著者
原 誠
出版者
京都大学東南アジア研究センター
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.16, no.1, pp.32-77, 1978-06

この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。
著者
崎山 理
出版者
京都大学東南アジア研究センター
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.7, no.3, pp.274-292, 1969-12

この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。
著者
山影 進
出版者
京都大学東南アジア研究センター
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.18, no.1, pp.3-21, 1980-06

この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。
著者
木下 昭
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.47, no.2, pp.210-226, 2009-09-30 (Released:2017-10-31)

The purpose of this paper is to look into the relationship between international politics and Filipino studentswho studied in Japan during the 1930s. At that time, the Philippines was in the middle of a conflict betweentwo empires: Japan and the United States. In this context, Japan tried to use Filipino students as a meansto improve its soft power in the Philippines. In the first half of the decade, about 30 Filipinos were livingmainly in Tokyo, with the majority of them studying at medical schools, in particular The Jikei UniversitySchool of Medicine, Tokyo, which offered classes in English. But not all Japanese people welcomed Filipinoswith many heavily prejudiced against them. In the mid-30s Japan set up new institutions to attract moreinternational students but the number of Filipino students decreased gradually in the late 1930s becausethe fear of Japanese imperialism had spread in the Philippines. This paper contextualizes these historicaldevelopments to show the deep connections between foreign students and the international politics ofimperialism adopted by Japan in its attempts to obtain hegemony before the Pacific War.
著者
清水 政明 Le Thi Lien 桃木 至朗
出版者
京都大学
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.36, no.2, pp.149-177, 1998-09

この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。This paper aims to introduce one piece of chu nom material, which Henri Maspero mentioned in his article of 1912 as one of the oldest chu nom materials, and the existence of which remained for a long time unconfirmed. This paper also aims to analyze the chu nom characters contained in it from the historical phonological point of view. This material was rediscovered and introduced by Le Thi Lien in her 1989 B. A. thesis. It is an inscription erected in 1343 on the Ho Thanh mountain (nui Non Nuoc) in the present Ninh Binh province, Vietnam. It concerns donations made by local inhabitants for the construction of a temple on the mountain. Before analyzing the chu nom characters in the inscription, we first review the traditional method of analyzing chu nom characters as proposed by Henri Maspero in 1912,for the purpose of demonstrating the limitations of his method in the analysis of our material. We then refer to recent Viet-Muong phonological studies based on the newly discovered and described groups of the Viet-Muong branch such as Arem. Chu't. Ma Lieng. Aheu, and Pong, most of which were not known when Maspero wrote his paper. One of the main phonological features that differentiate them from the Mu'o'ng dialects described by Maspero is the existence of the disyllabic structure : (C_0)vC_1V(C_2)/T. We also utilize newly discovered chu nom materials such as the Sino-Vietnamese text of Phat thuyet a ai bao phu mau an trong kinh, compiled in the 15th century, which also throws light on our analysis. The material contains 11 common words and 18 person or place names written in chu nom characters. The latter 18 proper nouns are the object of discussion. Their common characteristics are the use of two characters for the transcription of one proper noun and occurrence of the vowel /a/ as the first element. We claim for these examples to show (1) certain patterns of the initial consonantal cluster, and (2) the trace of the disyllabic morphemes still preserved in the 14th century Vietnamese. Concerning the former point, we can reconstruct such patterns as /^* bl-/, /^* ml-/, and /^* k'r-/ from our material. The latter point is of special importance. Nguyen Tai Can (1995) reconstructed the major members of the minor syllable ((C_0)v) in the disyllabic structure of Proto Viet-Muong as /^* pə/, /^* tə/, /^* cə/, /^* kə/, /^* sə/, /^* a/, and we can recognize four of them in our matelial : /^* pə/, /^* tə/, /^* kə/, /^* a/. The chu nom characters contained in the Sino-Vietnamese text of Phat thuyet d ai bao phu mau an trong kinh mentioned above, in turn, show all six of them, and the characters transcribing each of these minor syllables coincide with each other between these two materials, a fact that may reinforce the credibility of our analysis. In conclusion, the insertion of a non-distinctive schwa vowel/ə/ between each of the initial consonantal clusters seems to have been common in Vietnamese during the 14th-15th centuries, but not in all cases. And the disyllabic strucure of Vietnamese, or at least the trace of it, is recognized to have existed until as late as 15th century.
著者
下條 尚志
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.51, no.2, pp.227-266, 2014-01-31 (Released:2017-10-31)

This paper attempts to consider the struggle for reign between local community and state in the Mekong Delta of southern Vietnam during the controlled economy era (1976–88). It examines the influence of the communist government's socialistic reforms on the local community composed of Khmer, Chinese and Vietnamese, and how the people dealt with these reforms. In an attempt to socialize the Mekong Delta region, the government transformed local orders to a new state order, one that prioritized public interest. Local orders were cooperative relations based on private interests of individual or family subsistence and were formed in various places in the local community. The subsistence crisis provoked by the socialistic reforms drove the people to depend on local orders. People hid paddy in their houses, selling it on the black market. Some living in disputed border areas left their village, seeking refuge in Buddhist pagodas, while others escaped to Cambodia. As more and more people, including local officials, participated in local orders, the weaker the state order became. Finally, the authorities were obliged to abolish the socialistic reforms as a result of the people's boycotting.
著者
清水 政明 Le Thi Lien 桃木 至朗
出版者
京都大学東南アジア研究センター
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.36, no.2, pp.149-177, 1998-09

この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。
著者
北澤 直宏
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.50, no.2, pp.273-302, 2013-01-31 (Released:2017-10-31)

This paper aims at assessing the relationship between religion and politics in contemporary Vietnam, with a focus on Caodaism reorganization. After the Vietnam War, the socialist government regarded religion as a nuisance and carried out a retaliatory re-education program—to no effect. In the process of clamping down on anti-government movements by devotees, the Communist Party conducted in-depth analysis on Caodaism and decided to remove the religious dignitaries, in line with their policy of suppressing religious authorities. In 1979, with the cooperation of some dignitaries, the government promulgated the Caodai Decree 01, aimed at the dissolution all Caodaism organizations. The Caodai Holy See was placed under the control of the state and changes were imposed; however, many branch temples subsequently reverted to self-management. There are three possible reasons for this: first, the Holy See had lost all authority and influence over the branch temples; second, branch temples ignored the modified Holy See as the latter had obeyed the socialist government and betrayed Caodaism Law; third, there was no consistent policy in each province. These phenomena rattled the Communist Party, which feared its own collapse, in an echo of events in the Soviet Union. It thus embarked on a plan in 1992 to reorganize Caodaism, with the aim of occupying and controlling branch temples through “educated” dignitaries. While it is certain that Caodaism was officially recognized in 1997, this did not signal the beginning of religious freedom. On the contrary, it only reflected the Communist Party’s policy to control religious opponents by authorizing religions.
著者
吉原 久仁夫
出版者
京都大学東南アジア研究センター
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.19, no.3, pp.346-357, 1981-12

この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。
著者
大泉 さやか
出版者
京都大学
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.52, no.2, pp.235-266, 2015-01-31

Abstract This study investigates how the collection and study of folklore in socialist Vietnam contributed to the Communist Party of Vietnamʼs and the governmentʼs cultural policy. It focuses on the Sino- Vietnamese terminology used in the folklore studies of socialist Vietnam and explains their changes in relation to cultural policy. From the end of the 1950s, the collection of folk literature (van hoc dan gian) was promoted in provincial areas because of the Partyʼs mass cultural policy. There, both politicians and scholars recognized that the collection of folk literature could not be separated from the collection of folk arts. This led them to introduce the term van nghe dan gian (VNgDG), a phrase that combines the terms for folk literature and folk arts, to reorganize the collection. In the late 1970s, the Party strengthened its control over the cultural sphere to abolish traces of the "old regimes." It thought that VNgDG contained many "old" elements that needed to be modified into more appropriate ones. And as China-Vietnam relations critically worsened at the end of the 1970s, VNgDG was finally criticized as being of "no use" because of its Chineseoriented content and methodology. On the other hand, scholars had to highlight the tradition of "Vietnamese culture" in order to confront the "long-lasting Chinese culture, " which led them to approach folklore from a historical perspective. At the same time, some scholars commented that VNgDG had become too "socialized" and emphasized the importance of scientific research on folklore. Consequently, they began to use the new term van hoa dan gian (VHDG), which literally means folk culture, to rejuvenate folklore studies. Currently, after the Law of Cultural Heritage was issued in 2001, the popularization of the concept of "intangible cultural heritage" (di san van hoa phi vat the) has made the status of the term "VHDG" unstable.
著者
角田 重三郎
出版者
京都大学東南アジア研究センター
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.25, no.1, pp.39-50, 1987-06

この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。