4′ on his left.The term ama-ERIN2 refers to shield-bearers in DP 135. In the other contemporary text (Nik 1 3), however, it occurs as a designation of the whole army (composed of both shield-bearers and spearmen). The expression ama-erin2-na of the later periods, which is often interpreted by Assyriologists to denote “the main body of the troops” on the basis of its Akkadian translation, seems to have been derived from ama-ERIN2 with a meaning as found in Nik 1 3. Like Eannatum of Pre-Sargonic Lagash, King Shulgi of Ur, dated to the first half of the 21st century B. C., was obligated to stand alone before his troops (called ama-erin2-na) [Šulgi B 31; Šulgi E 209]. It is rather doubtful, however, that Shulgi's troops were in phalanx formation as had been the case of the soldiers of Eannatum.ERIN2-suh5-ha, which is used as a designation for spearmen in DP 135, occurs again in a later lexical text in slightly different writing (erin2-suh). ERIN2-suh5-ha is possibly interpreted to mean “selected troops (of spearmen guarded by shield-holders).”

著者

高井 啓介

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.2, pp.64-79, 2004 (Released:2010-03-12)

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“Petitionary letters to god (Gottesbriefe, letter-prayers) ” written in Sumerian are products of the Old Babylonian scribal schools. They are prayers in letter-style, addressed and dedicated to gods by “pious sufferers”, urging the gods to release them from suffering. Six similar letters in Akkadian have also been identified. It is indisputable that there are similarities between the Sumerian and Akkadian genres in their presentation of the plight and petition.There are differences as well. Unlike the Sumerian genre, mostly attested in multiple copies, most Akkadian letters are written by the archival hand and attested in just a single example. The Akkadian letters are addressed to the personal deity of the letter-writer, but in the Sumerian examples such is not necessarily the case. Scholars have considered that since the Akkadian letters are thus essentially archival and personal, the Sumerian and the Akkadian petitionary letters have no historical or genetic relationship. In this article, I conduct a more comprehensive study, focusing on the structural features of the Akkadian petitionary letters in comparison with Sumerian generic features, and suggest a slight modification in the previous understanding about the relationship between the two genres.I describe several features that three of the Akkadian petitionary letters have that the other three do not-lengthy opening salutations, descriptions of past benefits received and services rendered, and vows and expressions of praise and thanksgiving. These features are also shared by some of the Sumerian petitionary letters, particularly those from the Larsa period, which are relatively late examples of the genre. Since I found it difficult to determine the historical sequence of all the Akkadian petitionary letters, I cannot make any definite claim about development or influences. However, I think it likely that the genre experienced stylistic development and the Akkadian letters with those features were influenced by the Larsa period letters as it seems that some important similarities in style and content that I describe cannot be explained without considering that one genre knew the other.

著者

柴田 大輔

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.62, no.2, pp.143-146, 2020-03-30 (Released:2023-04-01)

参考文献数

4

著者

宮城 美穂

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.1, pp.171-186, 2005-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The aim of this paper is to examine how εσπερα and δυσιζ, both meaning “west”, are used in Byzantine historiography of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. It is concluded that εσπερα and δυσιζ, when used to designate Hungary, meant simply “west”, while the same words when used to designate the Crusades, the Holy Roman Empire and other Western powers, meant “Western Europe” and were used in the context of its military power.In the eleventh century, εσπερα and δυσιζ were used in contrast to εωζ, which means “east”. These words served to change the scene from wars with western enemies to those with eastern enemies, and vice versa. Besides that, they expressed the Byzantine imperial ideology that the Byzantine Empire was situated in the middle of the civilized world surrounded by the western and eastern barbarians. In the twelfth century, however, εσπερα and δυσιζ came to be used without “east” in many contexts and began to be used to modify the word “troops” when describing the Western countries' armies.Much research has concluded that Byzantine historiography defined Western Europe as a society characterized by the Catholic Church and feudalism. This survey, however, shows that it characterized Western Europe by the military power that finally conquered the City of Constantinople in 1204.

著者

中村 光男

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.1, pp.153-160, 2000

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Das Textcorpus zum hethitischen <i>nuntarriiašha</i>-Fest besteht aus zwei Textgruppen. Zur ersten Gruppe gehören die sog. Übersichtstafeln, die den Gesamtverlauf des Festes in knapper Form beschreiben. Die einzelnen Festtage werden meist in einem oder höchstens zwei Abschnitten behandelt. Für das <i>nuntarriiašha</i>-Fest gibt es nicht nur einfache Duplikate, sondern auch verschiedene Versionen der Übersichtstafeln, welche die Festtage unterschiedlich numerieren und auch sonst manchmal voneinander abweichen. Man kann z. Z. zwischen sieben Versionen unterscheiden. Die Übersichtstafeln sind trotz ihrer komplizierten Verhältnissen zueinander und auch zu CTH 568 und 629 für die Rekonstruktion des Gesamtverlaufs des Festes sehr nützlich. Nach dieser Rekonstruktion dauert das Fest etwa 40 Tage und umfaßt mehrere Runden der Kultreise.<br>Zur zweiten Textgruppe gehören die sog. Tagestafeln, die ihrerseits mehrere Untergruppen bilden. Eine Tagestafel in eigentlichem Sinne beschreibt einen Tag eines Festes allein. In den meisten Fällen genügt eine Tafel dafür nicht, und man braucht mehrere Tafeln für die Beschreibung eines Festtages. Solche Tagestafeln bilden eine Tafelreihe, die im Kolophon die Nummer der jeweiligen Tafel nennt. Eine zweite Untergruppe bilden Tafeln, die die Beschreibung von mehreren Tagen (eines Festes) enthalten und streng genommen nicht als Tagestafeln bezeichnet werden können. Solche Tafeln werden z. B. für die Beschreibung eines Aufenthaltes in einer Ortschaft verwendet. Die Vorgänge von der Ankunft in der Ortschaft bis zur Abfahrt am nächsten Tag werden in einer Tafel (oder in einer Tafelreihe) beschrieben, was aus praktischen Gründen durchaus verständlich ist (vgl. 473/u (13./14. Tag)). Eine dritte Untergruppe bilden 'gemeinsame' Tafeln, die als Einzel-beschreibungstafeln mehreren Festen, z. B. einem Herbst- und Frühlingsfest, dienen. Solche Tafeln enthalten in der Regel Vermerke über etwaige Unterschiede zwischen den Festen, für die die Tafeln dienen sollen (CTH 592 (13. Tag)). Allerdings ist es nicht immer klar, ob die Tafel eigentlich einem Fest dient und nur aus verschiedenen Gründen einen solchen Verweis auf die Gegebenheiten in einem anderen Fest einschließt (vgl. KBo 13.214 (14. Tag); vgl. auch etwa KBo 30.54 Vs. i 16′-21′). Eine vierte Gruppe bilden jene Texte, die absichtlich nur einen Teil der Handlungen behandeln (Sondertafeln). Beispielsweise beschreiben manche Texte nur die Handlungen einer bestimmten Person wie etwa der Königin, eines Prinzen oder eines 'Kindes' (z. B. erwähnt ein Tafelkatalog 2011/u eine Tafel bzw. Tafelreihe, die die Handlungen des Kindes/Sohnes (DUMU-aš) im <i>halentuwa</i>-Haus und "alien Tempeln" nach der Rückkehr von der Stadt Arinna nach Hattusa im <i>nuntarriiašha</i>-Fest beschreibt) (Sondertafeln).<br>Während für einige Festtage bereits mehrere oder gar zahlreiche Tagestafelfragmente (z. B. für den 4., 5. sowie 6. Tag) festgestellt worden sind, sind jedoch für einige andere Festtage noch keine Tagestafelfragmente identifiziert worden. Es ist grundsätzlich nur dann möglich, ein Festritualfragment als Fragment einer Tagestafel des <i>nuntarriiašha</i>-Festes zu betrachten, wenn es einen entsprechenden Kolophon hat, wo entweder der Name des Festes d. h. EZEN₄ <i>nuntarriiašhaš</i> oder der Name eines Teilfestes des <i>nuntarriiašha</i>-Festes, das in der Übersicht des Festes vorkommt, genannt wird. Nicht immer zweckmäßig ist, allein anhand paralleler Stellen Fragmente miteinander in Verbindung zu bringen.<br>Während es sich bei alien Übersichtstafeln und meisten der bisher festgestellten Tagestafeln jeweils um eine junge Niederschrift handelt, gehen manche Tages

著者

金原 保夫

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.2, pp.51-68, 1997 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The First Bulgarian Kingdom was established by the Turkic nomads Bulgars. Gradually the Bulgars were assimilated to the Slav majority, but the Bulgarian aristocracy kept supremacy for a long time. In the political structure of the state were existed a traditional institution and titles of the Bulgars.In this paper, the author consider the role of the ruler, especially take notice of the title, the authority and the succession of the throne. There were so many titles of the Bulgarian ruler, but six of them were used in the country. They were αρχων, καισαρ, πατρικιος, KANAσγBIΓI, _??__??__??__??__??__??_<_??__??__??__??_, _??__??__??__??__??__??_<_??__??__??__??_. Kαισαρ and πατρικιος are the Byzantine title of nobility. Two titles αρχων and KANAσγBIΓI were used at the same time. The Byzantine title αρχων was used mainly externally. KANAσγBIΓI, which was a Turkic compound title, consisted of two words KANA and σγBIΓI. Professor V. Besevliev explained that KANA was a rulal title of the nomadic state qan<qaγan and σγBIΓI was a compound word sü-bäg-i, i. e. “commander in chief.” But this theory is still in a hypothesis.Bulgarian ruler came to hold both the secular power and spiritual authority. Bulgars were believers of Shamanism. They had a concept of the divine right of kings. The throne of the ruler of the Bulgarian state was exclusively in the hands of the royal clan, the Dulo, the Vokil and the clan of Krum. The position of the ruler was hereditary normally passing from father to eldest son, who was called καναρτικεινος. The order of the succession of the throne proved to be useful in stability and reinforcement of a government.