著者

吉野 誠

出版者

東海大学

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.72, pp.1-18, 1999

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This parer examines the foreign policy of the Japanese ministry of foreign affairs toward Korea in 1870-1872. They did so while continuing to emphasize the humiliating situation in which they had been placed at the same time as they denied the relationship of equality with Korea under samurai rule. The fundamental idea was that Korea should submit to the Emperor as had occurred in the past since the Emperor was now, again, the ruler of Japan. The realization of the transition to imperial rule was the core of the problems with Korea during the Meiji Restoration. The letter from Tsushima to Korea which included the Chinese characters for "emperor" and "imperial decree" was an expression of this type of idea and met with rejection by Korea, which warned against such wording. The focus of the letter issue truly was in the "acceptance or refusal of the transition to the imperial court." The theory of direct transfer to the imperial court, which recognized the ancient subordination of Korea from the beginning accompanied the "dispatch of the Emperor's envoy" and the insistence upon a military attack of Korea. Seikanron was an argument for the invasion of Korea that was linked to the idea of the revival of imperial governance, and its promotion during the early years of the Meiji Restoration may be said to have been inevitable.

著者

寺崎 章二

出版者

東海大学

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, pp.1-16, 1979

著者

小池 佑二

出版者

東海大学

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.80, pp.138-122, 2004-03-30

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16,17世紀に編纂されたアステカの文書には,スペイン人による征服前の出来事が記されているが,その中には日食の記述もしばしば見られる。それらの日食を,0ppolzer著『食宝典』と照らし合わせて,その信憑性を吟味するのが本論の第1の目的である。日食に関する記述のある文書として,Codice Aubin,'Anales de Cuauhitlan','Anales de Tlateolco', Relaciones originales de Chalco Amaquemeacanを採り上げ,そこに記録されている日食が,『食宝典』に掲載されているどの日食に当たるかを検証した。その結果,日食中に「星が全て現われた」等の誇張とも思われる表現があるにしても,大半の記述は正しいことが判明した。幾つかの記述についてはそれに相当する日食が現実には起こっていないが,それは,単なる記録の誤りか,予測したのだが,現実には起こらなかった(あるいは雨天ないし曇で見えなかった)日食を記したのではないかと推定される。次に,メキシコの先住民が,日食や月食に対してどのような観念を抱いていたかを,当時の記録から探るのが第2の目的である。彼らは,日食・月食を不吉な前兆とみなし,人間の生け贅を捧げたりもした。前述の文書では,征服後の時期についてはほとんど日食の記述が見られない。それは,征服後にはキリスト教宣教師が先住民の改宗に努め,太陽崇拝と関わる土着の風習である人身供犠を禁止したので,先住民は日食に関する記録を残さなくなったためだと考えられる。

著者

定方 晟

出版者

東海大学

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.84, pp.134-106, 2006-03-30

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This article consists of following chapters. 21. Monastery and monks 22. The Essenes 23. Therapeutes 24. Philon 25. Manichaeism 26. Christian literature and Buddhist parabols 27. Saved savior 28. Addenda This article will be the last one of my serial articles "Gnosticism and India-Historical materials", as I retire under the age limit from Tokai University this year.

著者

村瀬 敏夫

出版者

東海大学

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, pp.1-46, 1959

著者

小泉 浩一郎

出版者

東海大学

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, pp.1-12, 1982

著者

松本 富士男

出版者

東海大学

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, pp.51-60, 1976

著者

正木 喜三郎

出版者

東海大学

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, pp.27-68, 1990

著者

菟原 卓

出版者

東海大学

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.78, pp.250-240, 2002

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This paper is intended as a supplement to my three articles hitherto published on the administrative offices and the civil servants under the Fatimids. The purpose here is twofold : to give a clearer understanding of the categories of civil servants by collating the information that I have so far acquired ; and to consider the meanings and usages of "Tawqi" as an administrative term in order to complement the explanation of the functions of civil servants, which I have previously published.

著者

三佐川 亮宏

出版者

東海大学

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, pp.1-28, 2001

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"Der Begriff eines deutschen Reiches hat sich wohl am fruhesten in Italien ausgebildet ; im Beginne des 11. Jahrhunderts begegnet er zuerst. Mehr als in Italien ist in Deutschland der Ausdruck ublich, und noch in der Zeit Heinrichs IV....ist er in allen deutschen Gebieten heimisch geworden, wie ja gerade der Reichsgedanke, das Bewuβtsein der politischen Zusammenfassung, der staatlichen Einigung der deutschen Stamme vor allem lebendig war"(Vigener). Gegenuber diesem ublichen Erklarungsversuch, der das Aufkommen des Begriffes regnum Teutonicum unter der Regierung Heinrichs IV.(1056-1106) in Zusammenhang mit der allmahlichen Ausbreitung des deutschen Volksbewuβtseins bzw. Nationalgefuhls bringt, hat E.Muller-Mertens im zweiten Teil seines Buches "Regnum Teutonicum. Aufkommen und Verbreitung der deutschen Reichs - und Konigsaufassung im fruheren Mittelalter"(1970) ein ganz anderes Bild dargestellt : Derjenige, der fur die Verbreitung der Terminologie in Deutschland eine ganz entscheidende Rolle spielte, sei niemand anders als Papst Gregor VII.(1073-1085) gewesen. Er habe den Begriff bewuβt als politischen "Kampfbegriff" benutzt, um den imperial-hegemonialen Herrschaftsanspruch des ottonisch-salischen Konigtums prinzipiell in Frage zu stellen, d.h. mit der Absicht, die Herrschaft des salischen Konigs, des rex Teutonicorum-nicht rex Romanorum, wie der Konig sich selbst nannte-, auf das Reich nordlich der Alpen, das regnum Teutonicum, zu beschranken. Im ersten Teil dieses Aufsatzes wurde es versucht, die uberrraschenden und anregenden Thesen von Muller-Mertens in wichtigen Punkten zu referieren, daneben aber auch seine Ergebinisse, unter Heranziehung der anderen neueren Literatur, z.T. zu revidieren, vor allem fur die Bewertung der politischen Dimensionen des Begriffs "deutsch" bei Lamperts von Hersfeld (†1081/82).

著者

今橋 理子

出版者

東海大学

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, pp.35-49, 1996

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Among the paintings left by Sakai Hoitsu (1760-1828), a late-Edo-period painter known for reviving the Rinpa (or Korin) school of painting in the city of Edo, is a singular work entitled Kannon (i.e., the bodhisattva Avalokitesvara). This work differs from the usual Oriental "white-robed Avalokitesvara" paintings in that Kannon is not shown holding in her hand either the standard lotus flower, or sprig of willow in a water jar. Rather, in front of her and to the viewer's right there appears a porcelain celadon vase in which five summer flowers - hollyhocks, pinks, lychnises, hydrangeas, and lilies - have been arranged. In contrast to india ink paintings of Kannon, the flowers in Hoitsu's work are richly colored, attracting and holding the viewer's gaze. It is known that the creation of Kannon was connected to the hundredth anniversary of the death of Ogata Korin (1658-1716). Korin was the prime mover behind the earlier flourishing of the Rinpa school and the painter most highly regarded by Hoitsu, who donated the work to Korin's family temple, Myoken-ji, in Kyoto, where it remains today. It has therefore traditionally been inferred that Hoitsu "arranged" the flowers in the vase in commemoration of Korin's death anniversary and that he used summer flowers because Korin died in June. What has never been clear, however, is why the five flowers noted above were chosen ; indeed, Hoitsu's Flowers in a Vase, painted for the same anniversary, contains the identical five kinds of flowers arranged in a water jar. Hoitsu obviously had a reason for selecting them. In my paper, I will attempt to discern what Hoitsu's intended meaning may have been. The particular flower or bird, or the particular combination of flowers and birds, found in an Oriental flower-and-bird painting ordinarily has an auspicious meaning associated with it, one that the members of the painter's audience will usually be able to identify owing to their shared cultural experience. No traditional, specific meaning, however, can be discerned in the combination of the five summer flowers in Hoitsu's two paintings. To unlock the meaning, I have investigated how the five flowers have been used in classical tanka and haiku poetry - in which Hoitsu himself was unusually well versed - beginning with the eighth-century Man'yoshu. For example, the combination of hollyhocks and lilies has traditionally meant, "We will meet in the next world" when it appears in classical poetry. I found other meanings for other groupings of the five flowers in question. In the course of my research it became clear that Hoitsu clearly did not use the five flowers merely to commemorate Korin's death in the summer ; being familliar with Japanese history and literature, Hoitsu put together his combination with scruplous care in order to express the meaning he desired. Another point of interest is that Korin was particularly fond of the hollyhock and, in fact, replaced his family crest with one depicting a stylized version of this flower. This helps explain why, in Hoitsu's two paintings, the hollyhock is placed highest in the shin position, the all-important central position in traditional flower arrangement. Modern critics tend to view the beautiful flower arrangements in the paintings of the Rinpa school, including the two works discussed here, as random combinations. This evaluation focuses on the beauty of the paintings' form, but essentially denies their interpretive value. However, I believe that the surprising hidden meanings woven into the paintings of the Rinpa school are one of the greatest sources of the paintings' appeal.

著者

今橋 理子

出版者

東海大学

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, pp.35-49, 1996

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Among the paintings left by Sakai Hoitsu (1760-1828), a late-Edo-period painter known for reviving the Rinpa (or Korin) school of painting in the city of Edo, is a singular work entitled Kannon (i.e., the bodhisattva Avalokitesvara). This work differs from the usual Oriental "white-robed Avalokitesvara" paintings in that Kannon is not shown holding in her hand either the standard lotus flower, or sprig of willow in a water jar. Rather, in front of her and to the viewer's right there appears a porcelain celadon vase in which five summer flowers - hollyhocks, pinks, lychnises, hydrangeas, and lilies - have been arranged. In contrast to india ink paintings of Kannon, the flowers in Hoitsu's work are richly colored, attracting and holding the viewer's gaze. It is known that the creation of Kannon was connected to the hundredth anniversary of the death of Ogata Korin (1658-1716). Korin was the prime mover behind the earlier flourishing of the Rinpa school and the painter most highly regarded by Hoitsu, who donated the work to Korin's family temple, Myoken-ji, in Kyoto, where it remains today. It has therefore traditionally been inferred that Hoitsu "arranged" the flowers in the vase in commemoration of Korin's death anniversary and that he used summer flowers because Korin died in June. What has never been clear, however, is why the five flowers noted above were chosen ; indeed, Hoitsu's Flowers in a Vase, painted for the same anniversary, contains the identical five kinds of flowers arranged in a water jar. Hoitsu obviously had a reason for selecting them. In my paper, I will attempt to discern what Hoitsu's intended meaning may have been. The particular flower or bird, or the particular combination of flowers and birds, found in an Oriental flower-and-bird painting ordinarily has an auspicious meaning associated with it, one that the members of the painter's audience will usually be able to identify owing to their shared cultural experience. No traditional, specific meaning, however, can be discerned in the combination of the five summer flowers in Hoitsu's two paintings. To unlock the meaning, I have investigated how the five flowers have been used in classical tanka and haiku poetry - in which Hoitsu himself was unusually well versed - beginning with the eighth-century Man'yoshu. For example, the combination of hollyhocks and lilies has traditionally meant, "We will meet in the next world" when it appears in classical poetry. I found other meanings for other groupings of the five flowers in question. In the course of my research it became clear that Hoitsu clearly did not use the five flowers merely to commemorate Korin's death in the summer ; being familliar with Japanese history and literature, Hoitsu put together his combination with scruplous care in order to express the meaning he desired. Another point of interest is that Korin was particularly fond of the hollyhock and, in fact, replaced his family crest with one depicting a stylized version of this flower. This helps explain why, in Hoitsu's two paintings, the hollyhock is placed highest in the shin position, the all-important central position in traditional flower arrangement. Modern critics tend to view the beautiful flower arrangements in the paintings of the Rinpa school, including the two works discussed here, as random combinations. This evaluation focuses on the beauty of the paintings' form, but essentially denies their interpretive value. However, I believe that the surprising hidden meanings woven into the paintings of the Rinpa school are one of the greatest sources of the paintings' appeal.

著者

小松 久男

出版者

東海大学

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, pp.30-60, 1988

著者

五十嵐 沙千子

出版者

東海大学

雑誌

東海大学紀要 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.84, pp.176-155, 2005

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Das ist bemerkenswert, dass M. J. Sandel, der Vertreter des Kommunitar-ianismus, den Liberalismus von John Rawls sehr hart kritisiert hat. Die Aufgabe der vorliegenden Untersuchung ist, die Moglichkeit der Freiheit im Liberalismus durch Sandels Kritik an Rawls nochmals zu uberprufen, und die Spannungen zwischen >Offentlichkeit< und >Gemeinschaft< klarzumachen. Dem Anschein nach sind >Offentlichkeit< und >Gemeinschaft< einander sehr ahnlich. Diese zwei Begriffe sind aber wirklich ganz widerspruchlich. Ich habe aus den Spannungen erklart, dass der Rahmen der Gerechtigkeit sowohl im Liberalismus als im Kommunitarianismus Grenze hat.

著者

飯塚 浩一

出版者

東海大学

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, pp.122-136, 1996

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The "Information society studies" suggest the coming of the society that information is more important for the production of goods and services, rather than working hours and capital. Besides it makes indices which characterise the information society, demonstrates the emergence of the new society by the use of those indices, and proposes the information policies based on that demonstration. However, the age of the, "information society" is described to be the end of the social development history, and there are many problems-what is information? what is the difference between information and knowledge? what is the value of information? etc.-which have not been solved. Accordingly I would like to deal with the "socio-information studies", which investigate the relationship between the change of the social structure and the "socio-information" which is not the measurable thing, but the "social discourse" which acquire the specific historical meaning in a society. In addition, I am taking a fresh look at the media studies of Marshall McLuhan, who was a Canadian scholar of English literature and studied the social change from the viewpoint of the philosophy of technology, and am considering the possibility of McLuhan's work as the approach of the "socio-information studies".

著者

五十嵐 沙千子

出版者

東海大学

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.85, pp.72-60, 2006

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Wie ist die Offentlichkeit moglich in der Postmoderne? Das ist das Thema der vorliegenden Arbeit. Das Problem, auf welcher Weise die Offentlichkeit moglich ist, ist sehr wichtig, weil die Offentlichkeit unter der Bedingungen der Postmoderne unmoglich erscheint, sie aber dennoch zugleich sehr notig fur die Postmoderne ist. Das Problem wird im Offentlichkeitsgedanken von Hanna Arendt und in der Kritik der Postmoderne gegen Arendt auftreten. Warum kritisierten die Postmodernisten wie J. Habermas und J.-F. Lyotard Arendt? Im vorliegenden Aufsatz sollen Lyotards Einwande gegen Arendt behandelt werden.

著者

五十嵐 沙千子

出版者

東海大学

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.86, pp.176-160, 2006

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Wie ist die Offentlichkeit moglich in der Postmoderne? Das ist das Thema der vorliegenden Arbeit. Das Problem, auf welcher Weise die Offentlichkeit moglich ist, ist sehr wichtig, weil die Offentlichkeit unter der Bedingungen der Postmoderne unmoglich erscheint, sie aber dennoch zugleich sehr notig fur die Postmoderne ist. Das Problem wird im Offentlichkeitsgedanken von Hanna Arendt and in der Kritik der Postmoderne gegen Arendt auftreten. Warum kritisierten die Postmodernisten wie J. Habermas and J. -F. Lyotard Arendt? Im vorliegenden Aufsatz sollen Lyotards Einwande gegen Arendt behandelt werden.

著者

大谷 哲 幸村 誠 小澤 実 松本 涼 伊藤 盡 中丸 禎子

出版者

東海大学文学部

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

no.110, pp.85-110, 2020-03-30

著者

山野辺 五十鈴

出版者

東海大学

雑誌

東海大学紀要. 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, pp.58-66, 1978

著者

定方 晟

出版者

東海大学文学部

雑誌

東海大学紀要 文学部 (ISSN:05636760)

巻号頁・発行日

no.64, pp.1-23, 1995

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It is well known that Kenji Miyazawa, a Japanese writer of the Taisho and early Showa periods, is an ardent follower of the teaching of the Buddhist Sacred Scripture Saddharmapundarika-sutra. In his fairy tales, indeed, do we find frequently motifs deriving from this teaching. But, strange enough, his most important work "Night of Galaxy Railway" is full of Christian images and scanty of Buddhist ones. These Christian images are so beautiful that many readers tend to think that this is a work of Christian faith. This is a misreading. Jovanni, a young hero of the work, did not get off the train when many Christian passengers got off at the "Southern Cross" station, which is the entrance to the Christian paradise. He even said to a young Christian girl, "Your god is not a true god". The author does not explain why Jovanni disapproves the Christian god and its blessing. I suppose that Christianity, having a doctrine of Judgement, does not give happiness to all living beings. To Jovanni who has an ardent desire for "true happiness for all" as he repeatedly says, Christianity does not give satisfaction. Poor readers only see that which is criticized and fail to see criticism itself.