著者
石川 禎浩
出版者
史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)
雑誌
史林 = The Journal of history (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.102, no.1, pp.152-187, 2019-01

近代西洋由来の文明史観は、東アジアの「歴史学」の形成に大きな影響を与えた。文明史観(東西文明論)をその価値観とともに中国に紹介し、根付かせたのは、戊戌政変によって日本に亡命した梁啓超、あるいは中国共産党の創設者の一人となる李大釗らであり、それを可能にしたのは、梁にあっては福沢諭吉や浮田和民の著作、李にあっては茅原華山の著作という日本語の出版物を参照できたことだった。「四大文明」という呼称も、二〇世紀初頭には日本、中国ですでに登場していたものであって、一部の歴史家がいうような戦後の発明品ではない。その後、中国でいわゆる「東西文明論争」が一九一〇年代半ば以降に華々しく行われると、文明史観から派生した地理環境決定論が東西文明の違いを説明するものとして、いったんは主流の言説となった。ただし、歴史の発展を単線的、一元的なものとみなす唯物史観が中国左翼論壇を席巻していくと、文明史観、特に地理環境決定論に依拠する歴史解釈は、次第にその影響力を失ってしまうことになる。The concept of civilization derived from the West exerted tremendous influence upon the formation and development of the modern historiography in East Asia, and caused the boom of the "historical perspective on civilization" 文明史観 at the end of 19th century and early in the 20th century. In China, Liang Qichao 梁啓超 who was a famous journalist and activist in the era of the Hundred Days' Reform, pioneered the early introduction of the "historical perspective on civilization, " and was followed by Li Dazhao 李大釗, one of the founding members of the Chinese Communist Party, who had once applied the perspective to his unique understanding of the significance of the Russian October Revolution. In fact, in understanding the "historical perspective on civilization, " Liang and Li were deeply influenced by the publications by Japanese journalists, such as An Outline of a Theory of Civilization (Bunmei ron no gairyaku), General Introduction to the History (Shigaku Genron), and A History of Human Life (Ningen Seikatsu shi), written respectively by Fukuzawa Yukichi 福沢諭吉, Ukita Kazutami 浮田和民 and Kayahara Kazan 茅原華山. Thus, we see that the "historical perspective on civilization, " according to those Japanese intellectuals, was commonly accepted as new knowledge by Chinese intellectuals regardless of their political positions, be they reformist or revolutionary. It is noteworthy that Liang and Li accepted the so-called "geographical determinism" with the historical perspective on civilization. They argued that the rise and fall of peoples, the flourishing and demise of civilizations throughout history had been determined by geographical factors such as topography and climate. Their understanding of the relationship between geography and civilization can also be explained by the influence from the above-mentioned Japanese intellectuals. Today, historical research that is based on the "theory of geographical determinism" is rejected by both geographers and historians because the theory is seen as superficial. However, it was recognized as an important and core element of the historical perspective on civilization at that time. Furthermore, it was also the important theoretical foundation that supplied the backing for the early field of human geography as a science in the West. In the prolonged debate on the East-West notions of civilization during the May Fourth period China (from second half of 1910s to the first half of 1920s), the theory of geographical determinism was frequently used as convincing evidence to explain the differences among civilizations of the world. Some intellectuals went as far as to recognize the historical materialism as a theory analogous to that of geographical determinism. Li Dazhao was none other than one of those who came to espouse historical materialism via geographical determinism. However, as official dogmatic historical materialism prevailed among the left-wing intellectual community in China after the 1930s, geographical determinism along with the historical perspective on civilization was not only criticized as a 'wrong' interpretation of social and economic phenomena, but also at times considered anti-Marxist. Thus, geographical determinism, the most popular ideas of one era, gradually lost its influence thereafter, and was completely rejected in the early decades of the People's Republic of China. This essay also critically examines a recent argument by some Japanese historians that the origin of the well-known term "the four major ancient civilizations" was created only after the World War II (in 1952) and has currency only in Japan. The argument is unsound, because the term appeared as early as at the end of the 19th century in both Japan and China.
著者
小林 功
出版者
史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)
雑誌
史林 = The Journal of history (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.102, no.1, pp.40-74, 2019-01

六三〇年代以降、アラブがビザンツ帝国の領域への侵攻を開始し、シリア・パレスティナ地域やエジプトなどが短期間にビザンツ帝国の手から奪われた。当初ビザンツ帝国の人びとは、アラビア半島からの侵攻者がどのような人びとであるのか、十分に理解できていなかった。だがアラブ国家が安定し、彼らとのさまざまな形の交渉が進むにつれて、アラブがどのような人びとであるのか、ビザンツ帝国の人びとも徐々に理解していく。そしてアラブとの対峙が続く中で、自らを「神の加護を得ている皇帝が支配するキリスト教徒の共同体・地域=ローマ帝国」とみなすアイデンティティも再確認されていった。一方アラブもビザンツ帝国を滅ぼすことができなかったため、「ローマ帝国の後継者」となることができなかった。そのためビザンツ帝国との併存が確定的となった七世紀末以降、独自のイスラーム文明を形成していく道を選ぶことになる。
著者
法貴 遊
出版者
史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)
雑誌
史林 = The Journal of history (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.103, no.1, pp.41-71, 2020-01

アラビア医学史研究において医療実践は、史料上の制約もあり、主な研究対象とはならなかった。この状況で、十一世紀から十三世紀半ばにかけて書かれたカイロ・ゲニザの医学関連文書が、医療実践を記録している史料として注目されている。本稿では、カイロ・ゲニザの二通の書簡における実践の記され方について考察する。一般的なアラビア語医学文献は普遍的な知識を記述対象とするため、個々の実践は記述されない。中世アラビア医学では、個体は普遍的な枠組みを通して認識されるため、言論では分析できない事柄を医療の現場で非言語的に把握することが求められた。カイロ・ゲニザ文書に記された実践例を読み解くことで、当時の医者が言論では把握できない事柄(患者の自然本性の動きや四性質の微妙なバランス)に注視し、これとの関係で治療方針を定めていたことが推測できる。The practical dimensions ofmedieval Arabic medicine have not been sufficiently studied due to the dearth of historical documents. Concrete cases were excluded from most medieval Arabic medical writings because subjects ofmedical books were limited to universal scientific knowledge ('ilm). In this situation, the Cairo Genizah fragments, which were written during the 11th‒13th centuries, are drawing attention because they record unique information about practical aspects of medicine. This article takes up epistemological problems concerning medical practice, and inquires which aspects ofmedical practice were, and which were not, put into words by examining medieval Arabic medical books and two letters ofthe Cairo Genizah (T-S 10J16. 16 and T-S NS 327. 93). Both letters concern ophthalmology, and describe the whole process from diagnosis to treatment. These documents reveal that some elements ofpractice were not caught in the net ofscientif ic language; nevertheless, ophthalmologists conducted treatment by observing these nonverbal elements. The first section encapsulates medieval physicians' arguments concerning the epistemological status ofmedical practice. al-Majūsī (d. 990) divided medicine into theory ('ilm) and practice ('amal), and defined practice as putting ideas into execution. However, the practical sections in his book do not contain concrete information on actual practice, but knowledge about medicinal substances and treatment plans for specific diseases. Ibn Sīnā (d. 1037) found al-Majūsī's inconsistency between the definition and real content a flaw. He accordingly defined theory as theoretical knowledge and practice as practical knowledge. Hence, Ibn Sīnā entitled both theory and practice to scientific knowledge, whereas information on actual practice ('amal bi-l-f'il) was not regarded as scientific knowledge and thus excluded from medical books. Medieval physicians acknowledged that some elements of actual practice passed through the mesh oflanguage. Ibn Rushd (d. 1198) argued that objects defined by language are limited to things related to forms (s. ūra), whereas things related to matter (hayūlā) are only roughly described because the latter is infinitely changeable in various relationships with other matter. However, medieval ophthalmologists, who appeared in the genizah letters, conducted consistent treatments based on the observation ofthese non-verbalized things related to matter. The second section discusses diagnoses and treatments written in the two letters. We firstly focus on the diagnoses. In T-S 10J16.16, an ophthalmologist called Abū Zikrī identifies a patient's eye diseases as conjunctivitis, an eruption ofthe eyelid, and a corneal ulcer, and describes their characteristics in detail. Meanwhile, the writer ofT-S NS 327. 93 enumerates several symptoms: excavation, severe pain, floaters, leucoma. Considering their depictions, their diagnoses are found to have properly reflected medieval Arabic diagnostics. These two examples indicate that the diagnostic theory written in medical books was perfectly implemented. Next, the treatments are examined. The condition ofthe eye described in T-S 10J16.16 was regarded as a composite ofthe three ailments. Abū 'Alī, Abū Zikrī's correspondent, instructed him on several treatments, each of which is effective against a specific disease and does not aggravate the others. Medieval ophthalmologists recognized a need for treatments suitable for complicated cases; however, ophthalmology books did not always present concrete instructions. The treatments should have been adjusted to the subtle balance ofthe temperament ofa complicated condition; nevertheless, ophthalmologists did not have technical language to estimate the ratio ofthe temperament. This letter suggests that the actual treatment was affected by the observation ofthe nonverbalized elements. Meanwhile, the writer of T-S NS 327.93 mentions four different treatments that were done at some intervals oftime . Medieval ophthalmologists supposed that every disease progresses along four stages: incipient (ibtidāʾ), increasing (tazayyud), terminating (intihāʾ), and convalescent (inh. it.āt.). Therefore, the four treatments written in the letter are presumed to have been allotted to the four stages. A characteristic of this letter is that the writer mentioned the number ofdays each stage lasted. However, the span oftime is not mentioned in ordinary medical books. It is because the actual treatment process was affected by the relationship between patient's nature (t. abī'a) and medical intervention. According to Maimonides (d. 1204), nature is an independent efficient cause external to the medical system, and not totally defined by scientific language. This letter indicates that ophthalmologists had to determine treatment plans by reconciling nonverbal elements with the medical system. These two examples ofmedical practice basically follow medieval Arabic medical theory. However, the theory is a large-meshed net. It is comprehensive; nevertheless, on the practical level, many elements (subtle nuances ofthe temperament and patient's nature) spilled out ofthis net. By comparison ofthe Cairo Genizah letters with Arabic medical books, we can infer that ophthalmologists grasped these elements and decided treatment plans.
著者
鈴木 蒼
出版者
史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)
雑誌
史林 = The Journal of history (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.103, no.4, pp.457-492, 2020-07

平安時代においては、京内の学習施設「大学」で学識を身につけ、官人として朝廷に仕えた人々が多数存在していた。通説的には、彼らは人材主義的・反貴族的な存在とされ、世襲的な貴族層との対立や自身の質的変容により、九世紀中には姿を消していったと考えられている。しかし、そうした所説には疑うべき点が少なくない。本稿では、彼らを「文人官僚」として定義し、官歴・政治的行動の面から網羅的に検討することで、九・十世紀の官人社会における基礎的な性質を確認し、併せて従来の理解について再検討を行った。その結果、九・十世紀において文人官僚に顕著な没落や変質の形跡は見出せず、彼らが反貴族的な行動を取った形跡も何ら見出せないことが判明した。文人官僚は、その学識による能力と、学問を通じて権力者との人格的関係を構築しやすい点にその特徴を求められるのであり、むしろ親貴族的な存在として理解すべきなのである。During the Heian period many who served the court as bureaucrats had received an education at the Daigaku, the official academy in the capital. The prevailing scholarly consensus has explained that these officials were men of talent produced by the bureaucracy to serve the system, that they opposed the hereditary nobility, and that due to decline in their quality, they disappeared in the 9th century. However, as this interpretation places too much emphasis on the opposition of those who studied at the Daigaku to the nobility and positions them on a predetermined course in opposition to the nobility, there are several points in this interpretation that must be reconsidered. Furthermore, because this view has been short-term and the results of studies of the Daigaku system have not been fully incorporated within it, various issues remain to be addressed. In this article I thus make an exhaustive examination of those whom I define as bunjin kanryō, which includes the relatively large number of bureaucrats who had studied at the Daigaku and rose to high-ranking positions who were students of the Kidendō (the curriculum devoted to history and letters) and those who attended the Daigaku but did not follow a fixed course of study, by focusing on their bureaucratic careers and political activities. Based on the results of this examination, I ascertained the fundamental character of the bunjin kanryō within the bureaucracy of the 9th and 10th century and then reexamined the scholarly consensus in light of these findings. As a result I was first able to confirm that in fact the number of bunjin kanryō increased from the middle of the 9th century and accompanying this shift was the establishment of a special route for advancement of the bunjin kanryō within the bureaucracy. The bunjin kanryō had established by that time a certain fixed presence within the bureaucracy. I also determined that from that point onward until the end of the 10th century conspicuous signs of the decline of bunjin kanryō were not apparent. Furthermore, examining the actions they took in political disputes, I was unable to find any sign of opposition to the nobility and instead recognized that these officials behaved extremely submissively toward those in power with whom they maintained a subservient relationship. Judging from these findings, I concluded that special characteristics of the bunjin kanryō were to be found in their capabilities based on their scholarship and the ease in which they could build personal relationships with those in power through their learning, and they should be understood as allies rather than opponents of the nobility. From the 11th century onward when the bureaucracy experienced a great upheaval, these special characteristics of the bunjin kanryō were to face new changes.
著者
平松 明日香
出版者
史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)
雑誌
史林 = The Journal of history (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.102, no.3, pp.510-528, 2019-05

The Latter Han was an age of rule by the dowager empress and the affines, or marital relations, of the emperor. In this article, I examine whether the regimes of these affines introduced their own factions as official personnel in the Imperial Secretariat (Shangshutai 尚書台). In the Latter Han one often sees records that mention the Lu Shangshushi (録尚書事), a post that has been translated as the Overseer of the Imperial Secretariat, but opinion is divided over its actual role. In the first section, I examine the question of whether the Lu Shangshushi did in fact oversee the Shangshutai. Then, after concluding that the Lu Shangshushi did not oversee the Imperial Secretariat, I made clear that the Lu Shangshushi should not be considered an object of this study. Then in the second section I consider the regime of the Dou clan 竇氏 from the second year of the Zhanghe era (88) to the fourth year of the Yongyuan 4 (92). All previous scholarship has indicated that the regime of the Dou clan controlled the Shangshutai. However, Han Leng 韓棱, who was extremely critical of the Dou clan during the period of their ascendance, occupied the post of Shanshuling 尚書令. In addition, other people who were critical of the Dou clan were selected as bureaucrats of Shangshu. While on the one hand the regime of the Dou clan did emphasize personnel placement in the imperial household, palace guards and military officials, but it can be said that they placed no special significance on placing their own faction in in the Shangshutai. In the third section, I considered the regime of the Deng clan from the first year of the Yuanxing era (105) to the first year of the Jianguang (121). Although there were some officials in the Shangshutai who were critical of the Deng clan during their regime, it was composed in general of personnel who cooperated with the Deng clan. In the fourth section, I consider the regime of the Liang clan 梁氏 from the first year of the Jiankang era (144) to the second year of the Yanxi era (159). During this period, there were many officials critical to the Liang clan among Shangshu officials including the Shangshuling. The Liang clan, like the Dou clan, did not place great weight on the personnel in the Shanshutai but instead placed more emphasis on officials close to the emperor. Judging from the above considerations, I have made clear that these regimes were able to operate the foundations without placing emphasis on personnel in the Shangshutai and that whether they placed emphasis on the Shangshutai did not depend on change over time. It was the regime of the Deng clan that emphasized personnel in the Shangshu and whose influence extended over policy decision-making through the Shangshutai. In contrast, the Dou and Liang clans placed greater emphasis on personnel who were close to the throne and had influence on the decision making of the emperor or dowager empress having restrained the Shangshutai through their own authority.
著者
野口 優
出版者
史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)
雑誌
史林 = The Journal of history (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.101, no.6, pp.859-894, 2018-11

漢代から三国魏にかけていずれも上奏文の最終的な裁可は、皇帝が担っていた。裁可の形式について、漢代及び三国魏では、「可」などの裁可を示す文字もしくは赤い鉤印によるものであった可能性が高い。漢魏時代とも皇帝の署名による認可ではなかった。その上で、漢魏時代とも皇帝の自筆での裁可は必ずしも必要ではなかったことを明らかにした。そして、漢代から三国魏にかけては、筆跡に対する認識の変化と書写材料としての紙の普及という大きな変化が起こった時期であり、従来の皇帝裁可の制度に影響を与える可能性のある変化が起きた。しかし、詔書の信頼性を担保していたのは、漢魏時代とも印璽であった。最終的に、漢魏時代とも、一貫して上奏文の裁可については、必ずしも皇帝が自筆で裁可を下すわけではなかったという状況が変化することはなかったのである。During the period extending from the Han dynasty to Cao Wei of the Three Kingdoms, the ultimate sanction of reports to the throne was rendered by the emperor. It is highly likely that approval from the Han to Cao Wei was designated by physically writing the character 可 (ke) or with the red imprint of a carved seal. There is no evidence of approval being granted with the emperor's signature from the Han-to-Wei period. Moreover, I have made clear that in both the Han and Wei periods the emperor's holographic signature was not necessarily required to indicate approval. Then period from Han to Cao Wei was one of change when consciousness of calligraphy underwent a transformation and there was also a great change in the dissemination of paper as a material for transcribing written records; and these changes likely had an influence of the previous system of imperial sanction. However, reliability of written imperial edicts was insured by the imperial seal during the both the Han and Cao Wei. Ultimately, as regards approval of reports to the throne in both the Han and Cao Wei periods, the situation that did not necessarily require the emperor to indicate his approval with his own brush continued without change.
著者
藤井 讓治
出版者
史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)
雑誌
史林 = The Journal of history (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.101, no.4, pp.663-698, 2018-07

徳川家康の叙位任官については、家康が歴史上重要な人物であるだけに、一般書も含め多く取り上げられてきたが、基礎的事実を十分に検討しないまま、その歴史的意味が論じられている。この問題についての専論は少なく、またこうした研究においても見解が一致していないのが現状である。本稿では、事実関係が不確定な家康の左京大夫・中納言・大納言・左大将任官を中心に分析する。家康は、三河守初任に続いて左京大夫に任じられるが、左京大夫は朝廷関係以外では使用することなく左京大夫任官後も前官の三河守を使用した。朝廷官位使用の特異な事例である。任中納言の年月日は、従来天正十四年(一五八六)十月四日とされてきたが、事実は同年十一月五日であるとし、その意味を秀吉への臣従儀礼の中に位置づけた。また家康の源氏改姓が聚楽第行幸を機になされたとされてきたものを、それに先立つ天正十五年八月には源姓であったことを明らかにした。さらに天正十五年の任左大将は、正保二年(一六四五)の将軍家光の要請をうけて口宣案が改められた折に遡及して任じられたものであり、天正十五年時点での任官の事実はなく、この任左大将をめぐる論争はそもそも成立しないとした。The study of early-modern Japanese political history has witnessed great progress in recent years. This progress includes a deeper understanding of the ranks and offices awarded to samurai. However, in regard to the fundamental facts and dating of samurai appointments to ranks and offices, there are several theories even regarding such an important political figure during the period as Tokugawa Ieyasu, and there are many misunderstandings. In order to create a political history of this age, confirming the facts and dating of Ieyasu's posts and ranks is a pressing issue. In this article I confirm the facts and dates of Ieyasu's ranks and offices, ascertain under what political circumstances they were granted, and furthermore determine their significance. To the extent that Ieyasu was an important political figure. Ieyasu's appointments to ranks and offices are dealt with in general works of history, but fundamental studies have not been sufficiently conducted, and there is no scholarly consensus regarding them. Ieyasu was first appointed governor of Mikawa province, then Sakyō Daibu (Commissioner of the Left Division of the Capital), Jijū (Chamberlain), Ushōshō (Junior Captain of the Palace Guards of the Right), Sachûjō (Middle Captain), Sangi (Consultant), Chûnagon (Middle Counselor), Dainagon (Major Counselor), Naidaijin (Minister of the Center), Udaijin (Minister of the Right), Seiitaishōgun (Babarian-subduing General), and finally Daijōdaijin (Chancellor). This article chiefly analyzes his appointment to the posts of Sakyō Daibu, Chūnagon, Dainagon, and Sadaishō, for which there has no confirmation in the historical record. Ieyasu was appointed Sakyō Daibu shortly after being named governor of Mikawa. In general, when someone was appointed to a new office, thr person would then be known by his new official title, but Ieyasu did not employ the Sakyō Daibu title except in relationship to the imperial court, and even after being appointed Sakyō Daibu continued to use his previous title, governor of Mikawa. This is an example of a unique use of an imperial title. The date of Ieyasu's appointment to the post of Chūnagon has been seen as having been on the fourth day of the tenth month of Tenshō 14 (1586) on the basis of a draft decree in the Nikkō Tōshōgû monjo found in Kugyō bunin, but I have confirmed that the actual date was the fifth day of the eleventh month of the same year and locate its significance within the course of the ceremonial relationship of lord and vassal with Hideyoshi. Furthermore, Ieyasu's adoption of Minamoto clan affiliation is seen within the context of the imperial progress to the Jurakutei, but I make clear that he had used the Minamoto clan name previously during the eighth month of Tenshō 15, and I present new evidence for consideration of this name change. The Ieyasu's appointment to Sadaishō (General of the Left) in Tenshō 15 can only be traced back to the occasion of request by the third Tokugawa shogun, Iemitsu, for reissuance of an oral decree in Shōho 2 (1645), and I clarify that the supposed appointment in Tenshō 15 is not historically accurate. Kasaya Kazuhiko's proposal of the existence of a Tokugawa Shogunate under a Toyotomi regency that is premised on the Ieyasu's appointment as Saidaishō and the arguments surrounding it are thus unsustainable.
著者
本庄 総子
出版者
史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)
雑誌
史林 = The Journal of history (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.103, no.1, pp.7-40, 2020-01

マクニール・モデルとは、集団間に支配・被支配が成立する背景を、疫病への免疫力格差によって説明する理論型である。本稿では、この理論を踏まえつつ、日本古代における疫病の構造的理解を目指す。日本古代の疫病には大きく分けて二つのタイプがある。一つは、国外からの伝播ではないかと推定される大宰府発生の疫病である。このタイプは、非常に高い致死性をもつが、発生は稀である。もう一つは、京から伝播するタイプの疫病で、比較的致死性は低いが、頻繁に発生し、京から徒歩一〇日圏内からやや西に偏る範囲に伝播する。両タイプとも、飢饉の結果として発生するだけでなく、さらなる飢饉の誘因ともなった。奈良時代以前の疫病は、大きな被害を被った場合でも、一定期間内に復興が見込めたが、平安時代の最初期、復興に遅延が生じるようになった結果、疫癘間発という疫病の連鎖が発生し、律令国家の掌握する人口と田地に大きな損害を与えた。According to William H. McNeil the determining factor separating the rulers and the ruled is the gap in their level ofimmunity to pestilence or epidemics. This gap is the product ofthe discrepancies between the population and the degree ofits contact with outsiders. It has been claimed that because there was little contact with the outside world in ancient Japan, immunity to pestilence was weak and the society was subject to severe outbreaks ofharmf ul pestilence. Certainly, it is true that the view that invasive pestilence originated from abroad was deeply rooted in Japan, and religious rites were developed to protect the capital from disease. In addition, it is highly likely that the epidemics that struck in Tenpyô 7 and 9 (735 and 737) did spread from abroad, and were responsible for a remarkable level of harm seldom seen in the history ofepidemics in Japan. However, it was generally the case that epidemics in ancient Japan were centered instead on the capital and spread from there. The area within tendays ofwalking from the capital (however tending toward the west) was the typical target area. And in addition, when an epidemic struck, areas within the capital with the greatest population density were severely struck, and the Kinki region around the capital was struck next. Generally speaking, it has often been the case that outbreaks of an epidemic are triggered by lowered levels ofresistance due to famine, but in the case of ancient Japan, it was frequently the case that famine brought on epidemic instead. Because ancient Japan operated on the principles ofan agricultural society, paddy land where rice could be grown was invested with the greatest share oflabor, and when a labor shortage was caused by an epidemic, the paddies were left to ruin and further famine and epidemic ensued. In ancient Japan the harmful effects of famine and epidemics were closely linked. Even so, after the outbreak of an epidemic during the years roughly corresponding to the Nara period, the fixed level of the population was usually maintained after recovery was achieved. Some theories suppose that a great population increase occurred in the meantime However, from the beginning of the 9th century, there was a slowdown in the recovery rate following the outbreak of an epidemic. Even in the years ofabundant crops recovery from epidemics continued to be incomplete. In the 30 years before and after the turn of the century outbreaks of pestilence struck frequently throughout Japan and there was no stopping the series of famines and epidemics. As a result, population decline and ruined fields greatly increased. Because the populace and paddy lands were the fundamental capital for the ritsuryo-governed state ofancient Japan, one can say that the very foundations of the ritsuryo state itselfwere being undermined by the frequent outbreak of epidemics. Furthermore, as ifoperating in concert with these, in the first halfofthe 9th century, it was often the case that local officials did not provide accurate reports ofthe outbreaks ofthese epidemics. In order to reduce the amount of tax collected by the central government, local officials would attempt to over-estimate the damage caused by an epidemic. The central government at first tried to strictly restrain this tactic, but by the middle of the 9th century it had lost its fervor to police local officials. The rise ofthe risk ofepidemic due the concentration ofthe populace shook the foundations of the society but also had the effect of increasing mobility. As the McNeil model views regions with concentrated populations with many interactions as naturally dominant, it is an argument characterized by anticipated harmony, but given concentrated disturbance of the dominant area by epidemics, it is necessary to reevaluate the historical significance possessed by pestilence.
著者
帯谷 知可
出版者
史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)
雑誌
史林 = The Journal of history (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.104, no.1, pp.113-154, 2021-01

二〇世紀初頭、約二千万のムスリムを抱えたロシア帝国におけるムスリム女性解放論を俯瞰することを視野に入れ、本稿は、この時期に相次いでロシア語により刊行された、イスラーム的な男女平等を主張した二つの著作、ロシア人女性翻訳家・東洋学者オリガ・レベヂェヴァの『ムスリム女性の解放について』(一九〇〇)、およびアゼルバイジャン出身の改革派ジャーナリスト、アフメドベク・アガエフの『イスラームによる、そしてイスラームにおける女性』(一九〇一)に焦点を当てる。それらの骨子を紹介しつつ、両著作中の参照関係を整理し、当時の国境を越えたムスリム女性解放論のありようの一端を明らかにしたい。それは当時のロシアにおけるイスラーム世界に対するオリエンタリズムに抗しながら、エジプトのカースィム・アミーン、トルコのファトマ・アリイェ、英領インドのサイイド・アミール・アリーらの主張に共振する性格をもった。At the beginning of the 20th century, the Russian Empire had almost 20 million Muslims within its borders. This article brings into perspective an overview of the Muslim womenʼs emancipation movement in the Russian Empire in that era and focuses on two Russian works calling for the liberation of Muslim women from within the Russian Empire: About the Emancipation of Muslim Woman (1900) by the Russian translator and orientalist Olʼga Sergeevna Lebedeva and Woman According to Islam and in Islam (1901) by the Azerbaijani Muslim journalist and reformist Akhmed-bek Agaev. Both works were based on the idea of equality between men and women in accordance with Islamic principles. By analyzing these works and referring to relevant literature, this paper sheds light on how such perspectives on Muslim womenʼs emancipation resonated in a cross-border arena. The author argues that both Lebedeva and Agaev intended to resist orientalist views of the Muslim world in Russia and found sympathizers among some contemporary Muslim activists and writers, including key figures such as Qasim Amin from Egypt, Fatma Aliye from Turkey, and Syed Ameer Ali from British India.
著者
松下 孝昭
出版者
史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)
雑誌
史林 = The Journal of history (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.103, no.2, pp.304-333, 2020-03

平時における軍隊の立地と遊廓との関係性を解明するため、日露戦後期に愛知県豊橋市で起きた遊廓移転問題を研究対象とする。豊橋市では、大口喜六市長が師団の誘致に成功すると、市街地中心部にあった遊廓を、市費を投じて東郊に移転させる計画を立て、貸座敷業者や反市長系会派の反対を制して実施に移した。次いで市長は、師団と共存しうる都市に改造するための道路整備事業を推進するが、これは、停車場・兵営・新遊廓の三点を結ぶことが目的となっていた。新遊廓では、貸座敷業態の比率が高かった地区から移転してきた業者らが中心となって組合を組織し、他市から移転してきた業者らを組み込みながら、廓内の秩序を形成していった。以上の豊橋市の事例は、平時の軍隊と遊廓との関係性を論じるにあたり、軍隊と共存して地域振興を図ろうとする地元首長や議員らの動向を重視する必要性があることを示している。
著者
前田 更子
出版者
史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)
雑誌
史林 = The Journal of history (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.104, no.1, pp.155-187, 2021-01

敬虔なカトリックの女性信者は、ライシテに価値を見いだすフランス共和国で何を考え、どのように生きたのだろうか。それが国民統合の使命を担った公立学校の教師だったとするとさらに問題は複雑であろう。本稿では、アルプスの山岳地帯を拠点とし、主に両大戦間期に活動した女性カトリック・グループ「ダビデ」を取り上げる。彼女たちのネットワークは雑誌や図書館制度、巡礼を通して全国に広がり、一九二〇年代末には公立小学校に勤務する女性教員の一割ほどを惹きつけた。共和国の小学校教師としての使命を果たしつつ信者として生き抜くことは、ダビデにとって両立可能であり相互補完的でさえあった。共和国とカトリシズムはともに、彼女たちに人との親密なつながりをもたらし、自己を主張し防衛する手段をも与えた。本稿では、第三共和政期フランスの小学校教師の日常世界を明らかにし、宗教の社会的意義をジェンダーの視点から考察する。This article considers the ideas and activities of the Davidées, a group of Catholic female teachers who worked in public schools. This is firstly an attempt to clarify the daily lives of female teachers in rural France during the Interwar period, and secondly an effort to present one case to help us understand how pious individuals adapted to the modern nation state that promoted laïcité as a national principle. The historical sources employed in this study are chiefly letters written by Marie Silve and Marthe Lagarde, who were leading members of the Davidées, records of the interviews of Marie Silve by the Catholic intellectuals Jean Guitton and Emmanuel Mounier, and the monthly Aux Davidées, published by the group itself. The Davidées were created in 1916 in the sanctuary of Notre-Dame du Laus, located in the Southern Alps, where six female teachers, who were newly graduated from the teacher-training college in Digne, met with the veteran teacher Mélanie Thivolle. These women were fervent Catholics, but at the time in the sphere of elementary educators there was, on the one hand, a powerful leftist teachersʼ union that would not recognize the teachersʼ faith, and, on the other hand, the Catholic church that condemned public schools as "schools of the devil" and encouraged the faithful to join private schools. Given these circumstances, the women founded the Davidées in order to fulfill their duties as public school teachers and at the same time to keep and even enhance their faith. The Davidées network, which valued their occupation and faith equally, gradually spread throughout the nation via their periodicals, library system and pilgrimages, and by the end of the 1920s they had attracted to their ranks approximately 10% of the female elementary teachers working in public schools. Carrying on their faith while fulfilling their mission as public school teachers for the Republic was for the Davidées something that could not only coexist, but in fact be complementary. Furthermore, both the Republic and Catholicism provided them intimate links to various people and gave them the means to advocate for and protect themselves. This article attempts to throw new light on the previous understanding of teachers in the time of the Third Republic from the viewpoints of religion and gender.
著者
石井 香江
出版者
史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)
雑誌
史林 = The Journal of history (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.104, no.1, pp.188-225, 2021-01

歴史を振り返れば、人は有償であるか否かを問わず何らかの活動を行い、ここで、女の仕事/男の仕事の線引きが行われてきた。この過程は「女」と「男」の織り成す関係史という意味で、まさに「ジェンダー史」であり、そこに「人種」と階級が不可分に作用して、歴史の大きなうねりを生み出してきた。本稿では、一九世紀後半から二〇世紀半ばまで、ジェンダー、階級、「人種」、そして時には、そこに情報通信技術がいかに相互に影響し合い、特に電信業務から電話交換業務に女性が移動し、電話交換業務が男性の職業から女性の職業に移り変わったのか、その線引きの過程に着目したい。まずは、ある職業が女性化/男性化する「性別職務分離」の分析の視角、歴史と射程を明らかにし、中でも性別職務分離の過程における国家の両義的な役割を浮かび上がらせ、最後にナチス期の逓信事業内部における性別職務分離の展開について検討し、その意味と今後の課題についてまとめたい。Wenn man in die Geschichte zurückblickt, arbeiteten die Menschen, unabhängig davon, ob sie bezahlt wurden oder nicht. Frauen- und Männerarbeit wurde hier abgegrenzt. Dieser Prozess ist genau "Geschlechtergeschichte" im Sinne der Geschlechterverhältnisse, die "Frau" und "Mann" weben, und "Rasse" und Klasse handeln untrennbar dort, und eine große Welle der Geschichte ist gebildet worden. In diesem Beitrag möchte ich mich auf den Prozess dieser Abgrenzung vom späten 19. Jahrhundert bis zur Mitte des 20. Jahrhunderts konzentrieren, wie Geschlecht, Klasse und "Rasse" und manchmal Informations- und Kommunikationstechnologie miteinander interagierten, zumal Frauen sich von der Telegrafistin zur Telefonistin entwickelte und Telefonisten vom männlichen auf den weiblichen Beruf verlagert wurden. Zuallererst möchte ich den Blickwinkel, die Geschichte und den Bereich der Analyse von "Geschlechtertrennung am Arbeitsplatz" darstellen, was einen bestimmten Beruf weiblich oder männlich macht, um die Rolle des Staates im Prozess der Geschlechtertrennung am Arbeitsplatz zu klären. Es ist interessant, dass gleichzeitig mit der Verbesserung der Telefontechnologie und der Geschlechtertrennung geschlechterspezifische Bilder an die ursprünglich neutralen, nicht männlichen und weiblichen Technologien von Telefon und Telegraf gegeben wurden, und der Zyklus, in dem das Bild das Geschlecht des Menschen definierte, der mit der Technologie arbeitete, entstand. Der Telegraf war ursprünglich eine Militärtechnologie mit starken Verbindungen zum Militär. Die Übertragung über Ferntelegrafen erforderte die kollaborative Arbeit der Telegrafie und ein Fachwissen, wie über Relais, die verwendet wurden, um einen schnellen Transfer der Nachrichten zu den Zielen zu gewährleisten und um Geld zu sparen. Erforderlich ist eine "herausragende" Fähigkeit, wichtige Botschaften schnell und genau an andere zu übermitteln, und diese solidarische Arbeit wurde ohne sorgfältige und ruhige Zusammenarbeit zwischen Männern als unmöglich angesehen. Am Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts beschrieb die Dienstordnung den ausgezeichneten Telegrafisten klar als "einen Mann, der ein gerechtes Urteil hat". Sprachqualität, Sprechen ohne Müdigkeit, Schnelligkeit und Rücksichtnahme, Arbeit, die auf den Punkt gebracht wird, und die Fähigkeit, schnell und genau zu verbinden, sind alles Elemente, die von Verwaltung, Betreffenden und Teilnehmern als "Fähigkeiten" für Telefonverbindungen erkannt wurden. Es wurde erkannt, dass diese "Eignung" als eine soziale Einzigartigkeit für die Frau angesehen wurde. Daraufhin wurde die Telefonverbindung Frauenarbeit. Angesichts des Arbeitskräftemangels, der durch die Einberufung von Männern und die Verlagerung besserer Arbeitsbedingungen an den Arbeitsplatzwährend des Ersten Weltkriegs entstand, wurden neue Berufsausbildungsmöglichkeiten für Frauen geschaffen aufgrund der Notwendigkeit, dass sie ihre Familien mit sogenannten "männlichen Beschäftigungen" unterstützen mussten. Mit der Einführung verheirateter Frauen in die Arbeitswelt stellte man fest, dass Frauen eine Arbeitsform entwickelten, die leicht durchzuführen war. Dies hatte eine gewisse Wirkung. Nach dem Krieg wurden jedoch viele weibliche Hilfskräfte, die während des Krieges in "Männerberufen" tätig waren, unter dem Druck der Demobilmachung von der Reichspost entlassen. Und die Telefonverbindung, die sich seit dem Krieg als weibliche Position etabliert hatte, bekam mehr Bedeutung im Sinne von "weiblicher Beschäftigung", und Männer, denen weibliche Positionen zugeordnet wurden, waren ehemalige Soldaten und Männer, die verpflichtet waren, ihre Familien zu unterstützen. Man kann sagen, dass die Trennung der geschlechterspezifischen Pflichten, die vor dem Krieg bestand, in einem neuen Gefüge reorganisiert wurde, das die "Eignung" von Frauen und Männern klar spaltete. Die Gelegenheit für Frauen, ein Einkommen zu erzielen, beschränkte sich auf den Beruf mit einem niedrigen Lohn und wenigen Perspektiven. Diese Perspektiven wurden als "Eignung" für die Frau betrachtet; ein berufliches Weiterkommen wurde nicht erwartet, eine Beförderung zur Postbeamtin gab es nur sehr selten. Es wurden sowohl in Notsituationen als auch im Ersten Weltkrieg Ausnahmen gemacht, obwohl aufgrund des Arbeitskräftemangels die Arbeitsbedingungen überprüft wurden und die Frau an einen Arbeitsplatz vorrückte, der bisher ausschließlich das Gebiet des Mannes war. Aus diesem Grund schien die Situation der Frauen, an einem Arbeitsplatz mit besseren Arbeitsbedingungen eingesetzt zu werden, als sie sie bei der Reichspost vorfanden, von Anfang keine Option zu sein. Dies wiederum beschleunigte den Arbeitskräftemangel. Der Bereich der Befreiung der Frau ist innerhalb einer "Volksgemeinschaft" eingeschränkt, wenn man bedenkt, dass die ausländischen Zwangsarbeiterinnen gezwungen wurden, das Loch zu füllen. Daher tritt eine negative Seite der Rolle, die der Staat dort spielte, umso mehr hervor.
著者
横田 冬彦
出版者
史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)
雑誌
史林 = The Journal of history (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.103, no.2, pp.265-303, 2020-03

江戸時代の出産については、民俗学調査を援用したり、江戸後期の堕胎や間引きを禁止する人口政策史料から推定され、領主政策以前の平常産そのものを直接に明らかにすることはできていなかった。本研究は、一七世紀後半~一八世紀初めの大和国添上郡田原郷の藤堂藩無足人山本平左衛門の日記を素材に、近世前期の出産がさまざまな女性たちの協働によって行われていること、それにともなうさまざまな産育儀礼の存在を示した。また、その背景にはこの時期の高い妊産婦死亡率があることを述べ、あわせて大正期に行われた民俗学調査についても検証する。Research on childbirth in early modern Japan has so far relied on findings of early twentieth-century ethnographic surveys in addition to documents relating to late Tokugawa population policies outlawing abortions and infanticide. Direct accounts of regular childbirth preceding policy intervention by territorial lords have been difficult to come by. The present article analyzes cases of childbirth recorded between 1676 and 1720 in the diary of Yamamoto Heizaemon 山本平左衛門, a musokunin 無足人 (village elite retaining samurai status but no stipend) of Tōdō Domain, resident in Soekami County of Yamato Province. It demonstrates that childbirth in the early Tokugawa period depended on cooperation among women in various roles, and documents the performance of rituals relating to childbirth and child-raising. It also undertakes an estimate of the maternal mortality rate. Continuities with folk practices recorded in Taishō-era ethnographic surveys are reassessed on this basis.
著者
木村 義成
出版者
史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)
雑誌
史林 = The Journal of history (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.103, no.1, pp.215-241, 2020-01

患者の受入先医療機関が速やかに決定しない救急事案(救急搬送困難事案)が全国的に報告され社会問題となっている。本稿では、大阪市内で搬送困難が報告されている消化管出血患者の搬送特性について、その地域差を明らかにし、患者の円滑な救急搬送にむけた対応策を検討した。分析手法として、搬送特性の地域差を検討するために「救急隊最近接地域」という空間分析単位を考案し、平日・休日や時間帯ごとの搬送時間や医療機関への連絡回数をもとに消化出血患者の搬送特性を分析した。分析の結果、搬送特性により大阪市内は五つの地域グループに分類され、平日・休日や時間帯により搬送困難に明確な地域差があることが確認された。消化出血患者の発生状況と受入先となる医療機関の立地状況から検討すると、両者との間でアンバランスが生じている可能性がある地域が指摘され、それらの地域においては消化出血患者に対する病院群輪番制の導入が検討される。
著者
藤田 風花
出版者
史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)
雑誌
史林 = The Journal of history (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.102, no.6, pp.817-853, 2019-11

本稿は、ヴェネツィア領キプロスに焦点をあて、当地における対抗宗教改革の展開を検討することで、一六世紀東地中海世界における正教・カトリック・イスラームという三つの宗教文化圏の交錯のありようを問う。正教会にたいする対抗宗教改革の影響という問題は、カトリックとプロテスタントの対抗関係を想定してきた従来の対抗宗教改革史研究からこぼれ落ちてきた。そこで本稿は、リュジニャン朝期の一二六〇年に実質の教会合同体制が成立していたキプロスに、トレント公会議の布告を適用するべく到来したヴェネツィア人大司教モチェニーゴの改革と、それにたいする現地の正教会の反応を分析した。その結果、大司教の改革は、キプロスの正教徒に、カトリックへの反発を生じさせただけでなく、オスマン帝国へと目を向けさせた要因となったと主張する。さらに、彼の改革は、キプロスの正教徒にローカルな信仰の慣習を保持することを意識させたと結論づける。Cyprus, the island located in the eastern Mediterranean, experienced many changes of its rulers from the twelfth to sixteenth centuries. From the medieval to the early modern period, the Byzantine Empire, the French Lusignans, the Republic of Venice, and the Ottoman Empire took successive control of the island. Amid these changes, most inhabitants of Cyprus were Orthodox Greeks. Yet, during the period of Latin rule under the Lusignans (1192-1473) and the Venetians (1473-1571), Catholics ruled over a predominantly Orthodox Greek population. Using Venetian Cyprus as a case study, this article examines the development of the Counter-Reformation and its impact on the Greeks to clarify how the status of Greeks was interrelated with the political and religious aspects of the eastern Mediterranean. Since the mid-sixteenth century, Venetian maritime territories were threatened by the expansion of the Ottoman Empire: Cyprus was surrounded by Ottoman territories. Simultaneously, the Papacy in the Counter-Reformation began to see not only Protestants but also Orthodox Greeks as heretics. The Counter-Reformation has been often considered as a conflict between Catholics and Protestants. However, it also had a great influence on the Eastern Church. Previous researchers have argued that the Counter- Reformation hardly affected Cyprus, because the reforms of the Venetian Catholic Archbishop Filippo Mocenigo did not change the church institution of Cyprus. Although these studies have investigated the Venetian religious policy and its relationship with the Papacy, the majority have overlooked the status of Greeks in the regime of Venetian Cyprus. To solve this problem, it is important to consider the behavior of Greeks in Cyprus during a moment of transition from Venetian to Ottoman rule. Long before the Council of Florence, Cypriot Orthodox church institutions had already begun to resemble those of the Uniate church. The Bulla Cypria was promulgated by Pope Alexander IV in 1260. This Bulla stipulated that Greeks could maintain the Orthodox faith and rites as long as they swore obedience to the Roman Catholic church and the Catholic archbishop of Nicosia, the central city of Cyprus. Venice inherited the church institutions of Cyprus and did not interfere in church matters. Based on this bull, Greeks and Catholics on the island had lived together without serious conflict since the mid-thirteenth century. Over time, unique religious customs were developed in the Cypriot local society. In the last decade of Venetian rule, however, the Counter-Reformation extended to Cyprus and caused tension between the two churches. In the 1560s, the Venetian Catholic Archbishop Mocenigo arrived on Cyprus with a spirit of Counter-Reformation. This manifested itself in a series of attempts to remedy the offices of both Catholic and Greek clerics in Cyprus according to the resolutions of the Council of Trent (1545-63). Regarding his activities, Greek Orthodox bishops resisted to the Counter-Reformation with their religious autonomy based on Bulla Cypria. The Venetian government tried to reconcile Orthodox clerics with Mocenigo fearing Ottoman intervention and territorial ambitions on Cyprus. Owing to the efforts of the Venetian government, the reformation lead by the Archbishop Mocenigo did not provoke Greek rebellion. Nevertheless, Mocenigoʼs reformation aroused fierce opposition from Greek clerics. Turning to the period of during the War of Cyprus (1570-1571), where Venice and the Ottoman Empire fought over the rule of the island, Mocenigoʼs reformation assumed a different character from the image shown by previous research. Greeks in Cyprus tried to establish their church institution as part of the Ottoman Empire when it became clear that Ottoman troops had defeated the Venetian troops and taken control of the island. Furthermore, Greeks insisted that the Greek Archbishop should to be a native Greek Cypriot. It seems that they thought only people who had been born and brought up in Cyprus could represent the interests of Greeks in Cyprus. Consequently, with a mixture of the Counter-Reformation and the rise of the Ottoman Empire in the eastern Mediterranean, the Counter-Reformation impelled Orthodox Greeks in Cyprus to turn from the Catholic church to the Orthodox church under the Ottomans. Besides, the reformation by the Catholic archbishop led Greeks to deepen their perception of the necessity to protect their faith and Cypriot customs from foreigners.
著者
高林 陽展
出版者
史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)
雑誌
史林 = The Journal of history (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.103, no.1, pp.103-143, 2020-01

一九世紀以降の西洋世界において、大気や土壌への放出量の増加、鉛を取り扱う労働現場の増加、食品加工時の鉛の利用、水道管への鉛の使用など、人は鉛への暴露の機会を大きく増やした。その結果生じる健康被害については、職業病や環境問題をあつかった諸研究で論じられてきた。また近年、社会経済史家W・トロスケンが、近現代の合衆国東岸やイングランド北部において水道水による鉛中毒が深刻だったことを論じている。一方、二〇世紀後半以降の医学研究は、低量の鉛暴露によって神経の発達や精神疾患への罹患リスクが高まることを主張してきた。本稿は、こうした諸研究をもとに、イングランド北部の西ヨークシャー、特にシェフィールドに絞って、精神疾患を中心とした健康被害の実態を検討し、同地域における深刻な鉛暴露の実態を明らかにした。ただし、人口統計や病院史料に基づく量的な分析においては、鉛暴露による健康被害は明確には認められなかった。
著者
鄭 賢珠
出版者
史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)
雑誌
史林 = The Journal of history (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.103, no.3, pp.361-394, 2020-05

京城学堂は一八九六年四月大日本海外教育会によって朝鮮人子弟に日本語や朝鮮語で普通学を教えるため漢城に開設され、一〇余年間運営された「日語学校」であった。従来、政財界人の支援や東亜同文会の影響による成功事例として評価されてきた。本稿では資金調達過程など運営実態を究明し、看過されてきた小島今朝次郎ら現地運営陣の活動および居留官民・日本国内の支援動向を考察した。その結果、本部の脆弱さ、堂長や駐韓公使の活躍、出資に対する外務省の消極的な姿勢、教育体制および運営陣の認識変化、韓国政府への献納経緯が明らかになった。学堂の役割は日本の勢力維持・韓国人の懐柔・日本文化移植から植民や韓国経営へ移り、確実に韓国の植民地化を志向した。しかし民間団体による海外教育事業に対する社会的な支援基盤を築くことは困難で、日本政府の支援方針が確立されないなど、当時日本の帝国主義の多面性がみられる。Keijō Gakudō was founded in April 1896 in Kanjō (Seoul) bythe Dainippon Kaigai Kyōikukai (The Great Japan Overseas Education Association). Its aim was to provide general education to Koreans in both the Japanese and Korean language. This "Japanese school, " which lasted for more than 10 years, has been regarded as a successful case due to the support of politicians and businesspeople and the influence of the Tōa Dōbunkai (East Asian Shared Culture Association). This paper investigates the founding and management of the school, examining the previouslyoverlooked activities of Kojima Kesajirō and local managers, as well as the support of the Japanese in Korea, and in Japan. The studyhas revealed: 1) the weaknesses of the headquarters, 2) activities of the administrators and Japanese officials in Korea, 3) the reluctance of the Ministryof Foreign Affairs to provide financial support, 4) changes in educational policyand attitudes of the managers, and 5) the process of the transfer to the Korea government. The school's role changed from maintaining Japanese power, placating Koreans, and transplanting Japanese culture, to colonization and management of the Korea economy, confirming Korea's status as a colony of Japan. However, it was difficult to establish a base of social support for overseas educational projects byprivate organizations, and the Japanese government had not established firm policies. Thus, Japan's imperialism was multifaceted at the time.