著者

柴山 栄

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, no.2, pp.49-63,167, 1975 (Released:2010-03-12)

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C. H. Gordon holds that the early Hebrews and the early Greeks share a common East Mediterranean heritage. We can find the parallels that form the core of his “Before the Bible” fit into a historical frame work in the wake of the Amarna Age during the closing centuries of the second millennium.However, it is quite true that prior to the Amarna Age (i. e. before 1400 B. C.) a kind of international order of commerce was formed to let Canaanite, Syrian, Mesopotamian, Anatolian, Aegean and the other cultures meet around the East Mediterranean. That is what we can make sure of according to Mari texts in the eighteenth century B. C.Mari texts tell us that such international order of commerce had been formed during the beginning centuries of the second millennium before the Amarna Age synthesis which Gordon called appeared.Some aspects of the common culture we notice in the areas mentioned above. Musical instrument “kinnaru” is one of them.

著者

小山 彰

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.1, pp.22-45, 2008-09-30 (Released:2014-03-30)

参考文献数

25

被引用文献数

2

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In Middle Egyptian grammar, the sḏm pw ir.n=f-construction (its passive form is sḏm pw iry) is a well-known narrative construction. Until now this construction has been regarded as a bipartite A pw or a tripartite A pw B nominal sentence. The purpose of this paper is to try a new approach to the sḏm pw ir.n=f-construction; it investigates the possibility of grouping this construction with the Spw-constructions, which were previously discussed in this Bulletin (Vol.49 No.1). The following is a summary of the main conclusions in this paper.(1) The sḏm pw ir.n=f-construction is an Spw-construction into which a (monopartite nominal) sentence sḏm ir.n=f/iry is embedded.(2) The semantic functions of the sḏm pw ir.n=f-construction correspond to two of the subdivisions which the semantic functions of the Spw-constructions show.i) The speaker/writer (S/W) presents to the hearer/reader (H/R) a state of affairs described by the embedded sentence (Q); Q is related to the preceding context (P).ex. ḫr m-ḫt spr=f r ẖnw `ḳ pw ir.n s3-nswt Ḥr-dd=f r smit (Westc. 8 6-7)Now when he arrived at the royal Residence (P), the king's son Hordedef entered to report (Q).ii) S/W presents Q to H/R; Q is not related to a previous P.ex. The beginning of a new episode:`ḥ` p[w] ir.n s3-nswt Ḥr-dd=f r mdt (Westc. 6 22-23)(Now) the king's son Hordedef stood up to speak (Q).(3) The sḏm pw ir.n=f-construction is in complementar ydistribution with the “perfect” Spw-constructions (ink pw sḏm.n=i/h3.kwi, NP pw sḏm.n=f, sḏm.n=f pw, etc.) with respect to the combination patterns of the kinds of verbs (transitive verbs, verbs of motion, or other intransitive verbs) and the kinds of agents (1st personal pronoun, 3rd personal/indefinite pro-nouns, or noun phrases) that it can take.

著者

福田 義昭

出版者

学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.1, pp.139-154, 1997

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Najib Mahfuz's <i>Tharthara fawq al-Nil</i>, published in 1966, has always been regarded as a "prophetic" novel of Egypt's defeat in the 1967 War. It is basically a satirical novel depicting Egyptian society and its intelligentsia under Nasser's regime in the 60's. It is, however, important to read <i>Tharthara</i> not as a mere political satire, but as a novel of universal nature which narrates artistically a story about the everlasting confrontation between "linear time" and "cyclical time" or between "sense" and "nonsense."<br>The whole structure of the novel can be reduced to the confrontation between (linear time-seriousness-sense-Samara) and (cyclical time-jest-nonsense-Anis). Although some critics say that Anis had changed his position and become serious at the end of the story, it is evident from a close reading of the text that he does not really want to do so. Rather, it is better to regard him as a fool or a trickster, and confine his role to that of giving a hint or an implication.<br>Another important aspect of this novel is its metafictional devices: Samara's scenario of a play and the characters' debate on the drama in Egypt. These devices violate the frame of the novel itself and deconstruct it to make every reading uncertain.<br>It should, then, be concluded that <i>Tharthara</i> is a novel which lays stress on uncertainty itself and that the "prophecy" of the novel, if there is any, originates from this very ambiguity.

著者

森 雅子

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.1, pp.148-160, 1988

著者

井谷 鋼造

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.1, pp.1-20, 1987-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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After the death of Sultan ‘Ala’ al-Din Kayqubad I, his eldest son Ghiyath al-Din Kaykhusraw ascended the throne against his father's will and his supporters became powerful in Rum Saltanat of Saljuq dynasty. Among them Sa'd al-Din Köpek seized the greatest power and killed the late sultan's Ayyubid wife 'Adiliya, Kamal al-Din Kamyar, parwana and atabeg of Kaykhusraw, putting such persons in prison as the two sons of 'Adiliya, Qaymari the Kurdish chief, and Qayïr Khan the leader of Khwarazmian soldiers. These political events mean that the influence of the late sultan Kayqubad was to be removed during the first two years of Kaykhusraw's reign and as a result Kaykhusraw's Saltanat lost its military power.Then in autumn of 1240 the revolt of Baba happened in the basin of Euphrates and soon reached to the central parts of Anatolia. Rum Saltanat's troops were defeated four times and unable to suppress the revolt, while they were successful in capture of its charismatic leader Baba Ishaq Khariji and put him to death in Amasiya. The final battle was fought in the desert of Maliya near Qïrshahr and the followers of Baba, most of them Turkman nomads, were annihilated together with thier families and livestock. After the painful victory over the revolt of Baba, Kaykhusraw's Saltanat became more active than before in its military phase against the Khwarazmians and the Ayyubid maliks in Diyar Bakr.From the historical point of view the revolt of Baba was not the prelude to the approaching Mongol invasion, but its disastrous end led to the establishment of Kaykhusraw's power in Rum Saltanat.

著者

小澤 一郎

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.1, pp.40-56, 2016

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<p>The arms trade in the Persian Gulf experienced a drastic expansion in the mid-1890s, and emerged as an important issue for the polities around the Gulf. This study investigated the factors giving rise to and sustaining this trade. Analysis was conducted from the perspective of the attempts of the Qajar dynasty of Iran to suppress the trade on the Gulfs northern shore.</p><p> The Qajar government's initial suppressive attempts remained unsuccessful, revealing the two factors sustaining the trade: first, the complicated interests within the Qajar government concerning the profits from the trade, and second, the difficulty in regulation that arose from the trade's international nature, namely, the existence of Muscat as a "loophole." This situation led the Qajar government to cooperate with the British Empire. Besides strengthening the existing suppressive measures, the Qajar government permitted the British Navy's activities in its territorial waters. Furthermore, a joint Qajar-British request was communicated to the Muscat government in December 1897 asking for the introduction of more effective suppressive measures. However, the joint request did not bring about the expected result, although the various interests within the Qajar government had been reconfigured and ceased to promote the arms trade by that time. This was probably due to the trade's economic importance for the Muscat government, the Muscat government's treaty obligations to the other great powers, and the noncooperation of France. This failure guaranteed the continuation of the trade itself, which became less visible and accelerated the influx of modern arms into southern Iran.</p><p> In conclusion, the author asserts that the development and the failure of the measures taken to suppress the Persian Gulf arms trade reflected not only the characteristics of the arms trade, but also the nature of the regional order of the Persian Gulf at that time.</p>

著者

青島 忠一朗

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.1, pp.14-26, 2016

被引用文献数

1

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<p>This paper discusses how the accounts of rebellion in Assyrian royal inscriptions were described and manipulated, taking the Annals of Ashurnasirpal II as an example.</p><p> Accounts that deal with rebellions can be divided into two types : 1) those where the suppression of the rebellion is clearly mentioned, and 2) those where a punitive expedition is presented in a way to suggest that the military activity is unrelated to a rebellion. Those of the first type present putting down rebellious acts that disturb the world order as the reason for the campaign. By describing those acts the accounts put enemy in the wrong and justify the military activity of the king.</p><p> Those of the second type, where the rebellion is concealed, include not only accounts of unsuccessful punitive expeditions, but also those of campaigns that fulfilled their aim. A number of rebellions in the same region, even if the king subjugated them each time, might expose the incompetency of the king and the fragility of his rule. Since this does not lend itself to royal praise, the accounts describe only the last rebellion in a certain region as such.</p><p> The failure to mention the rebellion in the account was not merely intended to cover up an unfavorable fact, but was also utilized to glorify a royal deed. If a description of the rebellion is left out of an account, it is indistinguishable from the account of a campaign against a foreign land. The punitive expedition is thus described as if it was a military activity against an unsubmissive ruler. In particular, through first hiding and then mentioning rebellions, the suppression of repeated rebellions in the same region is transformed into the conquest of "unsubmissive" land and the stabilization of the kings rule through the elimination of the rebel.</p>

著者

高橋 寿光 西坂 朗子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.1, pp.2-13, 2016

被引用文献数

1

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<p>The second boat pit of Khufu is located on the south side of the pyramid of Khufu at Giza, Egypt. In 2011, the cover stones of the second boat pit were lifted up by the Japanese-Egyptian joint mission. The graffiti in red, yellow and black inks were recognized on some of the cover stones. It is well known that the graffiti written on building stones provide information about transportation procedures and workmen involved in the work. This paper aims to examine the graffiti on the cover stones in order to understand transportation process and workmen responsible for these works.</p><p> The graffiti on the cover stones can be chronologically divided into at least two stages by observing the surface treatment of each cover stones. The stone surfaces which show the older stage were roughly shaped. On the other hand, the surfaces at new stage were carefully smoothed. According to observation, it was presumed that the old stage corresponds to the phase from quarry to workshop and the new stage coincides with the phase after shaping stones at workshop.</p><p> The old stage graffiti include the simple signs such as "ankh," "hetep," "nefer" which seem to represent the team of workmen in charge of transporting stones. The destination marks in old stage such as "pyramid," "temple" instruct transportation from quarry to pyramid area. The graffiti in new stage include inscriptions with the name of Khufu or Dedefra which represent the workmen in charge of drugging stones in the pyramid area. The destination marks include "boat" or "boat-pit" which seems to indicate the instructions of delivery to the second boat pit.</p><p> The study of graffiti on the cover stones from second boat pit suggest that two distinctive organizations were involved in the transportation of stones from quarry to the building site at Giza.</p>

著者

小池 やよい

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.1, pp.123-139, 1987-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

吉田 京子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.1, pp.89-102, 2000-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Muhammad b. 'Ali b. Husayn b. Babuyah al-Qummi (d. 381/991-2), known as Ibn Babuyah or al-Shaykh al-Saduq, is the author of the Man la yahdurh al-faqih, one of the four canonical collections of Shi'ite hadith, and regarded as one of the foremost traditionists among the Twelver Shi'a. However, in the early rijal works, Ibn Babuyah had been authorized merely as “jalil”, that is, important. On the other hand, two other compillers of the four canonical collections, al-Kulayni and al-Shaykh al-Ta'ifah al-Tusi (d. 460/1067-8), enjoyed the highest esteem “thiqah” which means fully trustworthy in the transmission of hadith.To find the reason of his appparently lower evalutaion, the present study focuses on the question of ghaybah, comparing Ibn Babuyah's approach to traditions in Kamal al-din wa-tamam al-ni'mah with that of al-Shaykh al-Ta'ifah al-Tusi in Kitab al-ghaybah, who himself appreciated Ibn Babuyah “jalil” in his Fihrist.Ibn Babuyah made the best use of traditions to define, clarify and verify the twelfth Imam's ghaybah as a corporeal incident, claiming that only through ‘hearing’ traditions, the words of the Prophet and Imams, man can obtain true knowledge with the help of Divine grace.On the other hand, al-Tusi had much less confidence in traditions and made them supplementary. Following the rational method of his teachers such as al-Shaykh al-Mufid and al-Murtada, he tried to solve the problems caused by Imam's ghaybah by using mainly human reason.Considering the differece of their approaches to traditions, it can be said that the split between pre-Akhbaris and Usulis had already started since then, and that this caused the judgement of Ibn Babuyah as jalil.

著者

伊藤 義教

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, no.1, pp.1-21,89, 1966

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In Gathica 1. <i>xšmavato</i>, the present writer has come to the conclusion that <i>xšmavato</i> should be taken as nom., voc. or acc. P1. of <i>xšmavat</i>- "Your Highness", and not as abl. -gen. sg. of <i>xšmavat</i>- "resembling you, your-like, your adherent" (adj.) as is generally accepted. See my paradigm (p. 5.) of all the pronominal stems suffixed with -<i>vant</i>-. —In Gathica 2. <i>aka</i>, rejecting all of the interpretations proposed thus far, the present writer has pointed out the fact that the Gathic <i>aka</i> has retained its primordial meaning "to show, make clear", so that it may be regarded as an infinitive (abl. -gen. sg. of <i>aka</i>-) "in order to show, for showing". It is only in yAv. that what is meant by <i>aka</i> came near to what is meant by Pahl. <i>akas</i> "clear, evident". —In Gathica 3. <i>manaroiš</i>, the writer has derived <i>manari</i>-from <i>mru</i>-/<i>mrav</i>- (Skt. <i>bru</i>-) "to speak" (<i>mru</i>->[after the pattern of ³<i>dar</i>-><i>dadari</i>-] <i>mamravi</i>->[with the metathesis of <i>ra</i>><i>ar</i> prior to <i>aui</i>><i>aoi</i>] <i>mamarvi</i>->[with the assimilation of <i>v</i> to <i>i</i> in <i>vi</i>><i>yi</i>]<i>mamaryi</i>-><i>mamari</i>->[with the dissimilation of <i>m</i>><i>n</i>]<i>manari</i>-). The hapax <i>manaroiš</i> (Y. 48₁₀ a) would then mean "away <i>or</i> separating from crying".<br>The translation of several passages should suffice as examples showing my interpretation.<br>Y. 44₁, <i>bc</i>: "By-virtue-of-(my)veneration—such-as the veneration (in general should be)—, o Your-Highness (<i>xšmavato</i>), o Mazda-, may Thy-Highness (θ<i>wavas</i>) tell to (Thy) friend, i. e. to myhumble-self (<i>mavaite</i>)!"<br>Y. 51₁₃ <i>bc</i>: "(the <i>dregvant</i>) whose soul shall become angry at (him) at the Cinvat Bridge, in order to show (<i>aka</i>) (thus): 'With the deed of (thy) own as well as of (thy) tongue thouhast-gone-astray from the way of justice'."<br>Y. 50₂ <i>cd</i>: "Those-living-rightly with justice among the many keeping off the sun —in order to show them (<i>akasteng</i> i. e. <i>akas teng</i>) mayest Thou make me arrive at the gifts of givers!"<br>Y. 48₁₀ <i>a</i>: "When, o Mazda, shall the warriors attend-the-sacrifice, separating-from-(their) crying (<i>manaroiš</i>)?" that is, "The warriors are now adhering to the old cult in which cry is raised to kill the ox. When shall they separate from such a religious custom in order to attend our newly established cult?"

著者

赤堀 雅幸

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.1, pp.165-168, 2009

被引用文献数

1

著者

須永 梅尾

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.2, pp.69-84,203, 1976

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We shall come across the Manichaean texts of the Middle Persian, Coptic, Greek, and Arabian. In these texts specially we find several words, Nrjmyg, SAIŠ Συζυγος, Tawm as the Mediator between the Father of Light and the Apostle (Mani). The six translations of these words is (1) Twin or Pair, (2) Familiar, (3) Double, (4) Companion, (5) Consort, (6) Angel. The texts about these words is the Middle Persian fragmentary texts "M49 II", Coptic texts "Manichäische Homilien", "Manichaean Psalm-Book" and "Kephalaia" and new Greek texts "Kölner Codex".<br>From these texts I may conclude that the Twin as the Mediator of Mani was angelic. As to this conception of the Mediator there are some difference between his first and second revelation. Above all, in the period of the second revelation, the conception of the Mediator changed from Angel to Twin or Pair-Companion.<br>When he entered upon his mission, the so-called three books in the canon were already completed. He said to his disciples: "the Pragmateia, the Book of the Secrets and Book of the Giants are gifts bestowed (written) by the Twin of Light. Other books in the canon is the Great Living Gospel given by the Envoy and the Treasure of Life given by the Column of Glory." Namely the two books was given by Mediators as Iranian "Manvahmed vazurg (the Great Nous)", and came later.<br>Therefore the revelation in the three books and other both books each reflects the change of the religious thought of Mani. The former represents his early idea, the latter his later idea.<br>I may conclude that the conception of the Mediator in the revelation of Mani changed gradually from the Jewish Christian or Mandaean Gnosis to the Iranian Gnosis (Twin→the Great Nous.)

著者

平山 洋

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.2, pp.63-73, 2012-03-31 (Released:2015-04-01)

参考文献数

23

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It is generally held that the name Osiris was not attested until the 5th dynasty, when it appears as a title of deceased kings in the Pyramid Texts. However, the name may be attested in the tomb of nb-m-3ḫt, an elder son of King Khafra. The mother of nb-m-3ḫt was queen mr-sy-‛nḫ III, one of Khafra’s wife. The prince had two tombs, called LG86 at Giza Central Field and LG12 in the Quarry Cemetery beside the pyramid of Khafra. Piacentini appears to report that an epithet including the name Osiris, im3ḫw ḫr wsir, is attested in LG86. However, an examination of the original report on LG86 shows that the name Osiris is attested not in LG86, but in LG12. From the name of the owner, nb-m-3ḫt, and the fact that one of his tombs was built in the site of quarry for Khafra’s pyramid, LG12 can be dated from the reign of Khafra to the end of the 4th dynasty. Thus, it is possible that the name of Osiris is attested at the end of the 4th dynasty.

著者

渡辺 和子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.1, pp.55-70, 2013-09-30 (Released:2016-10-01)

参考文献数

29

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The Tayinat Archaeological Project of Toronto University, in 2009, excavated a large clay tablet along with 10 other tablets at Tell Tayinat, Turkey, which was identified as a copy of the 'Succession Oath Documents' issued by the Assyrian king Esarhaddon in 672 BC. These documents were known through the Nimrud version published by D. J. Wiseman in 1958, and reedited by myself in 1987. As J. Lauinger, who published the Tayinat version in 2012, pointed out, the tablets were excavated in situ at the sacred precinct in the center of the mound, and had been issued to the governor of Kunalia. Through this information, Tell Tayinat was definitely identified with the ancient city Kunalia. The present author considers §30 (ll. 353-359), now restored by the Tayinat version, to be especially important here. The mood of the verb in line 353 of the conditional clause has proven to be indicative, not subjunctive, as I had expected before. Indicative verbs are generally used in conditional clauses led by "if" (šumma). However, the usage of subjunctive verbs in conditional clauses had not yet been elucidated in any Akkadian grammars, which had regarded the subjunctive as an expression of an oath, and in translation, merely gave instructions to omit the word "if" and to render affirmative subjunctive verbs in the negative, and negative subjunctive verbs in the affirmative. However, almost all of the conditional clauses in these documents are in the second person plural, and are in fact, followed by curses as apodoses, mostly placed in the latter part of the documents. Only §57 is an utterance of an oath and consists of a conditional clause (protasis) in the first person plural subjunctive, and a directly following self-curse (apodosis). Sometimes, with verbs in the second person plural indicative and subjunctive are combined in the same conditional clause, as in the case of §30. In my view, the indicative is used to explain certain given conditions and the subjunctive affirmative ('if you should do ...') that follows, indicates something that the speaker assumes that 'you' ought not to do ; the negative subjunctive ('if you should not do ...') expresses something that 'you' ought to do.

著者

岡田 恵美子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.1-2, pp.151-166,A196, 1970 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

10

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The romantic epic, “Vis u Ramin” was composed by Fakhr al-din As'ad Gurgani in the eleventh Christian century. On account of the following three aspects, this epic may be ranked as one of the most valuable works in Persian literature:(1) Being the earliest romantic epic extant, the work must have influenced on Persian literature to follow after it, to a great extent.(2) It is said that Fakhr al-din As'ad Gurgani versified in Persian from the basis of the story then existed in Pahlavi (a some earlier form of Pahlavi). The process, therefore, presents important materials to the field of philology as well.(3) The story “Vis u Ramin” is considered as a work of the Arsacid dynasty.With regard to the last two aspects, it should be best a for us to examine what the author-himself describes about them in his own epic.

著者

佐藤 圭四郎

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, no.1, pp.69-83, 1963-08-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

小林 義尚

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, no.1, pp.165-174, 1981-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

中野 さやか

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.1, pp.118-143, 2003-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The aim of this paper is to clarify the real character of the “Revolt of the Zanj, ” the great rebellion in the Abbasid empire, by analyzing the backgrounds of the participants in the revolt. To study it, I divided this revolt into three periods, the beginning (863-869), the heyday (869-879), and the decline (879-883), and analyzed the participants at the beginning and the heyday, and the rebels who surrendered to the Abbasid military at the decline.In the beginning, the number of participants was small. The group consisted of townspeople and those from the upper echelons of society. The reason that participants consisted of various groups was that 'Ali b. Muhammad had not confined the scope of the rebellion to a particular social class.The heyday of this revolt began when tens of thousands of Zanj, who had been taken from East Africa to Iraq as agricultural slaves, joined the revolt in 869. Through their participation, the rebel troops swelled in number and occupied Southern Iraq in 879. During this heyday, various types of people, such as townspeople, farmers, Arab nomads and people from the upper echelons of society, participated. However, they were lacking in solidarity as they participated merely because the rebel troops were powerful militarily.The decline of this revolt began in 879 when the Abbasid military launched an attack against the rebels. The leader of the Abbasid military, Muwaffaq, while besieging the rebel stronghold of Mukhtara, called on the rebels to surrender to the Abbasid military and treated the rebels who did surrender respectfully. Therefore, the main body of the rebel troops surrendered and this revolt collapsed. The reason for this rapid collapse was that the main body of the rebel troops were people who put their own interests first, such as Zanj and townspeople.

著者

黒柳 恒男

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, no.2, pp.163-186,232, 1966

被引用文献数

1

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It is noteworthy that the verdict given by Orientalists on the medieval Persian erudite scholar Nasir al-Din Tusi has changed in the course of time, especially after the Second World War. Before the War, he used to be condemned for his treachery to his master and the part played by him in the fall of Baghdad. But, on the contrary, after the War he is sometimes regarded as a benefactor to the renaissance of Islamic culture.<br>So in this article the writer intends to re-examine his life at a crucial time through the following periods:<br>(1)-His connection with the Ismailites.<br>(2)-The role played by him in the fall of Baghdad.<br>(3)-His academic activities in Maragheh.<br>In conclusion his value should be estimated, not from the viewpoint of his political career, but from the standpoint of his great contributions to the re-birth of Islamic civilization after its destruction by Mongols.