出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究センター

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.3, pp.517-518, 1987-12

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。

著者

鬼丸 武士

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.3, pp.303-318, 2005-12-31

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。

著者

笹岡 正俊

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.3, pp.377-419, 2008

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This paper examines the social and cultural meanings of the subsistence consumption of game animals among mountain villagers in Seram Island, Eastern Indonesia. The community under study is highly dependent on <i>sago</i> (starch extracted from sago palm) as staple food. Sago is rich in carbohydrate but contains little protein. Game animals therefore provide an essential protein complement. Field research was carried out in a remote mountain village located in Manusela valley in central Seram where Cuscus (<i>Phalanger orientalis, Spilocuscus maculates</i>), Celebes wild boar (<i>Sus celebensis</i>) and Timor deer (<i>Cervus timorensis</i>) account for almost 90% of the protein resources consumed by villagers.<br>&emsp;The meat of these wild mammals is usually shared by close relatives and adjoining villages. The field data suggests that about 30% of cuscus and 60% of large mammals (Celebes wild boar and Timor deer) are often distributed to others. An "ethics of sharing" encourages villages to distribute wild meat since it enhances the enjoyment of consumption and brings about feelings of satisfaction and pleasure. This sense of contentment over having intimate and good inter-relationships is regarded by villagers as the ideal and desirable way of life. Moreover wild meat sharing also strengthens their collective identity as a mountain people that distinguishes them from those living in coastal areas. Failure to share leads to apprehensions of sorcery arising from jealousy and the fear of <i>malahau</i>, a kind of sanction given by ancestor spirits.

著者

前田 成文

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, no.2, pp.81-82, 1963-11-01 (Released:2019-07-09)

著者

中西 嘉宏

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.2, pp.240-246, 2019

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伊野憲治『ミャンマー民主化運動 --学生たちの苦悩, アウンサンスーチーの理想, 民のこころ』(めこん, 2018, 442p.)

著者

林 行夫

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.3, pp.349-370, 1985-12-31 (Released:2018-02-28)

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In the ritual complex of Don Daeng village, the funeral rites accompanying normal death are the most complicated of merit-making (tham bun) ceremonies, involving four stages of ritual: (1) rites held while the body is kept at home, (2) cremation rites, (3) collection of bones, (4) collective rites for transferring merit to the dead. Although these rites are household-centered, close kin and many other villagers collectively participate with material donations and cooperation. For the relatives of the dead, the hosts of the funeral rites, the main object is to make a lot of merit and transfer it to the deceased in order to ensure a good rebirth. They fulfill a moral obligation to the dead, because villagers believe that the average person cannot accumulate enough merit during life to ensure a good rebirth.  Many other villagers participate in funeral rites, by helping the deceased's relatives, in order to make merit for themselves. By their definition, every participant in a merit-making ceremony gains a share of the merit. They help the host of the funeral rites in various ways, especially in the ‘feast’ held at the house of the dead. In this situation they gain merit through the host of the rites, who donates material and monetary gifts to the monks of the temple. The transferring of merit to the deceased by relatives and the sharing of merit among other villagers are interwoven in these rites, and this leads to the social circulation of merit.

著者

伊賀 司

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.2, pp.279-282, 2017

著者

横倉 雅幸

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究センター

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.3, pp.272-314, 1992-12

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。

著者

矢野 暢

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究センター

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, no.3, pp.307-333, 1977

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。

著者

海田 能宏 ケシャブ・ラル・マハラジャン

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究センター

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, no.3, pp.403-416, 1990

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。

著者

杉島 敬志

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.2, pp.233-234, 2009-09-30 (Released:2017-10-31)

著者

矢野 暢

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究センター

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, no.1, pp.31-43, 1963

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。

著者

高谷 好一

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究センター

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.1, pp.307-326, 1996

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。

著者

久末 亮一

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.2, pp.204-222, 2006-09-30 (Released:2017-10-31)

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Overseas Chinese have been an important factor in the modern Asia-Pacific economy. Since the middle of the nineteenth century, remittances by overseas Chinese have gradually influenced the economy of the region; they have been important not only in amount but also in the effect of their multiple uses for trade and investment. In the latter sense, remittances by overseas Chinese have had a huge impact. Geographically, remittance funds flowed from throughout the Asia-Pacific to South China via Hong Kong. For example, Cantonese remittance houses in South East Asia, the Americas, and Oceania remitted funds to Hong Kong, from where they were retransferred to the Pearl River Delta. Such funds were used for purchase or investment in Canton or in other Chinese cities through the Cantonese networks. This is just one example. Each Chinese group had different routes and means of remittance but all funds, with different objectives, crossed paths in Hong Kong. This paper focuses mainly on the connection mechanisms of Cantonese Chinese remittances from Singapore to the Pearl River Delta via Hong Kong.

著者

福岡 まどか

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.1, pp.113-114, 2000-06-30 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

加藤 剛

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.1, pp.77-135, 1997-06-30 (Released:2018-01-31)

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Many of the cities in Southeast Asia were created by colonial powers or transformed from forts, port towns or even villages to modern cities during the colonial period. From around the turn of the century they exuded a strong European atmosphere as attested by a comment and a drawing (Fig. 1) made by Osano Sase-o, a Japanese cartoonist who accompanied the Japanese troops invading Batavia in March 1942.  How did the indigenous people perceive colonial cities, which were exogenous to Southeast Asia? This is the question I shall address here. In order to answer this question, specifically in relation to the Netherlands Indies, I review six novels, four published by Balai Poestaka and two by others, and try to glean common themes, topics, and expressions related to colonial cities. The six novels are Sitti Noerbaja—Kasih Ta'Sampai (1922) by Mh. Roesli, Salah Asoehan (1928) by Abdoel Moeis, Kalau Ta' Oentoeng (1933) by Selasi, Roesmala Dewi (Pertemoean Djawa dan Andalas) (1932) by S. Hardjosoemarto and A. Dt. Madjoindo, Student Hidjo (1919) by Marco Kartodikromo, and Rasa Merdika—Hikajat Soedjanmo (1924) by Soemantri. One reason why I chose these novels was that I had first editions at my disposal. As is exemplified by Sitti Noerbaja, there are sometimes marked differences between the first editions and the post-World-War-Two editions with respect to the usage or non-usage of terms and expressions evocative of the colonial period.  Results of the review show that the six novels have few passages directly describing the characteristics of colonial cities. However, it is remarkable that they more or less exclusively use the same term kota to refer to cities and towns. In contrast, most writings in the nineteenth century use the term negeri or negri for this purpose, which means “country” and “region” as well as “city” and “town.” This shows, it is suggested, that indigenous people already shared the same term and similar ideas about cities and towns by the time these novels were written.  Four themes or topics are gleaned from the six novels pertaining to images of colonial cities: love and “freedom”; the question of “I” or “saja”; modern education and administration; and clock time and western calendrical dates. The central theme of the novels revolves around love in the face of social convention and tradition. The hidden theme in this connection is freedom or merdeka. The story about the person who craves for the fulfillment of love, that is, freedom from social convention, is narrated in terms of “saja.” Other than Sitti Noerbaja, which generally uses “hamba” to describe “I,” the novels on the whole prefer “saja” to “hamba” or “akoe” in referring to “I.” It is argued that “saja” began to be used in the meaning of “I” by Europeans in translating European writings and stories into Malay and talking to the indigenous population in Malay. However, the Europeans tended to use “saja” only in talking to their equals or superiors; to their inferiors they tended to use “akoe.” The meaning of “saja” became more “democratized” as its usage spread among the indigenous population through schools, newspapers, political gatherings, meleséng (lectures and sermons) after Islamic Friday prayers, and so on.  Behind freedom and “I” at the center stage of the novels, there stand two themes seemingly constituting the background of the novels' stories. (View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

著者

Kassim Azizah

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.1, pp.52-88, 2009

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Over the past four decades Malaysia has seen a rise in the inflow of foreign nationals. Among them are a substantial number of refugees estimated to be between 57,000 and 70,500 in 2008. The refugees, who are largely fromneighbouring countries, are only found in Peninsula Malaysia and the eastern state of Sabah. This paper, which limits itself to Filipino refugees in Sabah examines state administration of the refugees, the various stereotypes accorded to them by the general public and the dilemma of the state over their future. The validity of these stereotypes is tested by looking at their daily lives viz. their family structure and composition, community organisations, economic activities and their interactions with "others" and the state. The negative impact of external constraints on their lives is highlighted, particularly the ambiguous legal status of second and third generation refugees born and bred in Sabah. By presenting the stark realities of their lives, the writer hopes to refute some public misconceptions about them and by doing so help the state overcome its dilemma over the future of the refugees. The paper is based on fieldworks carried out intermittently between 2003 and 2005.

著者

玉田 芳史

出版者

京都大学東南アジア研究センター

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.3, pp.376-377, 1992

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この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。

著者

桃木 至朗

出版者

京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.3, pp.241-265, 1988-12-31 (Released:2018-02-28)

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This essay discusses the local administrative system linking the central government to village society. The first section presents the basic materials and points out issues in earlier studies concerning this subject. The second section examines the naming and distribution of each kind of unit. Generally speaking, there were only two lanks: the upper units like phủ, châu etc. and basic units like hươhng, giáp etc. Basic units were communes which had not been reorganized by the central government. Upper units were nothing more than honorary titles conferred on important and strong basic units. In such a simple system, complicated Chinese ideas about local administrative organization gave rise to irregular naming and calling of the units, some of which, for example, lộ, were invalid. The third section analyzes the functions of governors of châu and phủ. There was no distant difference between châu mục or thủ līnh, local chieftains recognized by the central government, and trị châu, a governor temporarily appointed, either in ethnicity or in non-bureaucratic functions. However, some strategic positions outside the Red River delta, especially Thanh Hóa, were governed by subordinate officials who had given royal service in the first half of the 12th century.  In short, the local administrative system under the Lý dynasty was similar to that of muǎng states in Thai society, with a “feudal” relationship between the upper and lower units and, may be, “bureaucratic” administration inside the basic communes. In the last stage of Lý period in Vietnam, however, the germs of the bureaucratic local administration completed in the 15th century can be found, both in the Red River delta, where higher and wider units were formed, and in Thanh Hóa, where “patrimonial bureaucracy” was realized.

著者

岡田 雅志

出版者

京都大学

雑誌

東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.1, pp.3-38, 2012-07-31

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Tai muong (muang) societies in the valleys of Northwestern Vietnam provided sources of information which allowed Southeast Asian scholars such as Georges Condominas to establish models of the traditional political system in Mainland Southeast Asia. However, the muong model in their work only reflects the situation of societies in the colonial and post-colonial era. This article focuses on the case of Muʼòʼng Lò valley, which Black Tai people believe to be the first land reclaimed by their ancestors. It also re-examines how the muong structure was historically formed in the context of dynamic changes in the Sino-Southeast Asian macro-region since the 18th century, such as mass migration from China, booming inland trade and expanding lowland powers especially the Nguyê˜n dynasty. The examination of documents in Han Nom (including đia ba triê`u Nguyê˜n, land registers of the Nguyê˜n dynasty) and in old Tai shows that Mu ̇ ʼòʼng Lò valley originally had dual centers and the structure with a center-periphery hierarchy which Condominas called systèmes à emboîtement did not emerge until the early 19th century. It is arguable that adoption to the changes led to political cohesion in Muʼòʼng Lò valley.