著者
遠藤 智夫
出版者
日本英学史学会
雑誌
英学史研究 (ISSN:03869490)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2005, no.37, pp.47-62, 2004 (Released:2009-09-16)
参考文献数
34

Professor Minoru Umegaki and Mr. Sobei Arakawa were the two teachers of the greatest importance to the writer. The writer, though not taught by these teachers either in high school or in university, was greatly influenced by them when he was young.At first the writer was very interested in the loan words of foreign origin. After reading books by Professor Umegaki and Mr.Arakawa, the two greatest authorities on the words of foreign origin, the writer knew that they had both been given the Okakura prize when they were in their early forties.However, after consulting available dictionaries and glossaries, the writer was unable to find even a mention of the Okakura prize, or the past winners of the prize.Based on careful research of the editor's columns, of the past issues of THE RISING GENERATION, the well-known magazine for English literature and English education, the writer explains how the Okakura prize was begun in memory of Yoshisaburo Okakura, a famous scholar and teacher of English. The writer also lists winners of the Okakura prize and Okakura prize for English education.It is a pity that these two prizes were discontinued in 1946, a year after the end of World War II. After the war, the Okakura prize for English education was in a sense replaced by the Palmer prize, which has survived to the present day.This report is based on the paper read by the writer at the 39th national meeting of our Society on October 6, 2002.
著者
松村 幹男
出版者
日本英学史学会
雑誌
英学史研究 (ISSN:03869490)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1971, no.3, pp.171-175, 1971-06-01 (Released:2009-09-16)
参考文献数
17
著者
山下 重一
出版者
日本英学史学会
雑誌
英学史研究 (ISSN:03869490)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1996, no.28, pp.1-11, 1995 (Released:2009-09-16)
参考文献数
26

The Japanese Imperial Government which started in 1868 tried to introduce European political institutions rapidly. Young Japanese statesmen/and scholars went abroad to study European political systems and ideas. Among European and American books on politics, government or law which were translated into Japanese, those of English utilitarians were numerous, Bentham's “Theory of Legislation”, “Morals of Legislation”, “Fragment on Government”, Mill's “On Liberty”, “Representative Government”, “Utilitarianism”, “Political Economy” were translated between 1860's and 1880's.This paper will focus on and analyse Azusa Ono (1852-1885), whose political ideas were strongly influenced by English utilitarians. He studied in New York and London and then became a Japanese bureaucrat. After he resigned his office, his activity as a leader of an opposite party was remarkable. He was also a prolific writer, and in his last book entitled “Kokken Hanron” (“General Theory of Constitution”) were reflected the political ideas of Bentham's “Constitutional Code”, James Mill's “Government” and J. S. Mill's “Representative Government” : Ono insisted that constitutional government should be established in Japan, He admired the British type of parliamentary government, but he tried to modify it by applying Bentham and two Mills' plans for political reforms to it. Though Ono died four years before the opening of the first Japanese parliament, his plan of constitutional government was far more liberal and democratic than Japanese Imperial Constitution. He was one of the distinguished statesmen who gained the insight and perspective in accepting English utilitarian political ideas in early modern Japan.
著者
小野沢 隆
出版者
Historical Society of English Studies in Japan
雑誌
英学史研究 (ISSN:03869490)
巻号頁・発行日
no.26, pp.173-183, 1993

This study attempts to examine the aspects, debated by modern historians in the U.S.A., of Tokugawa Japan. The academic foundation of Tokugawa Japan could be largely divided into two schools, namely the Norman line and the Reischauer line.<BR>The Norman line, influenced by the Japanese Marxist ideology, argued that Meiji Japan was undemocratic with its roots in the Tokugawa period. As a result, they tended to have a negative view toward the Tokugawa period. On the other hand, the Reischauer line, based on the modernization theory, claimed that the Meiji period brought upon a successful development for modern society. This thesis resulted in a positive view that Tokugawa Japan must have had a precondition relating to modernization.<BR>Although evaluated differently, both lines have recognized the existence of a link between the Tokugawa and the Meiji period. Therefore, the understanding of Tokugawa Japan seems to be determined by the evaluation of Meiji and what followed.<BR>This Tokugawa (traditional society) -VS.-Meiji (modern society) contrast shows the approach in which the American academic circle analyzes the Tokugawa period. What is needed for a better understanding of Tokugawa Japan will be a constructive dialogue between the Norman line and the Reischauer.
著者
佐藤 勇夫
出版者
日本英学史学会
雑誌
英学史研究 (ISSN:03869490)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1992, no.24, pp.55-71, 1991-10-01 (Released:2010-02-22)
参考文献数
63

My object in writing this paper is to disclose the process of the literary intercourse between Shoyo and Yakumo chiefly by Shoyo's diary, the letters which had passed between Shoyo and Yakumo and some pieces of writing in the then Yomiuri newspaper and discuss what meaning their literary intercourse may have today in the era of the international cultural exchange.Yakumo was given the professorship in English literature at Tokyo Imperial University in September, 1896. He, however, was forced to resign his post against his will and left the university in the end of March, 1903, because of the new policy adopted by the university.In 1904 Yakumo accepted a call to the professorial chair of English literture at Waseda University. According to Shoyo's diary, Shoyo first met Yakumo on 9th of March, 1904. After that Shoyo and Yakumo cultivated a close acquaintance with each other rapidly. Shoyo earnestly wished Yakumo to translate some pieces of the Japan's Kabuki dramas into English and introduce them into the Western countries.When Yakumo sent his letter to Shoyo asking him what of the Japan's plays he should translate into English, Shoyo advised Yakumo to translate Chikamatsu's Shinju Ten no Amijima, or The Loue Suicide at Amijima into English by writing Yakumo a long letter in English and by visiting him with Prof. Shiozawa of Waseda University as interpreter for Shoyo in the early evening of July 6th besides. On the other hand, Shoyo learned Yakumo's own view of translating Shakespeare from someone who, I should say, was one of the students whom Yakumo taught at Tokyo Imperial University that the works of Shakespeare should be translated into ordinary speech of Japanese language. After Yakumo's death, Shoyo succeeded in translating Hamlet into colloquial style.Yakumo died feeling in his mind the problem of translating Shinju Ten no Arnijima into English on 26th of September, 1904. Shoyo and his wife are said to have been the first callers for condolences on the day of Yakumo's death. Shoyo deeply grieved over Yakumo's sudden and early death to know that his plan was left unfinished by his death. Probably Shoyo thought, it seems to me, that we, the Japanese, lost our best interpreter of the classical Kabuki dramas to the West in the death of Koizumi Yakumo.
著者
今井 一良
出版者
日本英学史学会
雑誌
英学史研究 (ISSN:03869490)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1990, no.22, pp.1-14, 1989 (Released:2010-01-25)
参考文献数
7

In 1888 Kyoka Izumi (born Kyotaro Izumi in 1873), who failed in the entrance examination of the Fourth Higher Middle School at Kanazawa, entered a private school kept by Tajiro Inami, and was soon left in charge of English lessons there, since he had attended a missonary school (the Hokuriku Eiwa Gakko) before and was very good at English.Tajiro Inami was also known as a compiler of an English-Japanese dictionary entitled 'the Shinsen Eiwa Jiten'. This dictionary was published in 1886 from the Unkondo's which had already issued a literary magazine, 'the kinjo Shishi'.Therefore, the advertisements of sale of Inami's dictionary were put in this magazine many times, and in addition so much information concerning English learning at Kanazawa or in Tokyo was reported.In this essay, I would like to give a full detail of the following items, amplifying the above-mentioned matter : 1. Biographical Sketch of Tajiro Inami.2. On 'the Kinjo Shinshi '.3. On 'the Shinsen Eiwa Jiten'.4. Situation of English learning at Kanazawa about the middle of 1880's based on the reports in the Kinjo Shinshi.
著者
遠藤 智夫
出版者
日本英学史学会
雑誌
英学史研究 (ISSN:03869490)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2006, no.38, pp.83-95, 2005 (Released:2010-01-25)
参考文献数
8

This report is based on a reading, by the writer, which took place at our Society's 41st national meeting on 31st October, 2004. The year 2004 was a special year for both our Society and Japan as it jointly marked the 40th anniversary of the foundation of our Society and the 150th anniversary of the conclusion of the U.S.-Japan Peace Treaty in the Edo era. This memorable meeting was held at the International Conference Hall at Waseda University, which has had close links to English Language studies in Japan. As one of the main themes of the meeting was English Language studies at Waseda University, the writer read a paper on the late Prof. Katsumata during histime at Waseda University and his close study of『英和対訳袖珍辞書』.In 1914, Professor Katsumata, a famous scholar and teacher of English, contributed an article 'On the first Dictionary of the English and Japanese Languages' to『英語青年』=THE RISING GENERATION, the well-knownmagazine for English literature and education. By making a comparison between the treatises of Dr. Fumihiko Otsuki and Prof. Katsumata, the writer explicitly points out that in the article contributed by Prof. Katsumata to 'THE RISING GENERATION', the fact was revealed for the first time thatonly two hundred copies of the first edition of『英和対訳袖珍辞書』were printed in 1862.The writer also indicates the probability of the second printing of the firstedition of『英和対訳袖珍辞書』.
著者
石原 千里
出版者
日本英学史学会
雑誌
英学史研究 (ISSN:03869490)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2003, no.35, pp.1-15, 2002 (Released:2010-01-25)
参考文献数
13

Nishi is a most reputable family of Japanese-Dutch interpreter at Nagasaki. Kichibe Nishi, the 1st, began his career as interpreter in Portuguese in 1616 and then in Dutch in 1641.Kichibe Nishi (1811-1854), the 11th, was a chief compiler of Egeresugo Jisho Wage, the second English-Japanese dictionary compiled in Japan, and his son Kichijuro (1835-1891) was also one of the compilers. The dictionary, compiled from 1851 through 1854 but unfinished, was a fruit of the government order in 1850 to study English and Russian languages and to compile an EnglishJapanese dictionary, which was the second in history after the first similar government order in 1809.In 1853 Japan faced with one of the biggest events in history, the visits of Commodore M. C. Perry and also Admiral E. V. Putyatin with their squadrons, requesting the opening of Japan, and the interpreters were forced to be involved in those events. Major compilers of the dictionary, Kichibe Nishi, Einosuke Moriyama, Eishichiro Narabayashi and Gohachiro Namura, played important parts in them as well. Kichibe Nishi was the chief of the interpreter corps to Admiral E. V. Putyatin. He was used to be assigned tasks to facilitate confidential Dutch-Japanese talks between J. H. Donker Curtius, Superintendent of the Dutch Deshima Factory, and the Governor of Nagasaki over ways to deal with the foreign powers.Although it was unfortunate that the dictionary was left unfinished under those circumstances, the efforts of the interpreters directed to their study of English were to be highly valued, since many of them made the most of their knowledge of English in their work and in teaching English. Kichibe Nishi, who took charge of their studies of English, was also an excellent teacher of Dutch to many of those interpreters in their childhood. His life, which has little been known, is described in this paper.
著者
三好 彰
出版者
日本英学史学会
雑誌
英学史研究 (ISSN:03869490)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2007, no.39, pp.59-79, 2006 (Released:2009-09-16)
参考文献数
32

The first printed Dictionary of English and Japanese Languages was compiled by Hori Tatsnoskay and published in 1862, and it was revised by Horikosi Kamenoskay in 1866. The dictionary was a historical landmark in the Japanese English academia.It has been generally considered that all vocabulary entries of the dictionary had been obtained from “A new pocket dictionary of the English and Dutch languages by H. Picard, 1857 (Picard-1857)”, and the Dutch words of Picard-1857 had been translated into Japanese using several preceding dictionaries of Dutch and Japanese languages. But precise investigation of names of birds makes it clear that some English dictionaries had been used to translate names of birds into Japanese, because there are eleven groups of words in Picard-1857 whose English words that have an identical bird name in Dutch are translated in different Japanese.Moreover, Hori Tatsnoskay got three Japanese words of birds from corresponding Dutch words which have been found not in the Picard-1857, but in the Picard's dictionary of the first edition published in 1843 (Picard-1843).The dictionary revised by Horikoshi Kamenoskay has two English words of birds which are not found in either Picard-1843 or Picard-1857. Since more than half names of birds have been updated by Horikoshi Kamenoskay, the dictionary is good enough for general users.
著者
石原 千里
出版者
Historical Society of English Studies in Japan
雑誌
英学史研究 (ISSN:03869490)
巻号頁・発行日
no.33, pp.13-27, 2000

Based on the extracts of 4 letters in the <I>Spirit of Missions</I> quoted from the <I>New York Journal of Commerce</I>, the author has already reported on the teaching of English by Henry Wood, and pointed out his great contribution to the history of both Christianity and English studies in Japan.<BR>The present paper deals mainly with the study of 3 out of the 4 letters in the <I>New York Journal of Commerce</I>, for which Henry Wood acted as a correspondent during his service on the U. S. Ship Powhatan. He also sent many letters on other subjects. The 3 letters concerned here contained important information unquoted in the <I>Spirit of Missions</I>. Some examples are as follows. Each of the 3 letters was headed "MY SCHOOL AND (MY) SCHOLARS IN JAPAN." With no knowledge of Dutch or Japanese, Wood utilized some English-Dutch dictionaries and one or two Dutch-Japanese dictionaries, and also used the primitive language-the language of signs-to define particular words. He was confident that the Japanese were hopeful for Christianity, and that the method of conducting them to Christianity, under its prohibition, would be by teaching them English.<BR>Henry Wood was born on April 10, 1796, in Louden, NH. He received a Master of Arts degree from Dartmouth College in 1822, and was a tutor at Dartmouth College in 1822-23. After studying divinity at Princeton Theological Seminary for about one year in 1823-24, he was a senior tutor of Latin and Greek at Hampden-Sydney College in 1824-25. He was ordained in the Congregational Church in 1826 and in the Presbyterian Church before 1856. He was U. S. Consul at Beirut, Syria from 1853-56. He was commissioned Chaplain of U. S. Navy on September 11, 1856. He was on the U. S. Ship Powhatan in the Chinese and Japanese seas in 1858-60. In 1858 he sent two letters to the authority of the Reformed Dutch Church of the United States, appealing to establish its mission at Nagasaki. He taught English to the Japanese at Nagasaki in 1858 and on the Powhatan in 1860. He was stationed at the Naval Asylum in Philadelphia in 1863. He died in Philadelphia on October 9, 1873.
著者
篠田 左多江
出版者
日本英学史学会
雑誌
英学史研究 (ISSN:03869490)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2001, no.33, pp.105-119, 2000 (Released:2010-01-25)
参考文献数
32

Only a few ariticles and essays on Isen Kanno have been found since his death. They are Eitaro Ishigaki, “Forty-year Vagabond Life in America” (1952), Dengo Matsubara, “Baron Kanno” (1954), Shinsui Kawai, “Isen and Gertrude Kanno” (1955), Tamotsu Mirayama, “An Issei Poet Who Composed English” (1961), Ippei Nomoto, “A Vanished Star” (1973) and Ayako Ishigaki, “A Love Artist Who Crossed the Ocean” (1988). Almost all of them have no reference to Kanno's life, from his birth to death and his literary achievements.In my first essay on Isen Kanno, published in 1994, his life from birth to the days he lived in Joaquin Miller's heights were made clear. In this second essay, the latter half of his life will be revealed.In 1915 Kanno went to New York and stayed in Edwin Markham's residence. He tried to translate Markham's works into Japanese and write biography of Jack London. Reading a lot of books every day in N. Y. Public Library, he then began translating Omar Khayyam's Rubaiyat into Japanese using a style of Japanese popular folk song sung in Edo Era. But to his disappointment he could not publish them. He also wrote many articles for Japanese newspaper joining the Japanese immigrants' literary group.In 1929 he and his wife, who left him and went to New York with her lover 14 years ago, finally came back to him. Kanno was very glad to be with his wife again. He went back to San Francisco with her and lived in Nichiren Church in Japan Town.Then Mr. and Mrs. Kanno went to Japan. He expected to get his works published there. His wife, sculptress, had exhibitions at some department stores in Tokyo. At that time militarism seized Japan and displaying nude statues was prohibited. Kanno made efforts to publish his works in vain. After two years they returned to the U. S.As soon as they arrived in San Francisco, his wife passed away of a sudden fever on August 14th, 1937. His beloved wife's death threw him into despair. Four months later he died of pneumonia.His manuscripts of poetry, translation and essays were kept in Nichiren Church. On December 7th, 1941, war broke out between Japan and the U. S. and Japanese Americans were forced to evacuate and sent to concentration camps. All his manuscripts were lost during this period of confusion.Isen Kanno was a determined man who made up his mind to live in the U. S. all his life, marrying to a caucasian artist and wrote in English. He was different from the most Japanese immigrants whose purpose were making money and returning to Japan as rich persons. But war prevented him from being what he expected to be.
著者
長岡 祥三
出版者
日本英学史学会
雑誌
英学史研究 (ISSN:03869490)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1996, no.28, pp.57-71, 1995 (Released:2009-09-16)
参考文献数
68

Theodora was born in 1870 at London, the eldest daugher of Saburo Ozaki and his English wife Bathia Catherine Morrison. Mr. Ozaki came back to Japan, leaving his wife and three daughters in London. He later divorced Bathia according to Japanese law, but she remained his wife under the laws of England. By mutual agreement, she sent her eldest daughter Theodora to Japan to be taken care of by her father.In May of 1887, Theodora came to Japan at the age of sixteen. A few years later she became independent of her father, working as a private tutor and an English teacher at some girls' schools. In 1891 Mrs. Hugh Fraser, the wife of a British minister, sympathized with Theodora and asked her to came to the legation as her private secretary and companion.Theodora spent several happy years with Mrs. Fraser, but the latter had to go back to her home in Italy due to her husband's death in 1894. Theodora followed her the next year and enjoyed many pleasant days with her and her family. She met there Francis Marion Crawford, the well-known novelist and the brother of Mrs. Fraser. He encouraged her to write a book of fairy tales she had told sometimes in the family circle.After an absence of four years she returned to Japan at the beginning of 1899 to teach English at Keio Gijuku. Her first book “The Japanese Fairy Book” appeared in 1903 and achieved great success. She wrote three more books of old Japanese stories which also gained fine reputations.In 1905 she married the famous politician Yukio Ozaki who was the Mayor of Tokyo at that time. Thereafter she lived a happy life with him until she died from an illness at London in 1932 during her visit with her husband and her two daughters.
著者
潟岡 孝昭
出版者
日本英学史学会
雑誌
英学史研究 (ISSN:03869490)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1970, no.2, pp.144-156, 1970-09-30 (Released:2009-09-16)
参考文献数
17

同志社英学校の開校当初の状態については, 既に同志社大学関係者によって詳細に述べ尽され, 現在もなお同志社社史々料編集所において調査されており, 私などの卑見を述べるべき筈のものではありますまいが, たまたまその当時の2・3の史料を見出す機会を得たので, それらを紹介すると共に卑見の一端を述べ諸賢のご指導を仰ぎたい。
著者
福永 郁雄
出版者
日本英学史学会
雑誌
英学史研究 (ISSN:03869490)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1986, no.18, pp.59-74, 1986

Eugene Van Reed was born in Reading, Berks County, Pennsylvania in 1835 (the date and month are as yet unknown) and in 1851 moved to San Francisco with his family where the heady days of the 1849 gold-rush were disappearing fast. In San Francisco he met a Japanese castaway, Hikozo Hamada who was later baptized and became known as Joseph Heco and under his guidance studied Japanese. Van Reed's motives are not clear but possibly as a result of his studies and the influence of Heco he formed a liking for Japan and Japanese civilization.<BR>Van Reed's first visit to Japan was in 1859 when the country was opened to the West, after a long period of isolation, forced by the Matthew C. Perry expedition of 1853. He spent the next 13 years in Yokohama apart from two brief visits to America. He contracted tuberculosis and in 1873 left Japan for the last time dying at sea on February 2nd of the same year. A prophecy he had made in his earlier writings was fulfilled. &ldquo;Is not the broad, boundless sea our open grave?&rdquo; (&ldquo;California to Japan, &rdquo; Berks & Schuylkill Journal, June 25, 1859).<BR>During his time in Yokohama he worked as a clerk with the American Consul at Kanagawa, a salaried salesman with Augustine Heard & Co., an independent merchant and as an auctioneer of imported rice. He also authored Japanese-English lexicons, the world topography and so forth, wrote some articles for newspapers in his hometown, Reading, published a newspaper in Japanese, the&ldquo;Moshihogusa&rdquo;and at the peak of his career served as the Consul-General for the Kingdom of Hawaii. Van Reed has been condemned by some as an unscrupulous merchant but praised by others as a pillar of good standing.<BR>The latter opinion was held by some newspapers in his hometown. &ldquo;His present residence is at Yedo, where he takes a prominent part in all the Court proceedings and pageantries of the extroadinary young Prince the Mikado who seems to be the instrument for the advance of civilization and christianity in the oriental world, &rdquo; (&ldquo;Late news from Japan, &rdquo; Berks & Schuylkill Journal, December 28, 1872). The former opinion was voiced by Mr. Hideo Ono in 1934 who later became a professor in Tokyo University. He wrote as follows, &ldquo;Van Reed was one of those foreigners who made money as a broker dealing in (emigrant) labor and like many other foreign merchants at the time, he also trafficked in arms and imported rice. He sold the (emigrant) labor into slavery and apparently was ostracized by the foreign community. Whatever the case may be, he did not move in the company of such excellent Americans as Hepburn and Ballagh (two scholarly missionaries in Japan in the mid-19th century-A. A.) and did not possess a particularly fine character. &rdquo; (The translation quoted from Albert Altman's thesis, &ldquo;Eugene Van Reed, a Reading Man in Japan 1859-872, &rdquo; Historical Review of Berks County, winter, 1964-65).<BR>These two opinions lack factual basis and do not reflect the real Van Reed. Both were dependent to some extent on sources which were, to say the least, far from reliable and indicate that the writers wrote what they wanted to believe rather than what actually happened. To assert that Van Reed played an active role in the court of the Mikado is far from the truth. In reality Van Reed as the Consul-General for the Kingdom of Hawaii attended the Japanese New Year Celebrations (10th February, 1872) when his Majesty the Tenno received the foreign representatives in a body. (Letter of Charles O. Olipand to Charles C. Harris, Hawaiian Minister for Foreign Affairs, February 27, 1872). With respect to the charges flung at him as a wicked trader selling humans into bondage the &ldquo;Japan Times' Overland Mail&rdquo;, October 7, 1868 writes of Mr. Van Reed's philanthropic attempt to improve the position of the serfs of this country.
著者
遠藤 智夫
出版者
日本英学史学会
雑誌
英学史研究 (ISSN:03869490)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2003, no.35, pp.17-30, 2002 (Released:2009-09-16)
参考文献数
27

In most libraries in Japan, you can find a voluminous dictionary of loan-words, compiled by &Mei Arakawa. This dictionary is characterized by its rich records, including the first written record of each of the loan-words. Every record tells us about the cultural history concerning the loan-word.In this paper, the writer will examine the process by which S. Arakawa compiled the dictionary, as said to be the definitive work among dictionaries of loan-words, though he was a mere English teacher at a local junior high school under the old education system.And the author will also examine the scholars by whom he was greatly influenced. S.Arakawa was quite unknown when he published Japanized English (at his own expense), yet the famous novelist and scholar Shôyo Tsubouchi was the first person to order a copy.S. Arakawa decided to specialize in loan words after being inspired by a treatise on loan-words by Yoshisaburo Okakura. Okakura remained Arakawa's most important mentor throughout the remainder of his life.Arakawa decided to compile Japanized English after being inspired by Sanki Ichikawa's book, English Influence on Japanese (sic). After receiving a letter from S. Ichikawa, saying that the dictionary would be of no value if it had no examples, Arakawa devoted himself to searching for these examples. In the end, he spent more than 60 years of his life searching records of loan-words.This report is based on the paper read by the writer at the monthly meeting on November 3, 2001.
著者
本多 仁禮士
出版者
日本英学史学会
雑誌
英学史研究 (ISSN:03869490)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2006, no.38, pp.27-38, 2005 (Released:2009-09-16)
参考文献数
17

Saigoku-rissi-hen by Masanao Nakamura is one of the most famous translations of the Meiji era in Japan. Self-Help, the enlightening original, was written by Samuel Smiles. When Nakamura returned to Japan from England in 1868, he was given a copy of Self-Help by his British friend, H. Freeland. Self-Help was widely read in the 19th century in the West. At that time, Saigoku-rissi-hen and another example of an enlightment text, Gakumon-no-susume written by Yukichi Fukuzawa, were both million-seller books in the Meiji era in Japan.Comparing Saigoku-rissi-hen with the original Self-Help, we can observe many omissions and free translations. This is because Nakamura judged some contents unsuitable and others difficult to translate. This was an inevitable result of Japanese-to-English literary translation in Japan considering the basic level of cross-cultural and technical understanding prevalent at that time. From Saigoku-rissi-hen, we can understand Nakamura's painstaking efforts to achieve an accurate word-for-word translation.In his translation, Nakamura used many Japanese words for one English word; that is, his work shows a lack of unity in terms of translation. For example, he used two terms for “chemist” and three terms for “chemistry”. However, he never used “seimi (gaku)” which was a general term for “chemistry” in use at that time in Japan. Nakamura was originally a scholar of Chinese classics so he disliked the term “seimi (gaku)” which was a mere transliteration of the Dutch, “chemie”. As a scholar of Chinese classics, he probably wanted to set great value on the meaning of Kanji characters.In Saigoku-rissi-hen, we can find another example of a lack of unity. He used six terms for the word “school”. The modern school system started in 1872 in Japan and as a result Nakamura did not know what “school” was when he published his translation. He, therefore, used many different terms for “school” by exercising his imagination.Masanao Nakamura, one of the most famous Enlightment scholars in the Meiji era, tried ha ugh his translation of “chemistry” and “school”.
著者
山下 重一
出版者
日本英学史学会
雑誌
英学史研究 (ISSN:03869490)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1999, no.31, pp.43-54, 1998 (Released:2009-09-16)
参考文献数
24

This pager intends to examine the correspondence between Kaneko Kentarô and Herbert Spencer during Kaneko's stay in London in August 1892. Duncan's “Life and Letters of Herbert Spencer” includes three letters of Spencer to Kaneko dated 21st, 23rd and 26th of August, 1892, and London University Library holds a letter of Kaneko to Spencer dated 24th of August, 1892.In these letters, Spencer gave Kaneko very conservative advices, for example, house holder's suffrage, restriction of the National Assembly's function to the non-coercive advice to the government and to prohibition of the foreigner's rights to hold land, to work mines and to engage the coasting trade. He even declared that Japanese government gave “too large an instalment of freedom.” Though it seems curious that Spencer whose books inspired the people's rights movement gave to the Japanese Statesman such a “conservative advice”, it seems to be possible to imagine that Spencer was influenced by the opinion of Mori Arinori, who was intimate with him as a Japanese minister. Mori's draft of Japanese constitution written in 1884 includes some conservative views which Spencer advised to Kaneko eight years later. This paper aims to prove this estimation by examining Mori's views on constitution. Spencer was not a unconditional liberalist, but a gradualist who believed that a political institutions ought to fit to the each stage of social evolution. It seems possible to believe that when he was told by Mori on the low stage of Japanese social evolution, his conservative advices to Japanese government. naturally followed.This paper also includes an examination of the political thought of Baba Tatsui who as an ardent Spencerian, tried to utilize Spencer's theory of social evolution to support the people's rights movement, and a reference to the comments on Spencer's letters by Lafcadio Hearn, who heartly agreed with Spencer's advices to Kaneko.
著者
早川 勇
出版者
日本英学史学会
雑誌
英学史研究 (ISSN:03869490)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1999, no.31, pp.85-96, 1998 (Released:2009-09-16)

This paper is an attempt to examine a 'dictionary war' between two English-Japanese dictionaries from a bibliographical point of view. They were compiled heavily dependent on Webster's dictionary and first published in the same year of 1888. One was compiled by Yutaka Shimada and published by Okura, while the other was compiled by F. Warrington Eastlake and Ichiro Tanahashi and published by Sanseido. They had many lexicographical characteristics in common. They were revised and enlarged several times in order to gain a decisive victory in the war which raged about twenty years in the Meiji period.The examination of their editions and contents reveals that they were not competing in terms of precise description of lexical items but in terms of size, total number of entry words, and repeated additions of supplements or appendixes to their main body, which cannot be regarded as substantial from a lexicographical viewpoint but very important from a historical viewpoint for a deeper understanding of the development of English-Japanese lexicography.