著者

吉村 寿人

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究センター

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.4, pp.602-640, 1976-03

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。

著者

船越 昭生

出版者

京都大学

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, no.4, pp.800-824, 1969-03

被引用文献数

1

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。

著者

青木 恵理子

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究センター

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, no.2, pp.197-223, 1986-09

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。

著者

高谷 好一

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究センター

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, no.4, pp.633-657, 1980-03

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。

著者

原 正一郎

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.4, pp.608-645, 2009-03-31

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Area informatics is the new paradigm in area studies to facilitate accumulation and creation of knowledge in areas. In the process, a huge variety of databases such as catalogs, archives, full texts, images, movies, sounds, statistics, and so on, are being organized and published on the Web;these will be the sources of area-specific knowledge. However, it is difficult for researchers to find and access appropriate databases to retrieve resources effectively because each database is independent and dispersed on the Web; furthermore, their data structures and retrieval procedures are different.Resource Sharing System, an outcome of area informatics, is an innovative information retrieval system that has been developed to solve such problems. It is a server-side system that hides from users each database system's particular data structures and retrieval procedures by employing standard metadata and standard retrieval protocols.In this paper, area informatics is introduced through a brief overview of the relationship between area studies and information sciences. After discussing the structure of Resource Sharing System, the new notion of "metadata suites" is introduced and explained. This is a guideline to build databases to be included in Resource Sharing System. Finally, a sample metadata compiled by CIAS is presented and its availabilities discussed.

著者

千葉 芳広

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.1, pp.67-89, 2018 (Released:2018-07-31)

参考文献数

46

被引用文献数

1

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This paper considers the spatial configuration of Manila, focusing on American public health policy during the period 1905–14, when Victor Heiser held great power as the Director of Health. During this period after the Filipino-American War, public health policy was concerned with the improvement of Filipinos’ sanitary customs and promoted the configuration of urban spaces.For the United States, medicine and public health were measures to justify colonialism in the Philippines. Simultaneously, sanitary customs were regarded as a sign of moral civics, which was a precondition of Philippine independence. American sanitary officers intervened in Filipinos’ lives and social order, and did not give Filipinos favorable evaluations on sanitary customs.As a result, the urban spatial configuration was shaped by laws and surveillance up to the early part of the second decade of the twentieth century. Interventions in Filipinos’ lives through home inspections were a particularly important matter. The purification of public spaces such as markets, slums, etc., and the relocation of slum residents into suburbs were also enforced. Many lawsuits were filed for violations of sanitary laws, which meant that American sanitary laws brought social friction into Filipino societies. Up to the second decade of the twentieth century, when many American sanitary officers returned, sanitary education in public schools was refined and intensified to insert moral civics into Filipino societies.

著者

兵頭 圭介

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.4, pp.562-569, 1988-03-31 (Released:2018-02-28)

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This survey studied the effect of becak (trishaw) driving on physique and muscle strength. For this purpose, some anthropometric values and muscle strength of bacak drivers in Bandung City, West Java were assessed. The becak drivers were taller, heavier, and had longer legs, greater thigh girth, and greater back muscle strength than a control group of farmers. These differences are suggested to arise from the working conditions of becak driving.

著者

白石 愛子

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.4, pp.535-558, 1976 (Released:2018-06-02)

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PETA (Tentara Pembela Tanah Air) was an Indonesian volunteer army organized under Japanese auspices in 1943 during the Japanese Occupation. In February 1945, one of the Battalions of the PETA Army, located at Blitar City, Kediri Residency, in East Java, rose in armed rebellion against Japanese rule. With Soeprijadi Shoodan-cho (Platoon Commander) as leader, several young officers of this Battalion began to plot an anti-Japanese revolt in September 1944. Their hatred and anger against Japan were caused primarily by the cruelty of the Japanese toward the Indonesian population, the pitiful condition of the Roomusha (forced laborers) in particular aroused bitter hatred in the hearts of PETA officers who had once worked with those Roomushas. The arrogant attitude of the Japanese Instructors appointed to each Battalion also irritated the Indonesian officers. Furthermore they felt that Indonesia should be totally liberated from Japanese rule. Taking all these factors into consideration, we can interpret this revolt as the prelude to the Indonesian Revolution, which began in August 1945.  The Revolt, involving three-fourths of the soldiers of the Battalion, began at dawn on February 14. 4 Japanese civilians and 7 Chinese who were considered to be pro-Japanese, were killed, but the revolt was easily supressed because of lack of coordination with other Battalions combined with the fact that they had begun the revolt before their plans were complete. 55 of the revolutionaries were tried and sentenced. Six were sentenced to death and executed before the surrender of Japan. The leader of this revolt, Soeprijadi Shoodan-cho disappeared during the rebellion and has not been found to this day. Nonetheless, he was appointed the first Defense Minister and Supreme Commander of the Indonesian National Army, although he never actually assumed these posts. This demonstrates the extent of the influence of the Blitar Rebellion on the development of nationalism and the revolution in Indonesia.

著者

岡本 正明

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.1, pp.97-99, 2006-06-30 (Released:2017-10-31)

著者

林 憲吾

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.2, pp.255-258, 2023-01-31 (Released:2023-01-31)

参考文献数

1

著者

青木 惠理子

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.2, pp.244-252, 2023-01-31 (Released:2023-01-31)

参考文献数

9

著者

見市 雅俊

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.2, pp.253-255, 2023-01-31 (Released:2023-01-31)

著者

有本 寛

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.2, pp.239-241, 2023-01-31 (Released:2023-01-31)

参考文献数

7

著者

田中 あき

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.2, pp.210-235, 2023-01-31 (Released:2023-01-31)

参考文献数

84

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This article examines domestic and international critiques of the literature of the Vietnamese-language writer Khái Hưng, who was active from the French colonial period to the eve of the Indochina War. It then explores changes and continuities in Vietnamese literary criticism in light of changes in the nation’s cultural policies.Khái Hưng was one of seven members and the most prolific writer of the Self-Reliant Literary Group, founded in 1933 in Hanoi. In 1941 he was arrested by the French for anticolonial activities. Following World War II, he supported the Vietnamese Nationalist Party as an editor of the Party’s newspapers. In 1946 he was captured by the Communist-led Việt Minh, and in 1947 he was executed. On the grounds that he was involved in the Party against the Việt Minh and was purged by the Việt Minh, few serious studies have been conducted on Khái Hưng despite his stature as a leading writer in the 1930s and 1940s. Although former South Vietnamese scholars recognized the importance of Khái Hưng’s late works, they had to start by collecting these materials, which had been scattered due to national division and war; also, South Vietnamese students of literature tended to prefer the study of foreign literature to domestic literature. After the fall of the former South Vietnam, those who fled abroad as refugees had to start earning a living from scratch. Therefore, few of them studied literature at academic institutions, and little serious research was conducted on Khái Hưng, including his activities in the latter years of his life. However, as Đỗ Lai Thúy points out, avoiding such “sensitive issues” in Vietnam makes it difficult to truly understand the country.This paper carefully traces the treatment of the literature created by Khái Hưng, who was recognized as a “sensitive issue.” At the same time, it attempts to dismantle the formula that was constructed with the rise of social realism: romanticism=bourgeoisie=decadence=reaction, which has become a simplified and somewhat established theory in Vietnamese literary history since Khái Hưng’s death. Focusing on a specific writer reveals the complex ways in which the cultural policies of a war-torn nation were operationalized at the civilian level.

著者

吉川 和希

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.2, pp.117-145, 2023-01-31 (Released:2023-01-31)

参考文献数

16

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In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Vietnamese dynasties attempted to extend their reach to Vietnam’s northern uplands—one of the most important regions in the integration of the state. This study examines local governance in the northern uplands during the early Nguyễn period, through an analysis of official documents—particularly the report submitted by the governor-general of the northern provinces (tổng trấn Bắc Thành) in the tenth month of the tenth year of Gia Long (1811). During the eighteenth century, the Lê Dynasty (r. 1428–1527, 1533–1789) depended on local chieftains to administer tax collection and military service in each commune of the northern uplands. After occupying northern Vietnam, the Nguyễn Dynasty found it difficult to gather information on the local chieftains in the northern uplands. It was unable to allocate sufficient resources and manpower to gather this information. In addition, regional officials (such as the governor-general of the northern provinces) did not provide this information to the Nguyễn court, and only some local chieftains cooperated with the Nguyễn Dynasty. Until 1810, the number of chieftains who took on the responsibility of tax collection, drafting soldiers in each commune, and gathering information on the northern uplands—thus cooperating with the Nguyễn Dynasty’s local system of governance—was smaller than the number during the Lê Dynasty. In 1810 the Nguyễn court compiled a list of local chieftains in the northern uplands; this list included the chieftains’ names, the communes where they were registered, and the communes where they collected taxes and drafted soldiers. This indicates that the Nguyễn court attempted to govern the upland provinces by consolidating information on the chieftains. However, it was still difficult for the Nguyễn court to gain full information on the local chieftains since the governor-general of the northern provinces and provincial officials appointed them without reporting to the court. This continued until the Minh Mạng emperor’s (r. 1820–41) well-known reforms, including abolishing the post of governor-general of the northern provinces and the hereditary status of local chieftains. Thus, through examining the transitioning local governance in the northern uplands, this study clarifies the Nguyễn Dynasty’s difficulty in integrating the state during its early years.

著者

青山 亨

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, no.1, pp.34-65, 1994-06-30 (Released:2018-02-28)

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The vast body of classical Javanese literature that directly or indirectly deals with what the Javanese perceived to be their past may be more coherently analyzed by defining “history” as the “world with its own time and space comprising the narrated stories of the past, the world that was imagined and shared by the reader.” The aim of this paper is to explicate from the narratological point of view how the “history” was structured and narrated, and to trace its development through several stages in premodern Javanese literature.  The first and most fundamental of all stages is that of Old Javanese literature, where the Indian theory of four yuga was adopted as the framework of “history” consisting of different ages, into which episodes of both Indian and Javanese origin were inserted as “modules.” It is on this “framework and module” principle that later Javanese literature, such as chronicles and prophetic literature, was able to expand the “history” of Java into a narrative ranging from Adam through the Pāṇḍawa to King Jayabaya and Muslim Mataram. On the other hand, the main narrative device of connecting the time of a narrated story and that of the reader changed from incarnation in the earlier stage to genealogy and prophecy, both of which had their precursors in Old Javanese literature, in the later stage.

著者

久馬 一剛

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, no.3, pp.405-424, 1982-02-15 (Released:2018-05-31)

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The coastal areas of the Southeast Asian tropics are vegetated extensively by mangrove forest. Inland there are areas which were formerly under mangrove, before they were cut off from the marine or brackish environments. These areas together represent an important fraction of the potentially cultivable land for food production in the near future. This paper looks at the soils derived from the sediments deposited under mangrove, to evaluate their potential for cultivation. Mangrove mud contains oxidizable sulfur compounds, mainly in the form of pyrite, which upon exposure to the air is oxidized to sulfuric acid, developing a strong acidity. The resultant soil is called acid sulfate soil. This paper deals first with the processes of pyrite accumulation under mangrove and its oxidation upon reclamation. It then discusses the classification, properties and management of acid sulfate soils on the basis of recent research results. It is concluded that the former mangrove land is probably reclaimable only with difficulty and a high investment. It may, however, be possible to improve soil conditions to some extent by simple means practicable by the small farmer, such as localized phosphate application.

著者

鬼丸 武士

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.4, pp.502-519, 2003-03-31 (Released:2017-10-31)

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In the nineteenth century, Britain possessed two important bases for its “free trade policy” in Southeast and East Asia—Singapore and Hong Kong. The success of the British free trade policy in these regions hinged on their ability to make Singapore and Hong Kong flourish. To achieve this end, the colonial governments had to overcome two obstacles: the problem of raising revenue and the maintenance of public order. As both Singapore and Hong Kong were free ports, the colonial governments were prevented from collecting revenue through tariffs. Thus, somehow they had to obtain revenue from the local populace, which in both cases was mainly Chinese. With respect to public order, both administrations had to deal with crimes, riots, and strikes engaged in by the Chinese. In this paper, I try to reveal how the British colonial governments in Singapore and Hong Kong dealt with these issues of revenue raising and policing. In terms of revenue-raising, I examine the importance of the opium farming system under the two administrations; with regard to public order, I investigate how the Chinese secret societies were policed. By comparing practices in these colonies, I aim to describe the character of colonial rule in Singapore and Hong Kong and how it reflected the British “free trade policy.”

著者

速水 洋子

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.1, pp.68-99, 2015-07-31 (Released:2017-10-31)

被引用文献数

1

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U Thuzana is a Karen monk from Myanmar who has been constructing many pagodas on both sides of the Thai-Myanmar border. His pagoda construction is made possible by donations from political, economic, and military leaders, on the one hand, and through the labor and devotion by local followers, especially among the Karen, on the other. This paper analyzes the dynamic process of this saintly leadership, followers' devotion, and pagoda construction, which must be understood in the context of the layered religious practices found in this cross-border region since the nineteenth century. In Myanmar, U Thuzana has become involved in ethnic politics even as he claims to maintain political neutrality. In Thailand, he is entering into a terrain where the khruba tradition is still alive with expectant followers.The paper examines three issues: firstly, it questions foregoing discussion that understands millennialistic religious movements and saintly monks enterprises as resistance to the state, and reexamines categorical understanding such as non-Buddhist versus Buddhist, hill versus valley, or resistance versus accommodation. Rather than explain the movements in relation to states, as in previous studies, this paper will look at these movements from its own logic. Secondly, it examines the dynamics that constitute charismatic power of the saints through pagoda construction by focusing on the relationship between the saintly figures and their followers, of which there are two major types: the donors and the devotees. Thirdly, it situates this process in the construction of sacred space in the modern state territory.

著者

木島 正夫

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究センター

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, no.3, pp.391-411, 1969-12

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。