著者

Yamanaka Hideya 桃山学院大学文学部

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

国際文化論集 = INTERCULTURAL STUDIES (ISSN:09170219)

巻号頁・発行日

no.24, pp.3-26, 2001-07-10

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In his presentation of the secondary grade curriculum for the young, the Athenian stranger refers to the matter, which it is disgraceful not to know: the problems concerning "the essential nature of the commensurable and the incommensurable." (820c) The reference appears immediately after the Athenian stranger's introduction to three branches of learning: arithmetic, geometry, and astrology (817e), whose detailed study is necessary for only 'a few' (818a). Referring to the instruction of the essential nature of the commensurable and the incommensurable, what matter did Plato exactly have in his mind? G. R. Morrow said that the introduction of the problem of incommensurable magnitudes to the curriculum was "an innovation to which Plato attaches peculiar importance" and also that although the belief that "all magnitudes are somehow commensurable with one another is natural to us," seeing that this belief is in fact false would be to rise above one's human nature." Although the saying seems to hit the mark, Morrow did not fully explain why Plato's introduction to the learning of incommensurable magnitudes was "an innovation" which had a "peculiar importance" and how the subject-matter of the incommensurable could "emancipate the student from his instinctive sense-bound beliefs and thus, ・・・・・・raise him above his human nature." (pp.346-7) However, it is worth listening to his other words which bear on the significance of mathematical thinking in the context of legislation: "the law, as we learn in the Philebus, results from the application of the Limit (περα〓) to an indefinitely varying qualitative continuum (απειρου), and the Limit is conceived of as analogous to mathematical order." The words could be settled more aptly in the context of the incommensurable. I insist that Plato here in the dialogue Laws, referring to the peculiar importance of the incommensurable, gives an inkling of the fact that the scientific knowledge of the incommensurable has an isomorphic property with that faculty that discerns "the identical element which pervades all the four virtues" (965c). That is to say, Plato identifies the method by which the nature of the incommensurable magnitudes can be explained as a significant model in order to "hold very tight and not to let go"(965d) until we can adequately explain the essential nature of the object existing as a unity. In other words, the detailed study of the incommensurable is of great advantage to 'a few' (818a) who are expected to be members of the Nocturnal Council and who "must not only be able to pay regard to the many, but must be able also to press towards the one (pros to hen) so as to discern it and, on discerning it, to survey and organize all the rest with a single eye to it" (965b), since the fruit of this offers them a convenient paradigm in medium of which they may master an isomorphic way in order to see the invisible one. Plato's reference to the problem of the incommensurable in the Laws is at first sight negative. After his labor to explain the necessity of a subject concerning the incommensurable, the Athenian stranger says that it is to be laid down provisionally only, 'like pledges capable of redemption, apart from the rest of our constitution, in case they fail to satisfy either us who enact them or you for whom they are enacted.' (820e). However, the utterance is paradoxical in the same way as the introduction of the Nocturnal Council in the closing books of the Laws appears paradoxically to be an appendix, whereas in reality the whole constitution of Magnesia is rooted in the Council. Both facts correspond to one another and put Plato's metaphysical thinking out of our sight. Focusing the implications of philosophical dimensions of the incommensurable in the Laws, I will try to bring them into the relevance to Plato's metaphysical thought in the other dialogues and the Seventh Letter VII, where the deepest tenet on the incommensurable or the cognate ideas make their appearance vividly.

著者

片平 幸 Miyuki Katahira 桃山学院大学国際教養学部

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

国際文化論集 (ISSN:09170219)

巻号頁・発行日

no.41, pp.105-131[含 英語文要旨], 2009-12

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This essay examines how gardens of Japan were perceived by Western authors in the 19th century, by analyzing the writings of Edward S. Morse (1838_1925), John La Farge (1835_1910), Basil H. Chamberlain (1850_1935), and Lafcadio Hearn (1850_1904), who also played an important role in introducing Japanese culture to Western readers. Japanese gardens had already been introduced by Josiah Conder, an English architect and the author of Landscape Gardening in Japan (1893). Conder methodically explained the history, composition, and ornaments of Japanese gardens as well as introducing some well known gardens in Japan. The essay will compare and analyze how the four authors described Japanese gardens, and also the impact of Conder's writing on them. Morse, a zoologist, described how stones were precisely placed in order to compose a whole garden, and interpreted such features as reflecting the "reserve and sense of propriety" of Japanese people, based on his observation. La Farge, an artist who initiated Japonisme in the United States, visited Nikko with Okakura Tenshin (1862_1913) and Ernest Fenollosa (1853_1908) and described how a garden is drawn from nature and expresses "the ideas of peace and chastity, quiet old age, connubial happiness, and the sweetness of solitude".Chamberlain, a linguist, and Hearn, known for his numerous and influential writings on Japan, each refers to Conder's book, yet there is a stark contrast in the way they described and interpreted Japanese gardens. In Things Japanese, Chamberlain summarized the principal points of Conder's writing and presented a brief digest of Japanese gardens in a rather indifferent manner. Hearn also extracted some essential points from Conder's writing, yet he beautifully described the garden of his house in Matsue, and emphasized that how to "feel" is a key to understanding Japanese gardens. Reflecting the influence of Spencer's ideas, Hearn argued that to appreciate Japanese gardens requires one to understand Japanese people's innate sensibility.

著者

井本 英一 Eiichi Imoto 桃山学院大学文学部(元)

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

国際文化論集 = INTERCULTURAL STUDIES (ISSN:09170219)

巻号頁・発行日

no.36, pp.1-32, 2007-06-20

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The color blue is seen on the borders of the inside and outside of a home, in this world and the next world, so it is the color of the funeral, the marriage and other rites. Messengers from the other world used to wear blue clothes, and maids or servants of this world had blue clothes on. The executioner's clothes had something blue and the condemned criminal's had, too. A sacrifice, human or animal, had something blue. A man on his deathbed would change his usual clothes for blue ones. The dead person was thought to be an offering to the gods. The color blue was the symbol of giving vigor and energy to the god. The blue colors were used from the royal divine families to the common people. On the New Year, Emperors of China and Japan put on blue clothes. The Virgin Mary also wore a blue mantle.

著者

橋内 武 Takeshi Hashiuchi 桃山学院大学国際教養学部

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

国際文化論集 = INTERCULTURAL STUDIES (ISSN:09170219)

巻号頁・発行日

no.43, pp.51-70, 2010-12-24

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This paper seeks to elucidate the recent language policies of the European Union and the Council of Europe. The European Union was founded upon the reconciliation between West Germany and France after World War II, while the Council of Europe has also been searching for world peace with human rights and good communication between nations. With its six member states, the European Economic Community recognized four official languages. As it developed with additional member states, the European Community, later renamed European Union, increased its official languages. The European Union now maintains its multilingual policy: it consists of 27 member states with 23 official languages. Some states have regional, co-official languages recognized by the European Commission. Both translation and interpretation are big official business in EU institutions such as the European Commission, the European Council, the European Parliament, and the European Court of Justice. Moreover, the EU supports multilingualism in education, cultural exchange, and labor migration. Its language education policy has been influenced by the proposals made by the Council of Europe. The Council of Europe has developed its language education policy in three stages : (1) The Threshold Level provided a functional basis for language learning. It led to notional syllabus and the communicative approach to language teaching. (2) With its can-do statements, the Common European Framework for Reference of Languages is a new model for describing and scaling language use and the different kinds of knowledge and skills required. (3) The most recent development is the emphasis on intercultural citizenship and the proposal of a new paradigm named Platform: all education and human development must be based on language. In short, the European Union is a multilingual supranational agency, which now encourages intercultural citizenship and a command of both "plurilingualism" and "pluriculturalism"- terms recently coined by the Council of Europe's Language Policy Division.

著者

山崎 充彦

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

国際文化論集 (ISSN:09170219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, pp.53-68, 1998-09-30

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Arthur Moeller van den Bruck erfuhr die politische Krise der Weimarer Zeit als Zeitgenosse. Eben diese Krise tritt in den Vordergrund der sich ihnen stellenden Probleme und Fragen daruber, wie man sich zu Demokratie, Liberalismus und Parlament verhalten solle. Fur Moeller van den Bruck ist die Kritik am Liberalismus und am Parlamentarismus ein Kernbegriff. Dadurch daβ er die Demokratie vom Liberalismus sowie den Parlamentarismus von der Demokratie getrennt hat und dadurch daβ er das Parteiensystem mit dem Parlamentarismus identifiziert hat, macht er sich den Parlamentarismus zur Kritik. Parteien, so begrundet er ihre Parlamentarismuskritik, seien korrupt, sie verzerrten den Wille des Volkes. Thema meiner Abhandlung sind die Betrachtungen Moeller van den Brucks zur Parlamentarismuskritik.

著者

青野 正明

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

国際文化論集 (ISSN:09170219)

巻号頁・発行日

no.37, pp.217-276, 2007-12-10

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1936 was a noteworthy year for the shrine policy of the Japanese Government-General of Korea, because a series of statutes intended to reorganize the shrine system were enacted or amended in that year. The author believes that this reorganization, which effectively created a legally-based shrine hierarchy in colonial Koea, was carried out in order to increase the number of shrines and thereby better mobilize Korean people to carry out the Government-General's policies. This paper presents a new approach to both the reasons for and the objectives of the shrine system's reorganization. Specifically, it analyzes the socalled policy of "Spiritual Field Exploitation" (心田開発), which was intended to revamp the Korean people's spiritual life in line with the rural promotion movement being promoted by the Government-General during the early 1930s. The reason for the author's stress on this point is that the decision to reorganize the shrine system was taken in the process of developing the policy of "spiritual field exploitation".

著者

深見 純生

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

国際文化論集 (ISSN:09170219)

巻号頁・発行日

no.28, pp.109-127, 2003-06-15

著者

高田 里惠子

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

国際文化論集 (ISSN:09170219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, pp.5-31, 1994-07-30

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Kenji Takahashi (1902〜 ) gilt in der auβerwissenschaftlichen Offentlichkeit als ein Exponent der japanischen Germanistik. Seine rege publizistische Tatigkeit, besonders die als Kommentator der nazistischen Literatur, wurde aber in der fachinternen Welt oft kritisiert. Und auch Takahashi selber verstand sich als AuBenseiter seiner Disziplin. Fur Takahashi, der schon als Student personlichen Kontakt mit japanischen liberal gesinnten Literaten hatte, war der Akademismus der Kaiserlichen Universitat fremd. Daβ wahrer Akademismus und offentlichkeitswirksamer Habitus Gegensatze darstellen, ist lediglich ein gelaufiges Schema. Wichtig ist die Tatsache, daβ trotz dieser Gegensatze Takahashi und die Kaiserliche Universitat Tokio bei der Einfuhrung der nazistischen Kultur zusammenwirkten. In dem vorliegenden Aufsatz soll untersucht werden, wie und warum diese seltsame Kollaboration entstehen konnte. In der Nazi-Zeit sahen Takahashi und auch Kinji Kimura (Ordinarius am Germanistischen Seminar der Kaiserlichen Universitat Tokio) die Legitimation der japanischen Germanistik, die sich an der national-volkischen Germanistik des Dritten Reiches orientieren musse, extern begrundet, d. h. als Beitrag zur Bildung des japanischen Nationalismus. Sowohl Takahashis Liberalismus, als auch Kimuras Akademismus waren plotzlich nicht mehr vorhanden. Gerade ein solcher Legitimationsdruck bildet den Kern der Geschichte der japanischen Germanistik, was notwendigerweise in der Nazi-Zeit ans Licht kam. Die Philosophische Fakultat nahm in der Hierarchie der Kaiserlichen Universitat, deren Ziel in der moglichst schnellen Modernisierung Japans bestand, den untersten Platz ein. Gleichzeitig war die Philosophische Fakultat, besonders das Germanistische Seminar, weit entfernt von der zeitgenossischen literarischen Szene. Die moderne Literatur, die mehr oder weniger die einseitige Modernisierung scharf kritisierte, stand im Gegensatz zum Prinzip der Kaiserlichen Universitat. Die Philosophische Fakultat an der Kaiserlichen Universitat wurde also doppelt als Versager stigmatisiert. Hinzuzufugen ist hier, daβ die deutsche Sprache, ganz getrennt von der deutschen Literatur, bei der Verwestlichung des modernen Japan eine besondere Rolle spielen muβte. Deutschlehrer zu sein, hat damals die Zerrissenheit der japanischen Intellektuellen symbolisiert. Der Grund dafur, warum japanische Deutschlehrer (Germanisten) so unkritisch mit den Nationalsozialisten zusammenarbeiteten, kann in der unglucklichen Entstehungsgeschichte der japanischen Germanistk selbst gefunden werden.

著者

松浦 玲

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

国際文化論集 (ISSN:09170219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, pp.67-88, 1990-08-30

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America came to stage of political issue before Holland to involve Japan to new relationship of international treaties. But making good use of vested rights of contnuing trade at Nagasaki under the control of Tokugawa government, Holland intended to make a treaty of commerce, before America. Holland had an advantage because Japan consulted Holland for the establishment of the Japanese Navy. This paper begins with historical research of time when Pels Rijcken started training the Japanese Navy at Nagasaki. Secondly, relating to the above research, it brings into focus that captain Fabius, at the same time, mysteriously acted on the treaties issue. Lastly it states that Kattendijke was the last instructor for the Japanese Navy by a Duch man. He was seriously anxious about a military British treat to Japan and visited Shanghai to obtain information. It shows that Naval War Captain in those days should be a good politician as well. Although Holland did not succed to make a teraty of commerce before America did, it devoted itself to make political efforts to oppose British and American threat to Japan and to educate the Japanese Navy. As a result, Hollandhad peculiar influence to Japanese Naval students such as katsu Kaisyuu.

著者

取屋 淳子

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

国際文化論集 (ISSN:09170219)

巻号頁・発行日

no.35, pp.101-122, 2006-12-05

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In this study of the globalization of "Miyazaki Anime", I focus on MiyazakiHayao's twin masterpieces "Spirited Away" (『千と千尋の神隠し』; 2001),which achieved astonishing box-office returns of more than 30 billion yen, and"Princess Mononoke" (『もののけ姫』; 1997), which was also a top box-officehit in Japan and became the first of Miyazaki's works to become widely popularoutside Japan. The core of the study is a comparative analysis of how thetwo works, both of which were set in Japan, were received in three differentcultures : Japan, the USA, and Taiwan.Using a comparative-culture viewpoint to investigate the true nature ofwhat is called the "globalization of Miyazaki Anime", the research indicatedthat the reception of the two movies was strongly influenced by cultural traitsin the three cultures examined. Moreover, it was found that the degree andnature of understanding of a work outside its native culture tended to bestrongly affected by things like editing and translation, resulting in images thatsometimes seemed quite different from the original. In other words, "globalization"went hand in hand with "localization", and the degree of understandingof a particular work differed according to how closely it approached local culturalnorms. Although it is natural to feel distant from a work originating inanother culture, if the work can be made to include even a small number ofelements with which local people can empathize even while they find otherelements incongruous, it will help them to understand that work. When theelement they empathize with is the core of the story, the work gains thepower of speaking to those people as strongly as it spoke to the people in theoriginal culture.Japanese people familiar with Miyazaki's works and with Miyazaki's policyof allowing audiences to make their own conclusions about the "meaning" ofa particular movie may regret the changes brought by such things as the additionof extra lines and the culturally-influenced translation introduced byDisney, the distributors of his movies in the USA. On the other hand, whateverwas lost from the original as a result of such changes it can also be arguedthat they resulted in a deeper understanding of the movies outside Japan, andMiyazaki himself seems to have concurred in this view. This is because audiencesof a particular movie originating in a culture that is not their own willinstinctively seek elements that concur with their own cultural understanding.To the degree that they find such elements, even if they continue to experiencesome elements of "strangeness", the movie will be a success, andcan then be said to have been successfully "localized", which is to say"globalized".The study found that, because of historical and geographical factors, the degreeof understanding of and empathy with Miyazaki's movies tended to bestronger in Taiwan than in the USA, particularly in the case of "SpiritedAway". For Japanese audiences, Miyazaki's movies have a timeless qualitythat resulted in their becoming such monster hits. Although, commerciallyspeaking they did not have the same success outside Japan, receipt of theAcademy Award for animation together with the high critical acclaim themovie enjoyed in both cultures (as well as in the rest of the world) indicatesthat Miyazaki's movies successfully navigated the process of "globalization" /"localization", and became movies that could be enjoyed on the world stage.

著者

小田 亮

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

国際文化論集 (ISSN:09170219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, pp.37-66, 1990-03-01

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This paper aims to explain a correlation between the social division of ritual services on "purification" and the social connotations of "pollution", a form of ritual states of danger. In chapter I, we see the cases of performers of purification among three African societies; the Kaguru, the Nuer, and the Bambara. Among the Kaguru, 'joking partners' (watani), presons who stand reciprocal' joking relationship' with one another, conduct the ritual services to purify the pollution of death, incest, crime or witchcraft. Watani have "strangerness" and aren't regarded as pariha. Among the Nuer, the 'leopardskin chief or priest' conducts purification rituals. They are "strangers" in the communities where they live. Unlike watani leopardskin priests are specializing in purification, but, like watani, have strangerness. The Bambara society consists of three categories of people; freemen (horon), artisans (nyamakala) and slaves (djon). Among the Bambara, nyamakala, who conduct ritual srevices of purification for horon, are a kind of pariha. They are travelling "market people", and "strangers" to communities of freemen. In short, all these executors of ritual purificatuion among three societies above have "strangerness", but only Bambara nyamakala are held in contempt and, in some sense, awe others. That is, all "strangers" who execute purifying rituals are not regarded as awesome, nor as pariha. Then, what makes certain executors to be pariha and awesome? To answer this question, we must know three "ideal types" of "exchange"; market exchange, reciprocity, and redistribution, and know chieftainship from kingship. The discrimination of the types of "exchange" furnishes the ideal types of social domains; "liminal domain" or "the space of muen" where market exchange takes place, "the space of giri" where the rule of reciprocity dominates, and "domestic domain" or "the space of on". And the ritual danger of pollution can spead and affect within the domestic domain or the space of redistribution in which the pollusion arose. Persons or objects in "liminal domains" are free from the danger. This is why the executors of purification have "strangerness". Kingship, which produces the total redistribution system including liminal domains in the kingdom, stands in a dilemma. Because, only to the king, who stands on the top of the total redistribution system, "liminal domains" turn out to be "domestic domains", and the body of the king can be affected by all the pollution which every community in the kingdom throw into the liminal domains. It is "scapegoat mechanism" that can solve the kingship dilemma. The scapegoat that are connected with the king and live in the liminal domains are burdened with purification for the king. They appear as pariha in the total redistribution system, because they are alienated by the connection with the kingship from each community of which the kingdom consists.

著者

今澤 浩二 Koji Imazawa

雑誌

国際文化論集 = INTERCULTURAL STUDIES (ISSN:09170219)

巻号頁・発行日

no.44, pp.1-27, 2011-06-14

著者

蔵田 雅彦 Masahiko Kurata

雑誌

国際文化論集 = INTERCULTURAL STUDIES (ISSN:09170219)

巻号頁・発行日

no.2, pp.27-65, 1990-08-30

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Prompted largely by the illness and subsequent death of the Showa Emperor, discussions have recently been flourishing in academic circles concerning the nature of the Emperor System. While researchers of Japanese medieval history and anthropologists have attempted to present a new paradigm for study of the Emperor System, the author of this article attempts to present another perspective: that of the victims of Japanese colonial rule in Asia. The author takes the view that the Emperor System provided the ideological backbone for Japanese colonial rule in Asia, and more particularly in Korea. In order to show the irreconcilable nature of the conflict between the Emperor System and Korean Christianity, Christianity in Japan and Korea are contrasted in terms of their attitudes to the Emperor System. The characteristics of the Emperor System are summarised in terms of its ultra-nationalistic nature, its aggressive militarist nature, and its religiosity. Korean Christianity could not but come into conflict with such a system of values because of its nationalistic tradition, its inherently pacifist nature, and its conservative, or often fundamentalist type of faith. In order to understand the background of Japanese colonial rule, it is necessary in the first place to look into the process of formation of the modern Emperor System and State Shintoism following the Meiji Restoration. Here it is important to note that State Shintoism was considered as transcending ordinary religions, that is, denominational Shintoism, Buddhism and Christianity. Equally important is the fact that the freedom of religion stipulated in the Meiji Constitution was granted only within the framework of the Emperor System. It is no coincidence that Ito Hirobumi, who drafted the Meiji Constitution, became the first Resident-General in Korea and advocated the separation of religion and politics in order to prevent the missionaries from intervening in nationalist politics. Japanese churches were by and large integrated into the Emperor System and in order to avoid conflict with it they either fell into syncretism, accommodating Emperor worship and Shintoism in the form of Japanised Christianity, or concentrated on purely theological matters. Japanese Christians who were persecuted, especially during the war period, were mainly individual Christians or those who belonged to small sects or denominations with strong fundamentalist and eschatological faith. Since Japanese colonial rule in Korea functioned essentially as an extension of the Emperor System, the religious policy of the Government General in Korea needs to be analysed in such a context. Furthermore, the characteristics of Korean Christianity in terms of its faith and theology need to be evaluated in the light of its conflict with the ideological overtones of the externally-imposed Emperor System. In brief, Korean Christianity came into conflict with the Emperor System mainly on three grounds. Firstly, its nationalistic character came into conflict with the Emperor System's ultra-nationalism supported by State Shintoism. Secondly, the conservative and often fundamentalist nature of Korean Christians' faith could not but clash with the equally fundamentalist and uncompromising system of religious values of the Emperor System. Thirdly, Christians' love of peace contradicted with the aggressive policy of the Emperor System which rationalised colonial aggression and the war of aggression in the name of maintaining peace in Asia. Thus, a comparative study of Christians' conflict with the Emperor System both in Japan and colonial Korea reveals the fundamentalist nature of the Emperor System's ideology, which was nevertheless sharply challenged by the equally fundamentalist faith combined with an eschatological and nationalistic vision held by Korean Christians.

著者

小田 亮 Makoto ODA

雑誌

国際文化論集 = INTERCULTURAL STUDIES (ISSN:09170219)

巻号頁・発行日

no.6, pp.55-72, 1992-07-20

著者

赤瀬 雅子 Masako AKASE 桃山学院大学文学部

雑誌

国際文化論集 = INTERCULTURAL STUDIES (ISSN:09170219)

巻号頁・発行日

no.14, pp.163-171, 1996-09-30

著者

侯 巧紅 Qiao Hong Hou

雑誌

国際文化論集 = INTERCULTURAL STUDIES (ISSN:09170219)

巻号頁・発行日

no.33, pp.1-22, 2005-12-20

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King Sibi is crazy about `giving things to others' (布施), and Indra, the emperor of gods in Heaven, wants to know his intention. So he takes the shape of a hawk and his vassal takes the shape of a dove. Pursued by the hawk, the dove flies into the armpit of King Sibi to seek his protection. The hawk demands return of his prey, but King Sibi refuses, saying that it is his duty to protect all living beings. The hawk retorts that he is also a living being and needs flesh to live.Thereupon King Sibi proposes to offer his own flesh. The hawk accepts the proposal on condition that the flesh which he gets from King Sibi should be equal in weight to that of the dove. A scale is brought in and the dove is put on one side of it. King Sibi takes a portion of flesh from his own thigh and puts it on the other side of the scale. But the scale does not balance. Although he repeatedly adds his flesh, the scale is always inclined towards the side of thedove. Finally King Sibi puts his whole bloodstained body on the scale. Seeing that his `act of giving' has reached the ultimate level, the hawk is at last convinced that King Sibi earnestly wishes to become a buddha. The hawk and the dove resume their proper forms and return to Heaven. This is the story of Sibi as found in the Da-zhi-du-lun (大智度論) of Kumaraji va(鳩摩羅什344_413).In China this story has been handed down in many variants, among which one is worthy of special ttention. It is the story as told in the Liu-du-ji-jing (六度集經). Indra who appears there is very unique in his motive for testing a king called "Sarvadatta." This Indra is anxious about his own future and apprehensive that the king may aim at becoming Indra. If the king becomes another Indra, the present one has to lose his position. As the king has fortunately proved his wish to become a buddha, Indra feels relieved and returns to Heaven together with his vassal.

著者

小林 信彦 Nobuhiko Kobayashi

雑誌

国際文化論集 = INTERCULTURAL STUDIES (ISSN:09170219)

巻号頁・発行日

no.29, pp.85-138, 2003-12-20

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Akutagawa Ryunosuke(芥川龍之介 1892 1927) used a Japanese translation of The Spider-web, a Buddhist tale by Paul Carus (1852 1919), when he wrote Kumo-no-ito (蜘蛛の糸), his first work for children. Modern philological studies of Buddhism originated in Europe and excellent research results were produced there. Having taken advantage of them, Carus knew much about ancient Buddhist literature. According to the latest paper of Nagao Kayoko (長尾佳代子), his tale is faithful to the Buddhist tradition and coherent as a whole. On the other hand, Akutagawa, ignorant of Buddhist literature, missed Carus's points and failed to construct a coherent new story. In spite of its high reputation among critics, his Kumo-no-ito is a failure because of its inconsistency.

著者

山崎 充彦 Mitsuhiko YAMAZAKI

雑誌

国際文化論集 = INTERCULTURAL STUDIES (ISSN:09170219)

巻号頁・発行日

no.17, pp.43-54, 1998-02-28

著者

赤瀬 雅子 Masako AKASE

雑誌

国際文化論集 = INTERCULTURAL STUDIES (ISSN:09170219)

巻号頁・発行日

no.13, pp.3-26, 1996-01-30

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Dans l'histoire litteraire japonaise, KISHIDA Kunio (1890-1954) a ete probablement le premier dramaturge japonais a ecrire des pieces de style occidental. Avant lui, mis a part quelques pieces experimentales, presque toutes les pieces japonaises etaient semblables au modele du "kabuki". Autrement dit, le public n'aimais que les spectacles ravis-sants et emprunts de raffinement. KISHIDA Kunio est ne dans une famille d'anciens bushis de Kishuhan (la classe des chevaliers de grand domaine, apparentee aux Tokugawa). Son pere etait officier d'artillerie et voulait fermement que son fils devienne egalement officier. C'est pourquoi a l'age de 16 ans, KISHIDA entra a l'ecole militaire sur l' ordre de son pere. Pendant quelques annees, il apprit le francais et lu beaucoup d' oeuvres litteraires francaises. Toutefois, il abandonna ses etudes a l' ecole militaire superieure et devint etudiant a la faculte des lettres de l'universite de Tokyo puis son pere le chassa de la maison et KISHIDA Kunio du desormais travailler pour se nourir et gagner sa vie. En 1919, a Yokohama, il prit un bateau francais pour aller a Paris mais il ne put s'y rendre directement car il devait travailler en route. Il fit done escale a Hongkong a Haiphong. Il arriva enfin a Paris en 1920 et rendit visite a Jacques COPEAU dont il devait suivre les cours de son Ecole de Theatre du Vieux Colombier. En 1922, recevant la nouvelle de la mort de son pere, il decida de quitter la France pour retourner chez lui, mais en realite il ne rentra au Japon qu'en 1923. La meme annee, il publia sa premiere piece "Le vieux jouet" qui connut rapidement le succes, puis ensuite il ecrivit une deuxieme piece: "Un automne au Tyrol". Par ces deux oeuvres, il fut reconnu comme dramaturge anti-realiste. Surtout "Un automne au Tyrol" constitue un des chefs-d'oeuvre de cet ecrivain. Dans un petit hotel du Tyrol, un japonais et une europeenne se rencontrent et se quittent sans amour et sans haine. Leur seul point commun est qu'ils sont deracines de leur pays natal. Les dialogues nous montrent cet esprit subtil fait de raffinement. C'est en 1927 qu'il publia une piece intitulee "Le journal des feuilles mortes" et neuf ans plus tard, un roman exactement le meme titre. Dans son pays natal, le Japon, il reussit comme dramaturge et fut toujours tres fidere a l'esprit de ses premiers oeuvres.

著者

Sumio Fukami

雑誌

国際文化論集 = INTERCULTURAL STUDIES (ISSN:09170219)

巻号頁・発行日

no.43, pp.1-22, 2010-12-24

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As early as the 2nd century BCE, the name of kapur barus (camphor), a product of the tropical rainforest of insular Southeast Asia, had become established as a rare international trading item and was being mentioned in Chinese texts in its Chinese transliteration of guobu. We can also assert with confidence that, by the early years of the 1st century CE, the island of Pisang, an important navigational point on the sea-route through the strategic Malacca Strait, was being referred to in Chinese texts in its Chinese rendering of pizong. The fact that the earliest Indonesian words to be mentioned in Chinese texts are kapur and pisang is no mere coincidence. Rather, it illustrates the crucial role played by the Malacca Strait region - or, to put it differently, the Indonesia-Malaysia region - in East-West oceanic trading and transportation. As well as furnishing the products that would feature as the trading commodities of East-West exchange, this region also played an essential role in providing the route that made such trading activities possible. An examination of the Indonesian word kapur barus has revealed that the Malacca Strait region had already begun to play such a dual role in East-West oceanic trade by at least the 2nd century BCE.