著者

垂井 弘志

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

no.9, pp.273-307, 1994-03-31

---

'Aziz Mahmud Huda'i is a sufi of the 16/17th century and the virtual founder of the Jilwatiyah Order. He wrote many treatises and poetry of mystical character both in Arabic and Ottoman Turkish. Seed of Love, written in Arabic, is a short treatise on mystical love. This work consists of three chapters, in each of which is discussed the love for God, the Prophet and the family of the Prophet. Each chapter begins with a verse concerning the subject of the chapter. He who loves God, the ultimate lover, necessarily loves the Prophet, the beloved of God. And he who loves the Prophet necessarily loves his family with whom he is tightly connected by blood and faith. On the other hand, he can love the Prophet and attain the love for God by loving his family. There are three kinds of human beings, i.e., the masses, the elite and the elite of elite. The masses are owners of lower soul, and their love has self-interested and temporary nature based on sensual delight and worldly benefit. The elite are owners of a heart, and their love is based on the beauty and the glory of God,but their piety still remains external and they haven't attained the union with God. The elite of elite are owners of spirit, and their love has a spiritual, essential and radical nature based on the eternal harmony of the spirits before the manifestation of the One, the ultimate principle of existence. Human beings can attain the love of God according to their degree of fana', i.e., fana' of deeds, attributes and self.

著者

井上 貴恵

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

no.30, pp.147-172, 2014

---

The book of Sharh-i Shathiyat which will be treated in this article is one of the masterpieces of Ruzbihan Baqli Shirazi (d. 1209), a prominent preacher of Shiraz in the 12th century. This book mainly consists of explanations of ecstatic sayings called "Shatahat" a technical term used by Sufi masters from the 7th to 10th century. The main purpose of this paper is to examine this Ruzbihan's annotations of ecstatic sayings of Sufi masters, especially those of Mansur al-Hallaj (d. 922). The reasons for this focus are that, among the various Sufi masters, Ruzbihan clearly indicates that elucidating the work of al-Hallaj is the main objective of his book; in fact, the portion devoted to al-Hallaj accounts for a third of the Sharh-i Shathiyat. Most previous studies on the Ruzbihan's ideas follow Corbin's opinion that Ruzbihan is one of the typical Sufis who described a mystical love between God and man in Sufism. However, recent studies have defined the limits of this prior view and pointed out that the traditional interpretation of Ruzbihan reflects only one side of his thought. This is a very important suggestion for further research on Ruzbihan's ideas and the practicality of this suggestion will also be considered in the present article. This study will clarify the role of the Sharh-i Shathiyat within the whole corpus of Ruzbihan's works. They will also help us to discover a new side of the ideas of Ruzbihan, who has typically been viewed as one of the re-interpreters of al-Hallaj's heretical thinking, as well as to reconsider his position in the history of ideas within Sufism.

著者

森 千香子

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

no.20, pp.323-351, 2005-03-31

---

The <<fear of Islam>> is not a new subject in France : this country's geographic location, in permanent contact with the Arab Islamic world, always brought complex relations, both close and strained, with the Islamic world. A combination of different reasons has led to the present situation : ancient history (France is a catholic nation, particularly active during the Crusade), recent history (the Iranian revolution, increasing number of <<fundamentalist's terrorist acts>> in Algeria, the September 11 attacks...), and France's sociological situation itself (with an important Muslim community). However, since several years, a sort of mutation has been taking place in Islam's representation, while the number of anti-Muslim acts is on the rise. What does this mutation consist of? What is exactly the <<new anti-Muslim phenomenon>> in French society? To answer these questions, we analyze the new anti-Islam discourses and focus on its promoters, in order to grasp the crucial issues and the underlying ideas of this phenomenon in French socio-political context. First of all, this paper will outline some of the principal characteristics of Islamophobia in France, especially the relations between ultranationalist xenophobia and current Islamophobia. Then, new forms of critical discourses towards Islam are to be studied and their relations with new Islamophobia's logics. The objective of this paper is to analyze if the latest outbreak of anti-Islamic attacks is only a variation of <<traditional>> anti-Arab racism, or if current Islamophobia presents, on the contrary, some new peculiarities, partly or entirely distinct from traditional xenophobia. Our analysis will clarify two points : first, ultranationalist racist ideology plays a nonnegligible part in the contemporary Islamophobia. This point of view, systematically amalgamating <<terrorists>>, <<fundamentalists>>, <<Muslims>> and <<immigrants>>, consists in considering the Islam as a <<potential threat>> to the French nation and, on the basis of an essentialist ideology, in excluding Islam from the phantasmagoric fabrication of a so-called <<French identity>>. Secondly, the present-day Islamophobia is nevertheless clearly irreducible to the ultranationalist anti-Arab racism : <<criticism of Islamic fundamentalists>> by several actors (experts of <<New anti-Semitism by Muslims>>, defenders of <<universal values>> or even <<Moderate Muslims>>), also exercises sometimes-in its own ways- some vicious influences on the reinforcement of anti-Muslim stereotypes, potentially leading to some latent legitimatization of its overstepped forms.

著者

榮谷 温子

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

no.13, pp.257-285, 1998-03-31

---

本文中で触れたように、象は、パン屋さんで世界一巨大なカアク、お皿工場で普通のお皿の百枚分もある大皿、靴屋さんで百足分もある靴を作り、そのことは既に先行するテキストで述べられている。つまりこれらは全て限定形で表されていても、読者は文脈的情報によりその指示対象を理解できるはずもので、その原則に従えば限定形で表されるべきなのである。それがカアクだけが限定形で、お皿と靴が非限定形という不揃いが生じている。この場合まずカアクが限定形になっていることから、読者はその指示対象を知るためには、それ以前のテキストをスキャンし、象がパン屋さんで世界一大きなカアクを焼いたという情報を得る必要がある。ところが前節でも述べたように「象」の物語には、パターンの定まったサブ物語が3つあり、象はそのパターンに従ってそれぞれの巨大商品を作ったわけである。もし続くお皿と靴も限定形であったなら、カアクの場合と同じ情報検索の手間をさらに二回繰り返さなければならないことになる。加えてカアク・お皿・靴それぞれに修飾節が後続し、読者はそれらによっても情報を与えられている。この場合、最初のカアクだけを限定形にし、後の二つを非限定形すなわち読者の持っている情報ではその指示対象を特定できない場合の形式を用いて表すことで、逆に読者が情報検索、それも最初の情報検索と全く同じパターンの情報を得るための検索作業に用いる労力を省く効果があるのではないか。つまり最初だけ完全な形で提示し、二・三番目はいわば「以下同文」的な扱いをしたのである。さらに、こうして名詞句全体を"軽く"しておくことで、後に修飾節をつけて読者に別の情報を与えることが、よりやりやすくなった。或いは逆に、非限定形にして、その指示対象を特定するための情報を減らしてしまった分を、新たな修飾節で補ったと考えることもできるかもしれない。

著者

吉田 達矢

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

no.28, pp.254-259, 2013-01-05

著者

木我 公輔

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

no.17, pp.155-179, 2002-03-31

著者

松尾 昌樹

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

no.19, pp.153-174, 2003-09-30

---

本稿はイギリス東インド会社ならびに英領インド政府によるブー・サイード朝の君主に対する称号の適用方法の変化を明らかにすることを目的とする。イギリス側は1861年まで「イマーム」の称号を適用したが,この称号を冠せられた支配者達は,イバード派の教義に則ったイマームではなかった。このような誤用の原因には,イギリス人がイバード派の教義やブー・サイード朝の歴史に関する知識を持たなかったことだけではなく,プー・サイード朝の君主達がこのような使用法を黙認することによって,イギリスからオマーンの君主と見なされる効果を期待していたことが考えられる。1859年から1871年にかけて,英領インド政府の役人であったバジャーは,オマーンの年代記の翻訳を通じて,イバード派の教義の知識を得たが,同時に彼はそれまでのイギリスによる称号の適用手法に誤りがあったことを認識するとともに,イマームではなかったブー・サイード朝の君主達を正当化する必要性を強く認識した。バジャーは彼の著作の中で,誰がオマーンの君主であったのか,というイギリスの歴史認識に適合するように説明を行った。「サイィド」が支配家系が用いた称号であり,イマームではなかったブー・サイード朝の君主が摂政としてイマームの権威を有していたという有名な説は,このようなバジャーの試みの産物であった。このような説明を用いて,バジャーは一連のマスカトの支配者を支配家系として歴史的に正当化したのである。

著者

福富 満久

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

no.24, pp.167-189, 2008-09-25

---

After Qaddafi accepted responsibility over the bombings of Pan Am Flight 103 in 1988 and UTA Flight 772 in 1989, he agreed to provide financial compensation to the families of the victims. As a result, the UN sanctions against Libya were lifted on September 12, 2003. In December 2003, Qaddafi publicly announced that Libya had renounced its weapons of mass destruction and ballistic missile development programs. Qaddafi brought Libya back into the world community. Although the 1990s were years of decline and isolation for Libya on both political and economic fronts, it did not pose a serious threat to the Qaddafi regime. On the other hand, Qaddafi successfully established closer relations with the EU and its neighbouring countries. During this period, the Libyan government continued to control the oil revenues dominating its socialistoriented economy -the Rentier State-. The change in Libya's behavior illustrated a bold attempt by Qaddafi to reunify the state and its identity, in order to maintain the Rentier State economy and keep Qaddafi's regime in power.

著者

石丸 由美

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.2, pp.71-90, 2018-01-15 (Released:2019-03-15)

著者

三浦 徹

出版者

Japan Association for Middle East Studies (JAMES)

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, no.2, pp.173-197, 2013-01-05 (Released:2018-03-30)

著者

児玉 恵美

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.1, pp.99-118, 2021-08-15 (Released:2022-09-30)

---

This article describes the collective and personal memories generated from a cemetery where the dead of the Palestinian Revolution in Lebanon are buried. Previous studies of the revolution have focused on the historical process whereby the Palestinians living in refugee camps participated in the revolution: Many camp residents took weapons to fight for their return to the land of Palestine in the 1970s. This raises the following research question: How have the dead of the Palestine Revolution been recollected and commemorated by both the Palestinian leadership and people? This article examines the Palestinian Martyrs’ Cemetery near Shatila Camp in Beirut, because this cemetery is the burial place of many national heroes and the site of commemorative practices to honor all the martyrs. Recollecting and commemorating the martyrs connects visitors to the land of Palestine as their own true root. One of these Palestinian martyrs buried in this cemetery is Majid Husayn Attie (Mājid Ḥusayin ‘Aṭīya). Retelling Majid’s life history, his son also recollected the resistance from the perspective of a familial martyr. This paper concludes that the grave is the notion that connects collective and personal death, and collective and personal memory.

著者

相樂 悠太

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.1, pp.63-89, 2018-07-15 (Released:2019-10-01)

---

The ḥadīth qudsī, which reports God’s sayings in the first person through Prophet Muhammad, is said to be in deep relationship with the formation of Islamic mystical thoughts. Ibn ‘Arabī (d. 1240), the greatest mystic of Islam, often cites the ḥadīth qudsī as stating “My earth and heaven do not contain Me, but My faithful servant’s heart contains Me,” and tells that the heart of the mystic contains the God. Previous studies of this doctrine have not directed enough attention to his interpretation of this divine saying. I clarify the relationship of this doctrine to his famous theory of “self-disclosure of God” (tajallī) and “perfect man” (insān kāmil) based on the investigation into his interpretation of this ḥadīth in his magnum opus, al-Futūḥāt al-Makkīya. According to Ibn ‘Arabī, this ḥadīth means that the heart of a perfect man, the knot between God and the cosmos, contains the whole cosmos as God’s self-disclosure. In this interpretation, the concept of the heart, which belongs to the doctrine of the human soul, is tightly connected to the ontological and metaphysical doctrine in his system. This connection is not seen in the previous Sufi thought and appears to be one aspect of his historical role in constructing Islamic mystical philosophy.

著者

私市 扶木子

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, pp.39-60, 1997-03-31 (Released:2018-03-30)

著者

今城 尚彦

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.2, pp.85-103, 2021-03-15 (Released:2022-03-31)

---

The Alevis, a Muslim minority group in Turkey, have been marginalized as “non-believers” and “atheists” by the Sunni majority. Following a long period of political turmoil that involved discrimination and massacres, Alevilik were considered taboo in Turkish society. However, the 1990s brought about a turning point: more people publicly identified as Alevis and thus became more visible in the Turkish public sphere. The cemevis, or centers for their religious activities, increased at this time and today continue to provide services to those seeking an Alevi way of life. This process of increased visibility, called the “Alevi revival,” received a great deal of scholarly attention. However, some of the younger generation born after the beginning of the “Alevi revival” see such rituals as anachronistic and are hesitant to identify themselves as Alevis. Some studies have shown the reformulation of Alevilik as a “faith” through the process of cemevis becoming the counterpart of mosques. Others have emphasized the importance of self-identifying as being of Alevi lineage. Since such studies have focused on the foregrounded Aleviness, it is still unclear how the younger generation has come to terms with their Alevi origins. This study aims to shed light on the struggles of the younger generation by focusing on the ambiguity of the term Alevilik. It concludes that the “Alevi revival,” which supposedly enabled more people to identify as Alevis, also generated new forms of silence by emphasizing the religious aspects of Alevilik.

著者

清水 芳見

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, pp.273-310, 1992-03-31 (Released:2018-03-30)

---

Although a rich folklore of ghosts and spirits exists in Arab Muslim societies, the anthropological study of this subject is extremely scarce. The purpose of this article is to present a description. and analysis of the Arab Muslims'belief in ghosts and spirits in the village of Kufr Yuba in North Jordan, compared with the cases in the other Arab Muslim societies and those in the non-Muslim societies, particularly in Japan. The fieldwork on which this article is based was carried out in the years 1986-1988 when I was a research fellow at the Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology, Yarmouk University, Irbid. Kufr Yuba is an Arab village located at about six kilometers west of the city of Irbid, with a population of some nine thousand Sunni Muslims. Although it is originally a cereal-growing village, its occupational structure is at present diversified and the agricultural population is estimated approximately at twenty percent of the total. The literary Arabic (al-fusha) equivalent of the Japanese term yurei, which is mostly translated in English as ghost, is generally shabah. In Kufr Yuba, however, the term shabah is not always equivalent to the yurei. First of all, the villagers' general image of the shabah is quite different from that of the Japanese yurei. The yurei is generally regarded as the disembodied soul of a dead person appearing to the living in the shape of what he was before death, whereas the shabah is conceived as a kind of jinn, that is, spirits mentioned in the Qur'an. The term jinn, which is a plural in literary Arabic, is a masculine singular in Kufr Yuba, and its feminine singular form is jinniyya. A lot of villagers believe in the existence of such spiritual beings exactly because they are referred to as one of the various creations of 'Allah in the Qur'an. Therefore, not a few anecdotes have been woven around jinn, and for example, during my stay in the village, the weekly newspaper al-Haqiqa (26 May 1987) carried a report entitled "li-man raqs al-jinn ala muthallath Kufr Yuba (Who performs a jinn dance at the T-crossroads of Kufr Yuba?)". According to the Qur'an, there are good jinn and bad jinn, that is, Muslims and infidels. The people of Kufr Yuba in general stand in fear of all of the jinn, however, thinking of them as evil and harmful. It is presumably because they entertain some apprehensions about the unidentified natural shape of the jinn. The Qur'an says nothing but that the jinn were created of fire. Such 'fearful' jinn have played a very important role in what is called islamization. Islam has introduced its own spirits in the form of jinn, and has placed all the local spirits and pagan gods in the category of jinn.

著者

私市 正年

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.2, pp.127-136, 2015-01-15 (Released:2018-03-30)

著者

Akira USUKI

出版者

Japan Association for Middle East Studies (JAMES)

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.2, pp.195-214, 2008-01-28 (Released:2018-03-30)

---

This paper examines the roles played by Hajime Kobayashi (1904-1963) in Middle Eastern and Islamic studies in Japan. Although he is one of the forgotten Japanese scholars in this academic field today, he can be considered as a good example of the researchers who represent the continuation of the studies before and after World War II. Kobayashi was one of those who engaged in the establishment of the first academic research institution of Islamic studies (Kaikyoken Kenkyujo) in Japan in 1938. He was also appointed as professor at the preparatory Army Academy of the Imperial Army before World War II. After the war, Kobayashi exerted himself in 1956 for the establishment of Middle East Research Institute of Japan (Chuto Chosakai) which was an auxiliary organization of the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This paper concludes that the reason why Kobayashi has been forgotten might be Kobayashi's versatility with the times; Kobayashi was not only a researcher but also a coordinator of Middle Eastern and Islamic studies in Japan before and after the war. In other words, he committed to the war or politics or even collaborated with the military establishment during the war as an ardent nationalist during the war.

著者

富田 広士

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.1, pp.183-206, 2011

---

2007年大カイロ地域(カイロ、ギザ、カルユビア三県)政治意識調査と2008年にエジプト全国規模(カイロ、ポート・サイード、カフルッ・シャイフ、メヌーフィーア、ベニ・スウェーフ、ソハーグ六県)で政治社会意識を探った調査結果の中から、エジプト人は自らが置かれたどの地域枠に最も帰属意識を持つか(およびそれに依拠した政治イデオロギーへの共感)を観る「地域アイデンティティ」に注目する。その上で2008年全国調査結果におけるこの項目と政治意識をはじめとする七つの項目のクロス集計を行い、2007年調査と比較して次の3点を明らかにする。第1に、アラブ主義、エジプト・ナショナリズム、イスラム主義(三つのイズム)への共感度は6調査県によって当然強弱が現れるが、共感する政治イデオロギー・宗教信条を一つでなく三つまで挙げられる条件のもとでエジプト人には、これら三つの政治イデオロギーの重要性を三つとも認める選択傾向が見られる、第2に、2007年に大カイロ地域で行った政治意識調査からは、従来都市民共通の意識として指摘される政治関心、意識の高さ、政治有効性感覚の低さ、現実政治への参加意欲の低さが確認された。しかし2008年全国調査では貧困問題が深刻といわれる上エジプト、ベニ・スウェイフ県、ソハーグ県において下エジプト4県よりも高い政治関心、意識、選挙での投票率などが確認された。第3に、三つのイズムへの共感度には政治意識や所得による変動は全く見られないといってよい。しかし三つのイズムへの共感度には下エジプト四県に比べ上エジプト二県において押しなべて高いという顕著な傾向が見られる。従来中央‐地方関係では、中央都市の市民意識に政治意識の全般的活性化が起こっているとするのが通説である。その意味では、2008年全国調査はこの通説に挑戦する調査結果を提供している。と同時にベニ・スウェーフ、ソハーグ両県で識別された政治意識の全般的活性化状況は、上エジプト(al-sa'īd)が伝統的に中央政府に対して抱いてきた反中央意識を示唆するものである。

著者

宇野 昌樹

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, pp.217-243, 1997

---

There is a mountainous region, covered by volcanic rocks called Jabal Druze, situated approximately 80km south-east from Damascus, the capital of Syria. This region is inhabited almost entirely by Druze people and is the largest center for the Druze in Syria, and an important stronghold of the Druze in the Middle East. It was from the end of the 17th century to the early 18th century that the Druze built their community in this region, which seemed to be waste land. However, only since the early 19th century have the Druze people increased their population rapidly and established their influence. In 1861, the name "Jabal Druze" was first mentioned officially as a place name in Ottoman documents. The establishment and the expansion of the Druze community in Jabal Druze were impelled by the Druze settlers (newcomers), who came from other regions beginning in the 19th century. Their arrival affected the preexisting community in Jabal Druze in diverse ways. In short, on one hand, the migration of the Druze led to the establishment and expansion of the communal society. On the other hand, the Druze community has experienced a large social change due to the rapid expansion of the population. The following examples will serve to highlight these social changes. First, the prominent family, which had dominated the Druze community since its early establishment in Jabal Druze, lost its leading position, and has been replaced by a new prominent family. In short, the expansion of the community played an important role in destroying the relations among existing powers. Second, the leading religious class was formed. It is well known that there is a hierarchy, like Sheikh 'Aql, 'Uqqal and Juhhal, in their religious establishment. But it seems that the leading religious class as a Sheikh 'Aql did not exist before the 19th century, but only since the 19th century. It seems that the appearance of the leading religious class occurred because of the growing population of the Druze and the development of the Druze community. But the most rapid social change inside the Druze community may be the growth of the difference between the rich and poor peasants'. That is to say, the society differentiated deeply between "haves" and "have-nots" (holders and nonholders) by the increasing of the population. Although in 1889, many Druze peasants rose in revolt on a large scale (the so-called "Ammiya"), it seems that the main cause of the revolt were the rapid social changes created by the artificial increase of the population due to migration. The main motives of this article are to examine the following points: one is how the increase of the population brought the social changes through the Druze migration to Jabal Druze during the 19th century. The other is how the social changes affected the outbreak of the Druze peasants' revolt.

著者

白岩 一彦

出版者

日本中東学会

雑誌

日本中東学会年報 (ISSN:09137858)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, pp.179-198, 1995