著者

井上 真

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究センター

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, no.2, pp.222-255, 1990

被引用文献数

1

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。

著者

中村 重久

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.1, pp.18-24, 1993-06-30 (Released:2018-02-28)

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Events surrounding the 1852 Molucca tsunami are reviewed and a historical evaluation is made of the report written by van Vliet in 1855. The first part of the report concerns spices and the geophysical conditions. The reliability of the report is confirmed by records of the event in existing tsunami catalogs. This report therefore provides new information on hazards near the coast in Southeast Asia.

著者

藤吉 慈海

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究センター

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, no.4, pp.849-867, 1969-03

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。

著者

玉田 芳史

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究センター

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.4, pp.389-421, 1992

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。

著者

福島 真人

出版者

京都大学

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, no.4, pp.418-435, 1987-03

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。The main objective of this paper is to analyse the logico-linguistic aspect of the religion of Adam in Java, which is usually called Saminism and known as an indigenous peasant movement against the Dutch colonial government. Most studies of this movement have tended to neglect its symbolic (including linguistic) peculiarity, owing to a lack of first-hand research on that topic. The field research done by the author in the Samin communities, which still exist around the Pati regency, reveals that their apparently bewildering usage of language, which has been believed to be merely a way to upset outsiders, is indeed based on a consistent philosophical world-view about the relationship between language and the nature of man, which they symbolize by the phrase 'Adam kuwi ucap' (Adam is utterance). By using arbitrary folk-etymology and special terminology, they construct a peculiarly closed linguistic sphere where every outer element that does not fit their belief is forcibly re-interpreted and reconstructed so as to harmonize with their Weltanschauung. Thus they build up their own linguistic world around the notion of centrality of man in this universe.

著者

桜井 由躬雄

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究センター

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, no.2, pp.271-314, 1980-09

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。

著者

桜井 由躬雄

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究センター

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, no.2, pp.271-314, 1980

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。

著者

奥平 龍二

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究センター

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.2, pp.125-141, 1985

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。

著者

奥平 龍二

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究センター

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.2, pp.125-141, 1985-09

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。

著者

桃木 至朗

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, no.4, pp.403-417, 1987-03-31 (Released:2018-02-28)

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Society and state in pre-modern Vietnam were strongly influenced by those of China. Recent research indicates, however, that absolute rule supported by bureaucracy and Confucian ideology like that in the Chinese empire was not established until the 14th century. How, then, did earlier dynasties such as Lý become stabilized and gain control over semi-independent local powers?  The foundation of the Ly dynasty did not put an end to frequent regional rebellions outside the Red River Delta, sometimes involving an alliance with another country. The framework of political integration under this Vietnamese dynasty, in which the central government of the Red River Delta controlled the northern mountains and the southern provinces, was barely established in the latter half of the 11th century. Moreover, the integration of the Red River Delta itself collapsed in a struggle among local powers on the fall of the Lý dynasty.  Under these conditions, the central government could not dismantle the local military powers and construct a military bureaucracy. The submission of local powers, often symbolized by a ceremony of allegiance, was achieved only by means of personal demonstrations of power by the emperor or princes in expeditions or ritual travels to the local powers. Such demonstrations gradually came to be undertaken by persons close to the emperor and by the grand aristocrats.  Ultimately, the stability of the Lý dynasty rested on the military actions of the “mandala overlord” in the Red River Delta and their spread to the aristocracy.

著者

桜井 由躬雄

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, no.2, pp.271-314, 1980 (Released:2018-06-02)

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This essay describes the state of agriculture in the Red River Delta in the 11th and 12th centuries, and is the third part of a historical study of the reclamation of that delta from the first century to the nineteenth century which aims to explain the characteristics of Vietnamese socio-economic history in comparison with those of other Southeast Asian deltas.  First, an analysis of the political map of the Red River Delta during the Lý dynasty indicates that it is improper to call this dynasty a "mini centralized empire, " since it ruled only the Red River Delta proper, while most of the highland areas were controlled by semi-independent native vassals of a different culture from the Vietnamese in the delta. Even in the delta, more than eight local military powers remained from the civil war age in the late tenth century. It is thus highly improbable that the Lý dynasty weilded sufficient power to mobilize labour from all over delta area to construct hydraulic engineering works for agricultural development.  Second, the geographical bases of these local military powers can be classified as follows : (1) Quõc Oâi Châu-lower terraces  (2) Phong Châu-lower terraces and natural levees  (3) Đại Hòang Châu-lower terraces and backswamps (4) Bắc Giang-monadnock, natural levees and floodplain  (5) Đằng Châu and Khóai Châu-sandbank, natural levees and upper delta  (6) Hõng Châu-upper delta and western lower delta  (7) Nam Sách-eastern lower delta  (8) Mỹ Lộc-backswamps, coastal complex and end of natural levees  (9) the area under the direct rule of Lý dynasty-natural levees and floodplain Their distribution is shown in maps 7 and 10. Comparison of these two maps with map 11 of the previous paper [Sakurai 1980 : 619] indicates that the unification of local powers at the village level progressed to the provincial level in the 11th and 12th centuries. For example, Phong Châu province (Sơn Tây, Vĩnh Tương and Phú Thọ province) had 4 local military powers in the 10th century, while during Lý dynasty only one Phong Chau vassal occupied the same area. The west floodplain (Casier de Hadong) had been disputed by three military powers in the 10th century, while under the Lý dynasty this area was absorbed by the Lý court as a royal estate. Further, while no power was evident in the lower part of the west floodplain or in the upper delta in the 10th century, in the Lý period the former area was cultivated by the Lý court as another royal estate and the latter area was the domain of the Hõng Châu power.  Third, descriptions in Việt Sử Lược indicate the existence of man-made embankments, one in Bắc Ninh province based on the natural levees and the floodplain complex, and another in Khóai Châu and Hõng Châu based on the natural levees, the upper delta and the upper part of the lower delta. Analysis of these delta locations, however, suggests that the embankments were built to reinforce the natural levees against flood water at the outer bank of curves, and that they needed only the labour of several villages. Furthermore, a small horse-shoe embankment was apparently built in Hõng Châu provice in the upper delta and the upper part of the lower delta, where Bình Giang-type villages are located.  Fourth, these embankments would have served for tenth-month-rice cropping. In this period, most of the delta had been reclaimed by the introduction of fifth-month rice, which was harvested before the flood season, and thus agriculture in the west floodplain, the main domain of Lý dynasty, would not have required such embankments. Indeed, the chronicles give no record of embankments in that area.  Fifth, the local political powers at the edge of the Red River Delta that were based on the control of transportation routes between (View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

著者

土屋 喜生

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.2, pp.139-168, 2018 (Released:2018-02-09)

参考文献数

40

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Observers of Timorese culture have long maintained a preoccupation with the term Lulik. Its meanings have fluctuated in the past one-and-a-half centuries—with prominent associations including “idolatry,” “the sacred” or “prohibited,” “black magic,” “Timorese animist expression,” or “the core of Timorese culture.” But Timorese have also commonly used the word as an adjective. This paper attempts to trace the origin of the bifurcated usages of the word Lulik through a reading of early missionary efforts to translate Portuguese religious texts into Tetun since the 1870s. In the early European missionaries’ ethnographic reports, Lulik was identified as the Other of Catholicism, the opponent to be suppressed. It was adopted as the translation of “idolatry” in missionary Tetun texts. However, it was impossible to maintain the singular pejorative meaning of Lulik, as the Timorese preferred to call Catholic priests nai-lulik (Lord Lulik). A Timorese collaborator on Bible translation further took advantage of the missionaries’ ignorance of Timorese culture and language: Jesus was called Maromak Oan (the ritual ruler in Wehali) and liurai (the indigenous executive authority), while Caiaphas became the head sacerdote (the Portuguese word for “priest”) and Pontius Pilate was called Em-Boot (the title for a Portuguese governor). The upshot was that an attempt to present Catholicism as a European religion failed in Tetun, and the Passion became a story of an innocent native who was executed by the colonial and religious authorities. The missionaries’ Europe-centric mistranslation of Lulik and the Timorese cosmology, however, strongly influenced the way the academic discourse on Lulik has developed in the following generations.

著者

東 佳史

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.3, pp.328-353, 2004-12-31 (Released:2017-10-31)

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In many respects, Cambodia's Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) program is unique in terms of complexity as well as the difficulties involved in project implementation. This study attempts to articulate the extent to which structural background determines the fate of demobilized combatants. It examines the General Health Assessment (GHA) of 15,000 combatants carried out by the International Organization of Migration (IOM) in 2001–02, as well as the 1998 Cambodian Population Census. Other Cambodian epidemiological data, although very limited in terms of number of studies, are also used as a comparison to the GHA data. The DDR program is a most urgent political priority for Cambodian national development as well as the reform of national accounts. One legacy of more than twenty years of civil war is the bloated military sector that consumes a disproportionate share of a very limited budget. Thus, rapid demobilization is needed to control the budget, and the reintegration of combatants (through vocational training, etc.) is crucial to increase GDP. However, the empirical data show that most demobilized combatants are chronically ill, commonly suffering multiple illnesses. Disability, impairment, and psychiatric illnesses are also evident. Furthermore, lack of an appropriate medical referral system has directly resulted in the development of further vulnerability, especially among elderly combatants. Hence, urgent measures are necessary to coordinate the social safety net and, with donor support, regulate the referral system.

著者

佐藤 仁

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.1, pp.220-224, 2021-07-31 (Released:2021-07-30)

参考文献数

4

著者

藤村 瞳

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.2, pp.136-165, 2020

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<p>While Protestantism brought modernity to indigenous peoples, it sometimes created new types of confusion in local society. Previous literature on the Karen Baptist mission in nineteenth-century Burma tended to focus on missionaries' devising Karen scripts and orthographies, depicting this as the major modern influence of Christianity on Karen speakers. Yet, it is also essential to examine how the invented orthography and printed materials were utilized by Karen evangelists in their oral preaching, in order to understand the vast influence of literacy in the Protestant mission more holistically.</p><p>Analyzing various historical sources in Sgaw Karen from the 1840s, this paper reveals how a set of the Christianized Sgaw Karen vocabulary and expressions was created along with the Bible translation. This new Karen lexicon, heavily reflecting the Christian worldview, was used by Karen evangelists in their preaching. The use of the new Karen lexicon meant that incomprehensible literacy and narration emerged in the Karen world, generating a lexical gap between the converted and non-Christians. That the new incomprehensible narration was pivotal in the mission to preach God's word suggests that modern Karen literacy, despite its modernity, emerged in the Karen world as something inseparable from a particular religion, that is, Christianity.</p>

著者

桂 満希郎

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究センター

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, no.1, pp.122-132, 1966

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。

著者

古川 久雄

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.3, pp.346-421, 1997-12-31 (Released:2018-01-31)

被引用文献数

1

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Most minor ethnic groups of Yunnan province have retained their traditional life styles and value systems, which are considerably different from those of the unity-oriented Han civilization, and greatly different from the logic of modern civilization. They live in separate villages under different ecosystems, engage in different forms of livelihood, and maintain their own languages by which they communicate within each domain under different cultural framework.  Their logic may be identified as pertaining to the logic of natural world. Spontaneous systems of the natural world never tend to large-scale unity. Biological creatures, for example, tend to evolve toward diversification: distinct habits, different foods, different structures of the individual body and of society. The evolution of the biological domain lies in the achievement of a higher degree of diversification.  This paper aims to elucidate the situation in which this logic survives among the minor ethnic groups of Yunnan, in spite of the earnest efforts to assimilate them by the Han civilization. The most powerful ecological barrier against the Han assimilation is the climate and the related endemic diseases, particularly malaria and other febrile diseases.  This paper also argues the viewpoint that the pre-modern history of adjacent Asian countries is connected with the pulsation of the Chinese Empire through the migration of the minor ethnic groups via Yunnan, who sought the safety and independence through trans-border migration.

著者

五十嵐 忠孝

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.2, pp.111-138, 2018 (Released:2018-02-09)

参考文献数

82

被引用文献数

1

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Periodical swarming of the polychaete species, named palolo in English, has been known as socially, culturally, and spiritually important event in Islands Southeast Asia and South Pacific. This study aims at exploring (1) taxonomy and ecology of the palolo and (2) mechanisms of traditional calendars in Indonesia, based on cross-cultural and transdisciplinary analyses of previous studies which have been published since the early 18th Century and the author’s fieldwork data. As the results, cultural events relevant to the palolo swarming geographically existed only in Lesser Sunda Islands, Moluccas, and New Guinea Island in Indonesia. It was also found that the swarming mostly occurred in February or March in these regions, but in October or November in South Pacific (e.g, Samoa). Local people predicted the time of the palolo swarming by observing celestial and lunar movements. Indigenous calendars were also based on these movements, especially heliacal rising of Pleiades or Antares. In case of Lombok Island, the palolo swarming corresponded to 20th day of 10th month in the indigenous system and people stopped counting next month after this month in waiting for the next heliacal rising. In the author’s analyses, this is a sophisticated intercalation system under low astronomical technology. It is concluded that the non-conscious intercalation is the key technology and the palolo swarming is the best fitted natural phenomenon for traditional lunisolar calendrical systems in Eastern Indonesia.

著者

馬場 雄司

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, no.1, pp.83-107, 1990-06-30 (Released:2018-02-28)

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The irrigation systems in the principalities of the Southwestern Tai speakers were controlled by the state, giving rise to what Ishii has called ‘quasi-hydraulic societies.” This paper focuses on the irrigation system of the Sipsong Panna, the Tai-Lue kingdom. The Sipsong Panna consisted of many principalities (moeng), each consisting of many villages (ban). According to the accepted theory, the irrigation systems in the Sipsong Panna had the following characteristics. (1) Big canals in each moeng, which were in charge of irrigation officers (Pan Moeng) chosen from among villagers. (2) Titled Pan Moengs supervised commoner Pan Moengs, and were controlled by Tsaolong Phasat (the interior minister of Tsaophendin, the king).  Such systems were in fact seen only in Chiang Hung, the capital area. The big canals were intended principally for irrigating the fields of Tsaophendin and his officers. These fields were cultivated by people with the status of Lek Noi, who were in the service of Tsaophendin, and most of the titled Pan Moengs were chosen from among Lek Noi. Tsaolong Phasat, who worked for the Court of Tsaophendin, supervised Lek Noi and controlled the royal finances. Therefore, he was concerned with the irrigation systems. However, he did not have supreme responsibility for irrigation, which was actually controlled by the royal council (Sanam). In other moengs, most fields belonged to independent farmers, which is why irrigation systems such as those in Chiang Hung were not neccesary.  In conclusion, we can say that the power of Tsaophendin in its economic aspect was limited.

著者

福井 清一

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.1, pp.129-132, 2020-07-31 (Released:2020-07-31)