著者
菊池 泰平
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, no.2, pp.290-320, 2022-01-31 (Released:2022-01-31)
参考文献数
43

This paper examines the process of molding the official history of the Panglong Conference, which was held in February 1947 in Myanmar. According to the history shaped by the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP), the Burmese nationalist leader Aung San and minorities’ representatives agreed to establish the union state. Hence, “Panglong” is interpreted as the symbol of national solidarity today. While the BSPP used the above history to appeal its legitimacy, it viewed the military as a guardian of the multiracial country. The “national solidarity” image of the Panglong Conference was reinforced under restricted freedom of speech. During the critical moment of the 8888 uprising, the Committee for the Compilation of Authentic Facts of Myanmar History again edited the history of the Panglong Conference. To make the history more inclusive and to base it on the “national solidarity” image, the committee used the narratives of various people who joined in the event. Htun Myint was one of the activists who founded the Shan State Freedom League, and he referred to the Panglong Conference as a means of requesting minorities’ rights after Independence. However, the committee hid Htun Myint’s political views and accepted only those parts of his narrative that supported their position.
著者
林 育生
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.53, no.2, pp.189-216, 2016-01-31 (Released:2017-10-31)

This paper examines the relation between the organizational structure of Yiguan Dao (I-Kuan Tao) in Thailand and its members' network. This study aims at reconsidering the focus on Chinese identity of Chinese religious groups in Thailand and the supposition of “individualization” of religious practices in Thailand. Most studies on Chinese religion in Southeast Asia are concerned with Chinese communities or ethnicity but overlook the context of the host societies. However, Yiguan Dao in Thailand, with its many non-Chinese members, challenges this supposition. With economic development and social change in Thailand, people move from the countryside to urban cities and even abroad. In the context of traditional communities with high mobility, the much-divided organizational structure of Yiguan Dao offers members an opportunity to find a toehold when moving around. People who migrate for higher education, work, or overseas labor find an anchor in the trans-regional network of Yiguan Dao. This transregional network also supports people in the margins or excluded from their own communities. I argue that this challenges the supposition of “individualization” of the Thai religion.
著者
タンシンマンコン パッタジット
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.61, no.1, pp.3-34, 2023-07-31 (Released:2023-07-31)
参考文献数
91

This paper examines changes in the Thai perception of Japan during the 1970s to 1990s. In the 1970s, strong anti-Japanese sentiments permeated Thai society and led to large-scale anti-Japanese movements. In the 1990s, however, a wave called “Japanization” became a social phenomenon in Thailand. The influence of Japanese culture was ubiquitous, but this time imbued with a favorable reputation and popularity. This paper reanalyzes the timing and reasons behind this change.This paper reevaluates the validity of the “Japan-as-scapegoat” theory in analyzing anti-Japanese sentiment in Southeast Asia, and the Fukuda Doctrine as the pivotal factor in the Southeast Asian shift in perception of Japan. Rather, this paper argues that the pivotal moment of change was the 1985 Plaza Accord, as anti-Japanese sentiments in Thailand was exacerbated in the 1980s, even after the Fukuda Doctrine. During this period the Thai public perceived the animosity as economic in nature, whereas the Japanese viewed it as a cultural conflict. This perceptual mismatch led to a Japanese solution that clashed with Thai values, further intensifying the friction. The discourse of Japan’s “insincerity” in the 1980s best exemplifies this gap in perception.
著者
加藤 久美子
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.61, no.1, pp.35-69, 2023-07-31 (Released:2023-07-31)
参考文献数
60

This article explores the Bajo/Sama people’s perspectives and beliefs about the sea, focusing on the ritual practices of these settlements in Southeast Sulawesi, Indonesia. The sea has traditionally been the source of the Bajo’s livelihood: they have used the sea for fishing, dwelling, shipping, practicing healing rituals, and carrying across the deceased for burial on islands.The Bajo believe that the “twin spirit” of a newborn is born when the placenta is submerged in the ocean. The twin spirit resides in and is spiritually connected with the person throughout their life. The Bajo’s healing rituals call on these spirits for help, which deepens their connection with the sea. This belief extends to the powerful and profound spirits nabi and mbo’, who dwell far from the kampung (settlements), as well as kaka, tuli, and kutta, who are familial spirits that dwell by the settlements and in the sea and are often part of healing rituals.By analyzing Bajo practices and beliefs, this paper reveals that the Bajo perceive the sea as being part of the relationship between spirits and humans. For the Bajo, the sea not only enables their physical livelihood but also has an affective bond with them, and it is a space for the spirits of siblings, ancestors, and the Bajo. Bajo ritual practices might reproduce in new migrant places, as the spirits join the Bajo’s journey on the sea as their protectors and mediators between humans and other spirits.
著者
藤田 渡
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.60, no.2, pp.146-182, 2023-01-31 (Released:2023-01-31)
参考文献数
52

The “Red Shirt” pro-Thaksin movement, which organized mass demonstrations in Bangkok in 2009 and 2010, reportedly consisted mainly of farmers from the North and Northeast (Isan) regions. However, within the Isan region, (1) in some areas, few people supported the Red Shirts; (2) within areas that had strong Red Shirt support, some villages were indifferent or negative toward the Red Shirts; and (3) within villages that strongly supported the Red Shirts, there were some villagers who did not support them.In this article I examine these diversities in Red Shirt support in relation to the transformation of local people’s livelihood and surrounding ecological conditions. I do this by means of case studies in two contrastive areas that support the Red Shirts but share similar characteristics in livelihood and other sociocultural aspects, including high dependence on a market economy: TM village and the surrounding area in Nam Khun District, and NK village and the surrounding area in Si Muang Mai District, Ubon Ratchathani Province.Core supporters of the Red Shirt movement were motivated not by personal benefits but by the collective benefits for “poor Isan peasants” thanks to various policies of the Thaksin and pro-Thaksin administrations. They expressed a need for a democratic government so that their requests for government support could be fairly considered. On the other hand, in areas where natural resources were still abundant, and in case necessary a self-sufficient mode of life was possible, local people tended to keep their distance from factional politics, including the Red Shirts. They did not depend on government support for leading their lives. Instead, they held the idea of living with what they had.
著者
小泉 順子
出版者
京都大学東南アジア地域研究研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.43, no.4, pp.437-466, 2006-03-31 (Released:2017-10-31)

This essay examines the historiography of Chinese society in Thailand, focusing on the idea of “assimilation.” Post-WWII scholarship on the Chinese in Thailand has been strongly influenced by what Jennifer Cushman called the “Skinner ‛assimilation paradigm’.” G.W. Skinner, in his Leadership and Power in the Chinese Community of Thailand (1958), predicted a rapid assimilation of the entire Chinese community; subsequent scholarship, negatively or positively, made its arguments by referring to this paradigm. However, many scholars have found ethnicity to be tenacious or ethnic identity to be arbitrary, and various Chinese factors and elements have come to be manifested more openly in Thai society in response to the (re)emergence of China as an economic and political power since the 1990s. In recent years, therefore, there has been a growing tendency to question this paradigm. By re-reading Skinner's various works written from as early as 1950, tracing relevant works done by other contemporary scholars in the same field, and placing them in historical and geo-political contexts, this essay explores why such emphasis was given to the idea of assimilation and how it persisted in subsequent years. It argues that assimilation was a response to “political” needs in the era of Cold War and emergent nationalism in Southeast Asia and that studies of overseas Chinese societies in Thailand and Southeast Asia were created as an integral part of the “area studies” strongly advocated in the U.S. since the 1950s.
著者
佐藤 正範
出版者
京都大学
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.32, no.4, pp.495-522, 1995-03

この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。This article deals with the "Romusha" described in history textbooks used in junior and senior high schools in Indonesia from 1984 to 1993 and analyses the meanings and images evoked by these descriptions. The results of an analysis of the "Romusha" in 9 junior high school history textbooks and 5 senior high textbooks can be summarized as follows; "Romusha" is the most symbolic word used to represent the Japanese Military Occupation of Indonesia (1942-1945). In Japanese, romusha means 'physical laborers', but in 7 of 14 textbooks the word means 'forced laborers', in 4 it means 'laborers', in 3 'soldiers of labor', in 2 'heroes of labor' and 'soldiers of economics', and in 1 each 'forced labors', 'corps of forced laborers' and 'forced coolies'. Thus the word can be said to have more specialized meanings in Indonesian textbooks than in the original Japanese. In 12 of the 14 textbooks there are descriptions of mobilizing the "Romusha, " their actual working conditions in 9,the methods of dispatching workers to job sites and their final disposition in 10,and the number of workers in 8. It is evident that the image of the "Romusha" in Indonesian history textbooks used in junior and senior high schools is basically that of "pathetic forced laborers" from many points of view.
著者
玉田 芳史
出版者
京都大学東南アジア研究センター
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.29, no.4, pp.389-421, 1992-03

この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。
著者
桃木 至朗
出版者
京都大学東南アジア研究センター
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.24, no.4, pp.403-417, 1987-03

この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。
著者
玉田 芳史
出版者
京都大学東南アジア研究センター
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.34, no.1, pp.127-150, 1996-06

この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。
著者
園田 節子
出版者
京都大学
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.43, no.4, pp.419-436, 2006-03-31

The field of Overseas Chinese studies is inextricably linked with the historical and social context of thenation-state in which the field was established. In discussing the development of historical studies of theChinese in North America in the second half of the 20th century, this paper examines how OverseasChinese studies was established as a specific research field and reveals the field's characteristics whichare tied with the American context as a whole. From the early 1960s, Chinese immigrant intellectuals inthe Canadian and American West Coast authored histories of the overseas Chinese in Chinese. Thesestudies relied on the historical materials of Chinese immigrants and on Chinese secondary sources publishedunder the Overseas Chinese policy of the Taiwanese KMT. From the 1970s, as part of the Asian-American movement, second generation and immigrant middle-class Chinese intellectuals established thenew framework of Asian-American studies. This field proposed a scholarship which legitimated the historicalexperience and presence of the Asian in American society and was thus premised on Asians asAmerican citizens. The most recent scholarship on the overseas Chinese has introduced the concept oftransnationalism, which is premised on mobility, and several empirical historical studies have been producedin this field to overcome the nation-state paradigm.
著者
呉 偉明 合田 美穂
出版者
京都大学
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.39, no.2, pp.258-274, 2001-09

この論文は国立情報学研究所の学術雑誌公開支援事業により電子化されました。This paper examines the growth of a sushi culture in Singapore from historical, sociological, and comparative perspectives. Through a case study of sushi in Singapore, it aims to deepen our understanding of the mechanism of global popularization of Japanese popular culture and the interplay of popularization and localization in an Asian context. It consists of four parts. Part I discusses the history of sushi and the reasons for its popularity in Singapore. Part II examines the making of the sushi culture and industry in Singapore. Part III looks into different aspects of localization and their implications. Part IV identifies the characteristics of the sushi culture in Singapore and locates sushi within the context of globalization of Japanese popular culture. This study shows that in the globalization of Japanese popular culture, Japanization and localization should be seen as two sides of the same coin. In the context of sushi in Singapore, eating sushi is a form of Japanization of Singaporean food culture. Critics are, however, too fast to point this out as a form of cultural imperialism or colonialism, overlooking the fact that we are consuming Singaporean sushi and not Japanese sushi. Sushi is re-made and consumed in Singapore. Hence, culturally, the acceptance of sushi in Singapore and overseas should be viewed as the result of culinary hybridization, cultural interchange, and an interplay of Japanization and localization.