著者

森田 直子

出版者

史学会 ; 1889-

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.125, no.3, pp.375-393, 2016-03

著者

海原 亮

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.116, no.7, pp.1271-1272, 2007

著者

長谷川 岳男

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.3, pp.451-460, 2014-03-20 (Released:2017-07-31)

著者

山田 邦明

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.7, pp.1304-1306, 2014-07-20 (Released:2017-07-31)

著者

佐々木 政文

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.124, no.4, pp.62-85, 2015 (Released:2017-05-16)

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本稿は、1910年代奈良県下の被差別部落において、寺院や神社を媒介とする民衆教化政策がいかなる形で実施されたのかを、地域での信仰活動の変化と関連づけながら検討したものである。 奈良県下の被差別部落民は、浄土真宗を第一の信仰対象とする一方、神祇信仰や国家祭祀に対しては消極的であり、さらに他の地域から氏子組織上の差別を受けている場合が多かった。これに対し、日露戦争後に県が実施した部落改善政策は、来世信仰の改革、「真俗二諦」説の強調、氏子差別の解消、神棚の設置、国旗掲揚の普及、大神社への参拝奨励といった様々な手段を通して、彼らの国家意識を強化しようとした。本稿ではこの過程を、近代日本の民衆教化政策が、従来地域一般の信仰生活から排除されていた人々を神社祭礼の体系に取り込んでいった過程として評価した。 同時に、日常的に部落住民との関係が深かった被差別部落寺院の僧侶には、部落改善政策の担い手となることが強く期待された。しかし、彼らは部落住民からの収入に経済的に依存していたことから、貯蓄・節約の奨励という県の政策を貫徹することが難しかった。このようななかで、県下の部落内有力者によって1912年7月に結成された大和同志会も、寺院・僧侶の部落改善事業参加に期待する一方で、檀家からの収入に依存する教団組織の体制を厳しく批判した。 第一次世界大戦中の1916年以降には、県は部落住民の国家意識を高める目的から、被差別部落への神社導入を政策的に推進しはじめた。この政策の変化を受けて、部落単位でも各部落の有力者が中心的主体となって信仰改革が進められ、部落内の寺院に明治天皇遙拝所が建設されるなど、国家意識に繋がる新たな信仰形態が模索された。

著者

高木 昭作

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.10, pp.p1717-1742, 1992-10

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In 1613 Tokugawa Ieyasu had Konchiin Suden draft the Decree Banishing Christians. This decree, which stated that Christianity was to be prohibited because Japan is the land of buddhas and kami, has long been quoted by historians as evidence of the existence in that period of the view of Japan as a "divine land". Particularly, in recent years this decree has been cited as an expression of the ideology of the Tokugawa state promulgated domestically and abroad by Ieyasu himself. However, when examined more closely the text of the decree is not at all easy to understand. Some scholars, in fact, have described it as "gibberish," or "having no coherent logic to it". Though the individual words of the text may be clear, they seem to make little sense when put together into sentences. Especially the initial section, in which the author seemingly argues that Japan is the land of buddhas as well as kami, is incomprehensible without knowledge of the Shinto-Buddhist literature of the preceding period. By examining the language of the decree in the light of medieval Shinto writings, the present article demonstrates that it was written according to the theory of "kami as essence, buddha as trace" held by the Yoshida school. This theory is famous in the history of Shinto as the doctrine that the "three teachings [Confucianism, Buddhism and Shinto] are the branches, leaves, flowers, fruits and the root". This article further discusses the shinto view of Japan expressed in Toyotomi Hideyoshi's 1591 letter to the viceroy of Goa, and shows that it, too, was based on the ideas of Yoshida Shinto. According to the belief of the Yoshida school, Mahavairocana (Dainichi Nyorai) appeared at the time of the origin of the universe and the creation of the Japanese islands as described in the Nihonshoki. The tenno was thus held to be the descendent of Dainichi, who is identical to a kami. The present article argues that Hideyoshi and Ieyasu likely shared this view of the tenno.

著者

福田 豊彦

出版者

山川出版社

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.76, no.1, pp.62-80, 1967-01

著者

武石 典史

出版者

山川出版社

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.114, no.12, pp.2021-2045, 2005-12

著者

坂野 潤治

出版者

山川出版社

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.77, no.12, pp.44-71, 1968-12

著者

坂野 潤治

出版者

山川出版社

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.9, pp.1-50, 1966-10

著者

有馬 香織

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.117, no.12, pp.2101-2118, 2008-12

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There were two customs gates in operation at the port of Hyogo (present day Kobe) during in late medieval Japan. The northern gate had been placed under the authority of Todaiji Temple, the southern gate under Kofukuji Temple. This article discusses how the northern customs house was being operated as of 1445, based on an analysis of three customs ledgers compiled during that year: Hyogo-kitaseki-irihune-nocho 兵庫北関入船納帳 held by the University of Tokyo Faculty of Letters (A), Hyogo-kitaseki-irihune-nocho 兵庫北関入船納帳 held by the Kyoto Metropolitan History Museum (B), and Hyogo-kitaseki-zassen-nocho 兵庫北関雑船納帳 held in the Todaiji Temple archives (C). The key to understanding how vessels were processed at the customs gates are practices surrounding fuda 札, a ticket that could be purchased cheaply by any vessel with a permit (kasho 過書) to pass through the gate, thus exempting them from high custom fees. Since the northern and southern gates were connected, customs exempt vessels passing out the southern gate would be relieved of the fuda (fudagari 札狩) they had purchased at the northern gate. How the customs gates were managed is clarified by the author based on an examination of the differences existing among the three ledgers. First, (A) and (B) are ledgers recording deferred customs fees payments, while (C) lists payments made at the time of passage. Secondly, the content of (C) was recorded in two stages, the second more detailed than the first. Next, while having the same title (A) and (B) were kept separately, since the latter contains the term kubo 公方, and the former does not. Finally, there is no content that corresponds in (A) and (C), while the information in (B) and (C) concerning fuda matches. The changing content of (C), the differences between (A) and (B) and the complementary relationship between (B) and (C) all reflect changes in management of the northern gate that occurred together with Todaiji's direct takeover of operations, which was characterized by efforts to increase customs revenue by stricter limitation and regulation of vessels exempt from duties and to firmly establish the new system.

著者

大清水 裕

出版者

史学会 ; 1889-

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.125, no.2, pp.281-290, 2016-02

著者

高橋 秀樹

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.9, pp.1568-1588,1669-, 1991

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In differentiating the character of the term ie 家 (family; household) found in early medieval Japanese documents with the same term found in earlier records, two points should be taken into account: ie as a social entity and ie as inherited property. In the research done to date on the subject, the origin of the medieval ie has thought to have been related to such factors as the establishment of a family occupation, a permanent family plot of land, or the family name. In the present article the author approaches its, origins through an investigation of its successors. chakushi 嫡子, from the standpoint of when these inheritors first came into existence and what exactly it was that they inherited. The medieval chakushi institution, which was far different in social significance from the rules outlined in Japan's ancient ritsuryo legal codes, first came into existence among the bureaucratic classes during the 11th and early 12th centuries and was then adopted by the aristocracy in the mid-12th century. Among the aristocrats, chakushi inherited the political power, influence and privilege of their ancestors to a much greater extent that their fellow siblings. The fact that they were entitled almost exclusively to the ownership of family records, important related documents, and paraphrenalia symbolizing the family organization is proof enough that they were truly the inheritors of the ie structure. The chakushi system was adopted by locally-based land proprietors during the early 12th century and it is thought to have been brought about by the establishment of shiki 職 rights and their inheritability. The social position of these local proprietors was usually based on their shiki rights, indicating the passage of this rights from generation to generation was none other the process of ie inheritance. Furthermore, since this indivisible set of shiki rights, privileges and duties sufficiently constituted family wealth, the concept of ie among these local families took on the character of an economic enterprise that needed to be managed. The establishment of an inheritable ie and the chakushi institution for passing it on came into existence amongst such political and social changes as the ritualization of political affairs, the farming out of administrative duties, and the rigid systemization of shiki rights. Since these changes came in response to the needs of the state, the aristocracy and powerful religious institutions, the author is led to the conclusion that the medieval (inheritable) ie and the chakushi system of inheritance both were established as means for satisfying these needs in the best way possible.

著者

丸山 裕美子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.105, no.8, pp.67-88, 1996

著者

樋口 真魚

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.6, pp.1097-1132, 2014

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This article investigates Japanese attempts to reset its political relations with the League of Nations (hereafter, the LN) after the former's withdrawal from the League, focusing on the Japanese stance at the Montreux Conference of 1936, which was held three years after Japan's withdrawal for the purpose of revising articles concerning the demilitarization of the Dardanelles and Bosporus Straits, first declared in the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne. Close examination of Japanese diplomacy during the Montreux Conference indicates that its decision makers were seeking some ideal means by which to reset the country's political relations with the League throughout the mid-1930s. They were particularly sensitive towards the LN Covenant, which in their opinion appeared to offer a legal basis for imposing sanctions on any country of the world, including Japan. Such sensitivity sharped from 1934 on after the Soviet Union joined the LN, due to the perception that the outbreak of Soviet-Japanese hostilities was highly imminent, leading to fears that the Soviets might call for the LN to impose sanctions on Japan if war did break out. These concerns are the reason why the Japanese government was very active during the Montreux Conference, in addition to regarding the Conference, which was marked by a fierce debate regarding the legal relationship between the revised treaty and the LN Covenant, as the touchstone leading to the future of Japan's diplomatic policy toward the LN. There were two constrasting opinions within the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Gaimusho 外務省) over the stance to be taken towards the revised treaty. One line, advocated by Foreign Minister Arita Hachiro, was to attempt to block LN intervention altogether. The other, advocated by Sato Naotake, the Japanese delegate to the Montreux Conference, argued that Japan should seek means of coexisting with the LN. In more concrete terms, Arita intended to block intervention by calling for a treaty signing congress (teiyaku kokukaigi 締約国会議) as a diplomatic platform opposing the LN and asserting that the text of the revised treaty should seek to avoid LN interference by separating the new convention from the LN Covenant. In opposition to Arita's assertions, Sato was prepared to partially accept "a treaty supplementary to the LN Covenant", which European members, such as the Soviet Union and France, aspired to conclude. By doing so, Sato intended to create a legal setting which would enable LN member countries and "contracting parties" (the latter including Japan) to enjoy equal standing vis-a-vis each other. Although Sato succeeded in persuading Arita that it was necessary to reset Japan as "a state withdrawing from the LN that could coexist with the LN", the outbreak of the 2nd Sino-Japanese war about a year after the Conference resulted in sanctions being imposed on Japan by the LN, which left Japanese decision-makers with no other option but to abandon any hope of coexistence.

著者

邉見 統

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.7, pp.1307-1331, 2014

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After pacifying the Chinese world during the 5th year of his reign (202 BCE), Former Han Dynasty Emperor Liu Bang (also referred to as Gaozu 高祖) duly rewarded his loyal followers with titles of ranked status, the highest of which was Liehou 列侯. We find items in such ancient chronicles as Shiji 史記, and Hanshu 漢書 describing the institution of such ranks at the beginning of the period, describing them as the "Liehou hierarchy"; and the research to date on the subject has shown that 1) eighteen such rankings were instituted during the Liu Bang's reign and 2) in the 2nd year of the Gaohou 高后 era (186 BCE), the Empress Dowager's Lu 呂 Family regime instituted what is known as the "Gaozu System of Leihou Rankings" (Gaozuxi Liehou Weici 高祖系列侯位次). However, as the result of an analysis of descriptions concerning ranked status in the ancient historiography, the author of the present article adds that the Gaozuxi System was revised during the reign of Emperor Wen 文. As to the political significance of the establishment of the Gaozuxi System in 186 BCE, first, there was the intention to preserve the 18 ranks set up by Liu Bang and respect his authority, in addition to recognizing the achievements of those who were so honored during his reign. It was in this way that the Lu Family regime planned to obtain the support of Liu Bang's retainers, implying that such actions as granting feudal estates to the princes of the politically powerful Lu Family was initially met with strong resistance, which needed to be appeased. As to the revisions made to the Gaozuxi System during the reign of Emperor Wen, motivation similar to the Lu Family may also be cited, in addition to political necessities specific to the Wen regime.That is to say, the Wen imperial regime was formed after the Dynasty's ministers of state overthrew the Lu Family regime and enthroned Liu Heng, the fourth son of Liu Bang and monarch of the kingdom of Dai 代; therefore, the revisions were also intended to strip members of the Lu Family of their Gaozuxi rankings, thus legitimizing the authority of Emperor Wen over the defeated Lu Family regime.

著者

山本 英史

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.9, pp.1641-1643, 2014

著者

藤原 翔太

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.12, pp.2149-2177, 2014

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On 17 February 1800, the Consulat enacted a law concerning the districting and administration of the entire territory of France, and embarked on fundamental reforms that would lead to the encouragement and reinforcement of the centralization of local administrative institutions. However, the law also reintroduced the commune system, thus reviving local autonomy, a fact which has long been neglected. Once noticed, this fact leads to the question of why the regime of Napoleon, which has been considered to be a centralized one, needed to reorganize certain structural features of local autonomous institutions. In order to answer this question, the author of this article examines the structure of local governance under Napoleon by focusing on the town mayors who represented both the communes and central state authority in the prefectures of the Hautes-Pyrenees. The mayors of rural towns and cities who served under Napoleon have long been criticized for being "incompetent" and in league with their constituents, problems that were fully recognized by contemporary governors of prefectures and arrondissements (prefects and vice-prefects), as well as by the central government. Therefore, the prefectures proposed that any canton larger in area than a commune should have one paid mayor; however, the central government ignored this proposal and persisted in maintaining the commune system. This means that the government regarded the appointment of mayors based on the commune system as the best way to rule at the local level. Such a conclusion leads to the question of how the mayors, who were so important in terms of local rule, were actually chosen. To answer this question, the author first turns to an examination of the available mayoral prosopography and finds that there were definite differences in social status between the mayors of canton administrative centers (chef-lieu) and those of ordinary communes. Moreover, regarding the actual administration of local authorities, we find unique solutions adopted by prefecture-level bureaus to deal with problems caused by the mayors of rural towns and cities. Despite obvious regional differences, in the economic and cultural periphery of the Pyrenees, administrative affairs of the greatest import were carried on at the canton level. Rather than this fact indicating that the commune system was being treated as a mere formality, we find mayors of chef-lieu, who were selected from the ranks of local dignitaries, utilizing their political influence to guide politicians of inferior status and power in their duties as mayors of ordinary communes. In this sense, the commune system should be considered as having been introduced into a highly centralized, socially stratified political order for the purpose of integrating political power and influence at the regional level.

著者

堀内 淳一

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.119, no.9, pp.1528-1550, 2010-09

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The Sima 司馬 Family of Henei-jun 河北郡 (present day Jiaozuo, Henan Province), which formed the imperial lines of the Eastern and Western Jin Dynasties, sought refuge in northern China after its Dynasties fell and distinguished itself as a high ranking member of the Northern Wei Dynasty's bureaucracy. However, the northern aristocrats of Han ethnic descent did not trust refugees from the south, forcing them to live in isolated communities on the periphery of the capital and refusing to intermarry with them or allow the burial of their dead in their homeland. The Simas did take advantage of their imperial heritage to gain appointments to southern border regions, where they could settle their former subjects fleeing the Southern Dynasties; but when the Northern Wei unified northern China in 439, the Simas were shifted to areas on the northern border far from their homeland. Part of the Sima Family's fame stemmed from many leaders of the rebellions staged throughout China at that time assuming the name Sima, resulting in the name having great impact on all classes of society in both the north and south. It was only during the reign of Northern Wei Emperor Xiaowen孝文 (515-528) that rebellions allegedly lead by the Simas went out of style. It was as this same time that the Simas were finally able to construct a. family gravesite in their homeland of Henei-jun. The appointment of Simas in the bureaucracy were no longer limited to the regional administration of the Northern Wei's southern and northern borders, but now spread to all areas throughout the empire, including the grant of an official place of residence there. Intermarriage, which up until that time had been limited to the Northern Wei imperial family and local ethnic peoples, came to include the northern Han aristocratic families. The many marriages that had been arranged with the Yuan imperial family ensured close relations with the Dynasty, even after the Simas' returned to Henei. In other words, the bridging of the alienation that had existed between refugees from the Southern Dynasties and Northern Dynasties Han aristocrats had to wait for the reforms carried out during Xiaowen's reign. It was at that time that the Simas were able to regain their homeland, extend their influence and authority there, as well a begin marrying into northern Han families. The author of this article concludes that during the Northern and Southern Dynasties period, entry into aristocratic society through marriage could not be achieved without a family being able to maintain power and authority in one's homeland.

著者

吉村 忠典

出版者

山川出版社

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.6, pp.39-61, 1950-06