著者
伊藤 正子
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.48, no.3, pp.294-313, 2010-12-31 (Released:2017-10-31)

This paper aims to examine how reconciliation is developed through apologies towards damages by war, comparing the actions of nation-state, damaged areas and NGOs concerning the Vietnam War. The second aim is to consider official and non-official memories about Vietnam War both in the damaged country and the country that caused damages, further investigating the relationship between a variety of memories and political systems. During the Vietnam War, South Korea sent the second largest group of armed forces, but recently the Korean’s memories as heroic stories have been confused since Han-kyoreh magazine reported that Korean troops conducted mass killings. After 30 years, an ex-service Korean’s group visited the Ha My hamlet, Quang Nam Province, where slaughters occurred in 1968. They built a monument for the victims. But when it was completed, the group felt shocked about a poem on the massacre on the monument. After going back to Korea, they demanded revisions. The Vietnamese government, which was asked for revisions by the Korean Embassy, put pressure on the villagers, who finally covered the inscription. Vietnamese policy is to seal the past and look to the future as at present, the most important issue for the government is to procure development funds from other countries, and to maintain the legitimacy of the Communist Party through economic development. Therefore, the memories of the Ha My, whose villagers did not necessarily contribute to the Revolution, could not become an official memory. Further, those memories are not connected with nationalism. This point is the most different when comparing with the case between Korea or China and Japan. After the report by the Han-kyoreh, one Korean NGO started volunteer activities for Vietnamese survivors. Through those activities, some survivors have been healed, and for the sake of the Korean NGO, the memory of Ha My, which can never become official memory, is preserved in Vietnam.
著者
矢野 暢
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.16, no.1, pp.5-31, 1978 (Released:2018-06-02)

This article aims at throwing into relief views of "Nanyo" (Southeast Asia) in Japan during the Taisho period (1912-1926). There has until now been a consensus among scholars that the idea of "Nanshin" (advance to the South) existed only in the Meiji and Showa periods. In this article, the author wishes to challenge this stereotype view on the "Nanshin" theory.  It is easy to verify that "Nanyo" was discussed more often and energetically by Japanese people in the Taisho period than in the previous (Meiji) period. More importantly, the basic conditions that made possible the creation of the "Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere" scheme were laid during the Taisho period. Hence, the conclusion of this essay is that the discussions made in the Taisho period were vital in paving the way for Japan's advance to the South in the Showa period, and, therefore, the significance of the Taisho period should not be underestimated.
著者
大泉 さやか
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, no.2, pp.148-184, 2019 (Released:2019-01-31)
参考文献数
82

In December 2016, the element titled “Practices related to the Viet beliefs in the Mother Goddesses of Three Realms” was inscribed on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. Under Vietnam’s socialist government, rituals and festivals related to the beliefs in Mother Goddesses had been prohibited as superstition before the Doi Moi period. Even though these beliefs and related practices were reevaluated and revived as a beautiful tradition, especially after the 1990s, there has been constant debate over whether beliefs in Mother Goddesses can be categorized as superstition. The question here is why Vietnam’s government applied for the inscription of this element while it had not yet concluded the debate. In this article, by considering this question we examine how Vietnam’s government intends to increase control over this element through naming, protecting, and avoiding its transformation. We also demonstrate that the framework for the heritagization of this element has been changed from theaterization to purization as beliefs, so that the government can criticize and prevent stage adaptation or theaterized rituals as an unintended transformation of heritage.
著者
李 美智
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.48, no.3, pp.265-293, 2010-12-31 (Released:2017-10-31)

Since 2000, the popularity of South Korean popular culture known as Korean Wave or Hallyu has increased significantly in Southeast Asia. The Korean Government now recognizes cultural industries as one of the top key industries of the nation. The purpose of this paper is to review the cultural export promotion policies of the South Korean Government which are the basic backgrounds of the spread of Korean Wave, and to investigate how Korean Wave is being accepted and developed in Southeast Asia by drawing on the examples of Vietnam and Thailand. Among many genres, such as music and film, this paper focuses on Korean TV dramas as they are the most important driving force in the Korean Wave industries. By examining push and pull factors in both importing and exporting countries, it indicates that in Vietnam and Thailand, the carefully-planned strategic economic support of the Korean government for these industries and the rapid expansion of multi-channel TV and multi-media industries, which are in want of attractive content, are the most important factors that have contributed to the Hallyu expansion.
著者
井口 由布 ラシド アブドゥル
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.2, pp.166-189, 2020-01-31 (Released:2020-01-31)
参考文献数
60

This study situates “female genital mutilation (FGM)” in Malaysia in the politics of the female body and sexuality in post-colonial societies. There has been a global dispute over “FGM,” centering on the opposition between human rights and the protection of local culture. In order to overcome the deadlock, in the 1990s several studies started to view the dispute as the politics of discourse in the Foucaultian sense. Some of them argued that the female body was restructured as an object of reproductive health in the system of state medicine. Considering the studies mentioned above, this paper argues how the discourses on “FGM” (either in favor or against) promote the domination of the female body and sexuality in Malaysia. This study shows that the medical scientific perspective was predominant in religious as well as academic discourses. This might indicate the medical control of sexuality and the female body through the construction of discourses concerning “FGM” in Malaysia. In contrast to the religious and academic discourses, rural people in Malaysia view “FGM” as an unconscious practice deeply embedded in their communities. They do not know about the existence of the practice in African countries. This shows that there is a huge gap between academic discourses and local discourses on “FGM” in Malaysia.
著者
友杉 孝
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.18, no.2, pp.315-332, 1980 (Released:2018-06-02)

Every seven years the Onbashira Matsuri (pillar festival) is held at Suwa shrine. The main event is the dragging of the Onbashira , a great log weighing 11 tons, from a mountain some 15 kilometres away to the shrine. The dragging of the Onbashira by thousands of people is a powerful attraction both to tourists and local people alike.  The festival is divided into two parts, first, called Maebiki , being the procession from the mountain to the village, and the second, Satobiki , the journey from the village to the shrine. Between the two parts there is a month's intermission, Maebiki taking place in April and Satobiki in May. The former is characterized by its masculinity, as young men proudly ride the Onbashira as it is dragged through the crowd. Satobiki , on the other hand, involves gay processions, with groups of masked people and a feudal lord's procession adding to the cheerful atmosphere.  During Satobiki people are freed from their everyday activities and jobs, so that they may enjoy along with visitors all there is to see. The social norm is reversed at this time as economy gives way to extravagance. With the planting of the Onbashira in a ritual performed by priests, the festival ends and everyone returns home and resumes normal life. They have, however, been vitalized by the excitement of the festival. In consequence, the Onbashira Matsuri can be interpreted as a renovation of life through a pillar which is believed to be the symbol of a supernatural power.
著者
菅谷 成子
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.43, no.4, pp.374-396, 2006-03-31 (Released:2017-10-31)

About forty years ago, Edgar Wickberg, in his pioneering and seminal work on the nineteenth-century Philippines, established how the Chinese had emerged as a commercially powerful foreign group in a Spanish colonial setting, while the Chinese mestizos had risen as a “special kind of Filipino” to support Philippine national awakening toward the turn of the century. Recently, scholars such as Richard T. Chu have questioned the identity of the Chinese mestizo as a “special kind of Filipino.” Chu argues that Chinese mestizos at the turn of the century had multiple, fluid, and ambiguous identities and cannot be said to have had a simple Filipino identity. He concludes that the Filipino identity as a nation was only established definitely after 1910. This paper identifies some of the particular historical factors that brought about the social rise of the Chinese mestizo as an uniquely Spanish colonial being distinct from the “chhut-sì-á” or “tsut-sia” of later years. This paper also shows that the “Chinese mestizos” Wickberg had in mind were not the same “Chinese mestizos” that Chu deals in his recent works, and suggests that the study of overseas Chinese or Chinese overseas can be relevant to Southeast Asian Studies only when it is placed in a historical context and perspective.
著者
蓮田 隆志 米谷 均
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, no.2, pp.127-147, 2019 (Released:2019-01-31)
参考文献数
58

This paper aims to clarify the early contact between Japan and Vietnam—both Tonkin and Cochinchina—during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries by investigating letters sent from Vietnam to Japan. In order to better understand the letters and their background, a paleographical approach is adopted. The oldest letter was sent from Tonkin by Nguyễn Cảnh Đoan, a high-ranking military officer residing in Nghệ An Province. The addressee, “King of Japan,” is a fictitious person, which indicates that Vietnamese officials did not understand contemporary Japan. Two entrepreneurs took advantage of this gap in knowledge to deceive Nguyễn Cảnh Đoan into sending the letter to a nonexistent King. The second and third letters were sent from Nguyễn Hoàng to Toyotomi Hideyoshi and Terasawa Masanari (a chief officer of Nagasaki), not to Tokugawa Ieyasu.From investigations of the format and terminology of these three as well as other letters, it is clear that both the Trịnh King and Nguyễn lords aimed to relativize the authority of the Lê emperor and to promote their status by arrogating the title of “An Nam Quốc vương (King of Annam).” The Tokugawa Shogun also utilized the exchange of letters with a foreign monarch to enhance his authority.
著者
木下 昭
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.47, no.2, pp.210-226, 2009-09-30 (Released:2017-10-31)

The purpose of this paper is to look into the relationship between international politics and Filipino studentswho studied in Japan during the 1930s. At that time, the Philippines was in the middle of a conflict betweentwo empires: Japan and the United States. In this context, Japan tried to use Filipino students as a meansto improve its soft power in the Philippines. In the first half of the decade, about 30 Filipinos were livingmainly in Tokyo, with the majority of them studying at medical schools, in particular The Jikei UniversitySchool of Medicine, Tokyo, which offered classes in English. But not all Japanese people welcomed Filipinoswith many heavily prejudiced against them. In the mid-30s Japan set up new institutions to attract moreinternational students but the number of Filipino students decreased gradually in the late 1930s becausethe fear of Japanese imperialism had spread in the Philippines. This paper contextualizes these historicaldevelopments to show the deep connections between foreign students and the international politics ofimperialism adopted by Japan in its attempts to obtain hegemony before the Pacific War.
著者
南波 聖太郎
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 = Japanese Journal of Southeast Asian Studies (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.55, no.1, pp.3-38, 2017-07-31

This paper aims to analyze the process of establishing the liberated zone in Laos, focusing on changes in the strategy of the Pathet Lao (PL) toward the Kingdom of Laos (KL) and the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV). The PL, established in Vietnam in 1950, kept changing its strategy for the first decade. The main strategies tried by the PL were as follows. First, for the initial four years the PL tried to gain bases with the military assistance of the DRV but could not return to Laos. Second, in the assembly area provided by the Geneva Agreements of 1954, the PL expelled the KL's forces and established the one-party system of the Lao People's Party. However, despite the economic and political assistance of the DRV, the PL could not afford to sustain the system. Third, the PL handed over the assembly area to the KL when it established the coalition government in 1957. It followed that the PL was forced to move to Vietnam when the coalition collapsed. Thereafter, while the PL engaged in a large military action with the DRV, it could not gain firm bases for more than a year. The PL conquered Samnuea Province in 1960 and named it the liberated zone. The strategy advocated at that time reflected the above experiences. Its points were as follows. One, the PL rethought its strategy of depending heavily on the DRV and put much value on self-reliance. Two, the PL recognized its own military weakness and started a dialogue with the KL. Three, the PL agreed to reestablish the coalition government but did not agree to renounce the liberated zone.
著者
青木 葉子
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.43, no.4, pp.397-418, 2006-03-31 (Released:2017-10-31)

Three dominant changes have occurred in the study of the ethnic Chinese in Indonesia after the fall of Soeharto. First, the study of Indonesian Chinese was freed from the threat of SARA censorship (Suku, Agama, Ras, dan Antar Golongan, or ethnic, religious, racial, and class relations), which was removed after Soeharto. Second, ethnic Chinese studies have accelerated. Many seminars and discussions are now held and many books about the ethnic Chinese have been published in Indonesia. Some aim to abolish inequalities and discriminatory measures and claim justice. Although changes have been made in the law, anti-Chinese hostility still exists in society. Other studies analyze the discourses of Dutch colonialism and Indonesian nationalism and reconsider the Chinese role in nation building, so as to rewrite Indonesian history, which has largely ignored the ethnic Chinese. Third, foreign researchers are shifting their attention from political issues, such as assimilation, national integration, and political identity to subjects reflecting the changing role of the ethnic Chinese in East and Southeast Asia in an era of globalization and rapid economic growth. In this paper I will focus on such changes by reviewing studies done during the New Order regime and the subsequent period of Reformasi.
著者
北澤 直宏
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.50, no.2, pp.273-302, 2013-01-31 (Released:2017-10-31)

This paper aims at assessing the relationship between religion and politics in contemporary Vietnam, with a focus on Caodaism reorganization. After the Vietnam War, the socialist government regarded religion as a nuisance and carried out a retaliatory re-education program—to no effect. In the process of clamping down on anti-government movements by devotees, the Communist Party conducted in-depth analysis on Caodaism and decided to remove the religious dignitaries, in line with their policy of suppressing religious authorities. In 1979, with the cooperation of some dignitaries, the government promulgated the Caodai Decree 01, aimed at the dissolution all Caodaism organizations. The Caodai Holy See was placed under the control of the state and changes were imposed; however, many branch temples subsequently reverted to self-management. There are three possible reasons for this: first, the Holy See had lost all authority and influence over the branch temples; second, branch temples ignored the modified Holy See as the latter had obeyed the socialist government and betrayed Caodaism Law; third, there was no consistent policy in each province. These phenomena rattled the Communist Party, which feared its own collapse, in an echo of events in the Soviet Union. It thus embarked on a plan in 1992 to reorganize Caodaism, with the aim of occupying and controlling branch temples through “educated” dignitaries. While it is certain that Caodaism was officially recognized in 1997, this did not signal the beginning of religious freedom. On the contrary, it only reflected the Communist Party’s policy to control religious opponents by authorizing religions.
著者
佐藤 正範
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.32, no.4, pp.495-522, 1995-03-31 (Released:2018-02-28)

This article deals with the “Romusha” described in history textbooks used in junior and senior high schools in Indonesia from 1984 to 1993 and analyses the meanings and images evoked by these descriptions.  The results of an analysis of the “Romusha” in 9 junior high school history textbooks and 5 senior high textbooks can be summarized as follows; “Romusha” is the most symbolic word used to represent the Japanese Military Occupation of Indonesia (1942-1945). In Japanese, romusha means ‘physical laborers’, but in 7 of 14 textbooks the word means ‘forced laborers’, in 4 it means ‘laborers’, in 3 ‘soldiers of labor’, in 2 ‘heroes of labor’ and ‘soldiers of economics’, and in 1 each ‘forced labors’, ‘corps of forced laborers’ and ‘forced coolies’. Thus the word can be said to have more specialized meanings in Indonesian textbooks than in the original Japanese.  In 12 of the 14 textbooks there are descriptions of mobilizing the “Romusha,” their actual working conditions in 9, the methods of dispatching workers to job sites and their final disposition in 10, and the number of workers in 8.  It is evident that the image of the “Romusha” in Indonesian history textbooks used in junior and senior high schools is basically that of “pathetic forced laborers” from many points of view.
著者
中西 嘉宏
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, no.2, pp.240-246, 2019

伊野憲治『ミャンマー民主化運動 --学生たちの苦悩, アウンサンスーチーの理想, 民のこころ』(めこん, 2018, 442p.)
著者
林 行夫
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.23, no.3, pp.349-370, 1985-12-31 (Released:2018-02-28)

In the ritual complex of Don Daeng village, the funeral rites accompanying normal death are the most complicated of merit-making (tham bun) ceremonies, involving four stages of ritual: (1) rites held while the body is kept at home, (2) cremation rites, (3) collection of bones, (4) collective rites for transferring merit to the dead. Although these rites are household-centered, close kin and many other villagers collectively participate with material donations and cooperation. For the relatives of the dead, the hosts of the funeral rites, the main object is to make a lot of merit and transfer it to the deceased in order to ensure a good rebirth. They fulfill a moral obligation to the dead, because villagers believe that the average person cannot accumulate enough merit during life to ensure a good rebirth.  Many other villagers participate in funeral rites, by helping the deceased's relatives, in order to make merit for themselves. By their definition, every participant in a merit-making ceremony gains a share of the merit. They help the host of the funeral rites in various ways, especially in the ‘feast’ held at the house of the dead. In this situation they gain merit through the host of the rites, who donates material and monetary gifts to the monks of the temple. The transferring of merit to the deceased by relatives and the sharing of merit among other villagers are interwoven in these rites, and this leads to the social circulation of merit.
著者
吉川 和希
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 = Japanese Journal of Southeast Asian Studies (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.1, pp.3-30, 2019-07-31

During the eighteenth century, large numbers of Chinese laborers came to work in mines in the Northern Uplands of Vietnam. However, few investigations have been conducted on the responses of native chieftains or the local population to the social fluctuations in this area. Therefore, this article focuses on the survival strategies of native chieftains in the Lang Son region. Investigation of correspondence between the Lê-Trinh government and native chieftains in the Lang Son region reveals that under this government's control, native chieftains were tasked with collecting taxes and drafting soldiers in each commune. They were permitted to receive a portion of these tax revenues as salary and collect various fees via taxation, causing them to perceive these roles as their own vested rights. Meanwhile, during the mid-eighteenth century, the Lang Son region was involved in extensive disturbances that destabilized the native chieftains' political and economic bases. Given this background, the Lê-Trinh government frequently sanctioned the aforementioned rights of native chieftains by issuing official documentation, while the chieftains themselves also requested the government to issue official documents confirming their rights. In fact, they possessed these documents until the colonial era or transcribed them in their genealogies, demonstrating that they recognized them as certifications of their vested rights. Thus, during the eighteenth century, developing relations with the Lê-Trinh government was a survival strategy for native chieftains in the Lang Son region.