著者

小林 信彦 Nobuhiko Kobayashi

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 = HUMAN SCIENCES REVIEW, St. Andrew's University (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.37, pp.149-203, 2009-10-20

著者

福井 幸男 Sachio Fukui

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 = HUMAN SCIENCES REVIEW, St. Andrew's University (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.40, pp.1-41, 2011-03-30

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Sen no Rikyu (1522-1591) was one of the well-known founders of the traditional tea ceremony (Sado) in medieval Japan. Toyotomi Hideyoshi (1537-1598) ordered Sen no Rikyu to commit ritual suicide (seppuku) in February, Tensho 19 (1591), because he was the general who won the final victory in the military conflicts among the Samurai and unified medieval Japan. Various opinions have been offered concerning the reasons for Sen no Rikyu's death. However, no firm hypothesis has yet been reached. The author has critically reviewed a large number of historical materials and theories regarding this episode to try to elucidate the truth. The official announcement of the Toyotomi Hideyoshi regime gave as the principal reasons for Sen no Rikyu's punishment, was his lese majesty toward both General Toyotomi himself and the emperor, together with his unreasonable valuation and trade in tea-ceremony items. Sen's lese majesty charge also included his construction of an overly splendid gate to the Daitokuji Temple in Kyoto, and his order to place a wooden sculpture of himself on the gate. However, the author has managed to locate many descriptions from sources about the miscellaneous circumstances of his death that differ quite considerably from information found in other cases of ritual suicides. Using these idiosyncratic materials, the author seeks to further elucidate the truth about the causes of Sen no Rikyu's seppuku.

著者

高田 里惠子 Rieko TAKADA 桃山学院大学文学部

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 = HUMAN SCIENCES REVIEW, St. Andrew's University (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.16, pp.87-121, 1999-01-30

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Die vorliegende Arbeit ist ein Versuch, aus Koji Nakanos autobiographischen Romanen eine denunziatorische Wut uber den Bildungshumanismus (Kyoyoshugi) herauszulesen, der einst, besonders in den drei〓iger und vierziger Jahren den Kern der westlich orientierten bourgeoisen Kultur der akademischen Welt Japans bildete. Fur Nakano, der von einer armen Handwerkerfamilie stammt und seine ungebildeten Eltern ha〓te, war der kulturelle Habitus in der hoheren Schule fremd und bedrohend. Aber gerade deswegen mu〓te er von einer gluhenden Sehnsucht danach gepeitscht werden. Seine autobiographischen Romane drehen sich um ein einziges Thema: Bildung und Kultur in der hoheren Schule, die den Held zuerst anziehen, um ihn anschlie〓end zu desillusionieren. Nakano betrachtet das Schreiben seiner autobiographischen Romane als einen Versuch, das wahre Ich zuruckzugewinnen, das er fur die erbarmliche Anpassung in der hoheren Schule aufgeopfert hat. Im Mittelpunkt meiner Analyse steht allerdings nicht eine solche Selbstinterpretation des Schriftstellers, sondern seine oft unbewu〓t als Selbstkritik oder-strafe verkleideten Rache an seinen ehemaligen Kommilitonen und Kollegen (Germanisten), die als mittelma〓ige Bildungshumanisten zu entlarven es Nakano anliegt. Seine Kritik an dem japanischen Bildungshumanismus und dessen Anhangern wirkt ebenso wie andere Entlarvungen ziemlich banal und fuhrt schlie〓lich zur unkritischen Hommage an das "wahre" Leben der einfachen Leute, das fur Nakano im Gegensatz zum lugnerischen Dasein der (Pseudo) Intellektuellen steht. Die Wut, Rache und Reue haben Nakano zum Schreiben seiner Seelenautobiographie getrieben. Aber wie kann man nur aus solch einem negativen Gefuhl weiterschreiben? Nach der Niederschrift der autobiographischen Schulromane erzahlt Nakano in einem Roman seine Erinnerungen an einen jung verstorbenen Kommilitonen. Durch die fast homoerotische Beziehung zu diesem Freund erlebt Nakano zum ersten Mal das Gefuhl, das ihm weder in der Familie noch in der Schule je zuteil wurde: "Ich lebe hie et nunc!" Es ist kein Zufall, da〓 Nakanos letzte Arbeit als Germanist (die Ubersetzung von "Der Proze〓") diesem Jungverstorbenen gewidmet ist. Mit der Erinnerung an seinen Freund mu〓 Nakano sein "wahres" Leben als Schriftsteller beginnen.

著者

高田 里惠子 Rieko Takada

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 = HUMAN SCIENCES REVIEW, St. Andrew's University (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.28, pp.93-120, 2004-12-10

著者

和栗 珠里 Juri Waguri

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 = HUMAN SCIENCES REVIEW, St. Andrew's University (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.39, pp.29-56, 2010-12-15

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The 16th century Venice is generally conceived to be oligarchic. Under the aristocratic regime, influential noble families weaved up kin-group network and tried to devide among themselves important state offices. But it remains unclear which specific families were the most `influential'. This paper aims at solving this question through the analysis of the Procuratori di San Marco (PSM abbr.). The PSM were one of the most important state offices. They were originally no other than the custodians of the treasury of the St.Mark's Basilica. But because those appointed to the PSM were considered the most wise men in Venice, many people entrusted their property and legacy to them. Not only the individuals but also the government utilized the PSM as depository of various incomes. From 1454 the PSM could sit and vote in the Senate, from 1496 could hold the office of Savio Grande concurrently, from 1523 could sit and vote as zonta members in the Consiglio dei Dieci. Thus by the 16th century, the PSM had come to wield a tremendous power in every way: financially, politically, socially and culturally. For the noble families, having more than one PSM member was a great source of honor and profit. The 16th century made it easier for rich families to obtain the PSM position by a kind of `simony' of the state offices. One notes that in such cases very young nobles, even in their twenties and obviously with little experience in the political world, were elected to the PSM. It may seem strange because the PSM were second only to the Doge (Prince) in the hierarchy of the Venetian Republic and the position for eldest members of the aristocracy. But it becomes understandable if we take into consideration that the PSM were, different from all the other offices but the Dogeship itself, lifetime position which its holders could keep as long as they lived. In other words, it was family tactics to put a young member in this position in order to stay close to the core of the power as long as possible. Analyzing all the PSM elected in the 16th century, we find that five families, namely, the Grimani, the Contarini, the Priuli, the Mocenigo and the Venier, occupied about 30 percent and with other five, namely, the Corner, the Giustinian, the Cappello, the Lezze and the Morosini, the top ten families occupied more than 45 percent. And a genealogical study reveals intricate matrimonial relations among them. In this way, we can identify the most influential families of the 16th century Venice. However, we must not forget that the Venetian Republic was not totally oligarchic. Not a few PSM who didn't belong to these families were also great leaders of the time. For a further understanding of the early modern Venice, more detailed prosopography will be required.

著者

高田 里惠子

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 = Human sciences review, St. Andrew's University (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.44, pp.255-271, 2013-03-29

著者

高田 里惠子 Rieko TAKADA

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 = HUMAN SCIENCES REVIEW, St. Andrew's University (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.6, pp.67-96, 1994-01-30

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Man kritisiert oft den Opportunismus von Kenji Takahashi (1902~ ), der wahrend der Kriegszeit Ubersetzer und Kommentator der Blut-und-Boden-Literatur war und sich dann plotzlich in einen energischen Hesse- und Kastner- Forscher verwandelt hat. Aber Takahashis Identifikation mit dem Pazifisten Hesse oder dem Widerstandskampfer Kastner ist unreflektiert. In der vorliegenden Arbeit gilt meine Analyse indessen nicht seiner unverschamten >Verwandlung<, sondern seiner inneren Kontinuitat: Takahashi war seit seiner Gymnasiastenzeit ein Anhanger der deutschen Kultur und Bildung. Dabei ist bemerkenswert, da〓 er sich als Germanist immer darum bemuht hat, die deutsche >hohe< Literatur in Japan zu popularisieren, was eigentlich dem elitaren Wesen der deutschen Bildung widerspricht. Takahashi versuchte durch seine offentlichkeitswirksame Tatigkeit, ob als Nazi-Sympathisant oder als Hesse-Ubersetzer, die gesellschaftliche Funktion der japanischen Germanistik zu legitimieren, die sich in der 20er Jahren als rein universitare Disziplin etabliert und dabei allmahnlich Au〓enkontankte zur japanischen kulturellen Offentlichkeit verloren hatte. Im "Fall Kenji Takahashi" verkorpert sich der Gegensatz zwischen Popularisierung und Akademisierung der deutschen Literatur in Japan, der heute noch zu beobachten ist. Takahashi versteht sich (komischerweise!) als kritischer Intellektueller. Seinen Memoiren zufolge stellte er sich als Elite-Gymnasiast gegen die Erwartungen seines Vaters: statt als Jurist eine gute Karriere ins Auge zu fassen, studierte er Germanistik. Dieser gegen das Prinzip des modernen Japan revoltierende Antikarrierismus bedeutete fur ihn eine kritische Einstellung zum Establishment, das die Literatur einfach fur etwas Nutzloses halt. Takahashi hat die deutsche Kultur und Bildung als Gegenmittel gegen die unmenschliche Zivilisation sowie die moderne kapitalistische Gesellschaft hochgeschatzt. Seine falsche Selbstverstandnis verfuhrte ihn zur unkritischen Bewunderung der deutschen Kultur. Gerade Takahashis (subjektiv) ehrlicher Wille hat ihn opportunistisch gemacht. In diesem Sinne reprasentiert seine Komodie zugleich die Tragodie des modernen Japan.

著者

片倉 穰 Minoru Katakura

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 = HUMAN SCIENCES REVIEW, St. Andrew's University (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.38, pp.173-215, 2010-03-25

著者

小林 信彦 Nobuhiko Kobayashi

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 = HUMAN SCIENCES REVIEW, St. Andrew's University (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.36, pp.81-196, 2009-03-10

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Paul Carus (1852-1919) wrote a short Buddhist narrative called "The Spider-web" in 1894 and Teitaro Suzuki (鈴木貞太郎 1870-1966) translated it into Japanese in 1898. Ryunosuke Akutagawa (芥川龍之介 1892-1927) adapted it for children in 1918. Entitled "Kumo-no-ito" (蜘蛛の糸 a spider's thread), this adaptation was evaluated highly among Japanese critics and adopted in many schoolbooks. In spite of its high reputation among critics, however, Akutagawa's Kumo-no-ito is not a success as an adapted story. Ignorant of the Buddhist tradition, Akutagawa missed Carus's points and failed to construct a coherent story. Modern philological study of Buddhist texts was established in Europe in the nineteenth century and excellent research results were produced there. Having taken advantage of them, Carus knew much about ancient Buddhist literature. His tale is faithful to the Buddhist tradition and coherent as a whole. Carus had diligently studied Buddhism, read almost all translations of Buddhist scriptures then available in Europe, and written many books on Buddhism. So he was following the Buddhist tradition when he wrote "The Spider-web," which runs as follows: A sinner called Kandata has been suffering tortures in Hell. Having appeared on earth, Buddha sheds rays. Spreading everywhere, they reach even Hell. And he sends a spider as his proxy to Kandata, who takes hold of the web and begins to climb up. Soon he feels the thread trembling, for many sinners are climbing after him. Kandata becomes frightened and shouts, "Let go the cobweb. It is mine." At that moment, the spiderweb breaks, and all fall back into Hell. (Here the rays are a symbol of Buddha's teaching.) The meaning of this story is that it is essential to follow Buddha's teaching, according to which there exists no such thing as atman (self). The Hindus believe that an entity called "atman" subists in every human or animal body. In contrast, the Buddhists deny the existence of atman. Kandata falls back into Hell, because he proves that the illusion of atman is still upon him, saying that the cob-web is his alone. In translating "the illusion of atman (self)," the ancient Chinese used the expression "wozhi-wangnian" 我執-妄念, which means "the mistaken idea approving the existence of atman," "wo" 我 (I) being equivalent to the Sanskrit "atman." The ancient Japanese borrowed the word "wo-zhi

著者

小田 亮 Makoto Oda 桃山学院大学文学部

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 = HUMAN SCIENCES REVIEW, St. Andrew's University (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.2, pp.1-20, 1991-03-01

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This essay has two aims; one is to show the perspective Levi-Strauss's structural analysis of myths has offered, and the other is to point a resemblance between myths and novels in the way of being against the narrative. For the former, I do a demonstration of a structural analysis on three African myths, and point out in the analysis that no myth is isolated from others and that there is no single or privileged code which excludes other codes in the formation or interpretation of myths. On the other hand, the novel is an unorthodox genre and a newcomer in the European literature. While the epic which is the counterpart of the narrative in the Latin-European literary orthodoxy has canons or privileged codes, the novel doesn't. Unlike the narrative or epic, and like myths viewed from the stand-point of structurism, novels have no self-conclusion in their nature of intertextuality and always put several codes in play against the autocracy of any single code the narrative demands.

著者

安藤 洋美 Hiromi ANDO

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 = HUMAN SCIENCES REVIEW, St. Andrew's University (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.19, pp.1-90, 2000-07-31

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The European mathematics exists as a science and the fundamental tools of thchnology. On the other hand, the Japanese mathematics (Wasan) did not as a science but as an art. However, the Japanese were by no means wanting in scientific spirit. The warriors (Samurai) of the Tokugawa Shogunate were strongly endowed with a zealous yearning for knowledge of the navigation at the Nagasaki Navy College, which was founded in 1855. They were taught and trained by Dutch officers with severity. Some of them were especially diligent, namely Yatabori, Ono, Enomoto, Akamatsu, Nakamuda, Tsukamoto, Sawa, Ban, and Hida. After a few years, they had become the leading members of the Tokugawa Navy. They understood that mathematical thinking was at the foundation of European civilization. Indeed, their mathematical abilities advanced with rapid strides. But, Katsu was a dull student and could not become interested in mathematics. A certain number of Dutch mathematical and astronomical works were in the possession at the Astronomical Board of the Shogunate (Bakufu Tenmonkata). To read these works, the Institute of Occidental Culture (Bansho Chosho) was founded in 1855 by the Shogunate. In this Institute, K. Kanda was the first professor of the department of mathematics. In 1866, Dr. S. Yanagawa was elected to a professorship of this Institute. Kanda wrote "Introduction to Arithmetic" and Yanagawa wrote "How to Use for Arithmetic" in 1857. A friendship between Kanda and Yanagawa continued until Yanagawa's death in 1870. Yamamoto, Sahara, Suzuki, Nagahiro Enomoto, and T. Kikuchi are all graduates of this Institute. Arithmetic was also taught at the Yokohama French College, which was founded in 1864. Zinbo is a graduate of this college. The mathematicians of the old Japanese school (Wasanka) took pains to solve the many difficult problems, but could not discovered the general method of a solution. Ono and Yanagi was the well-known Japanese mathematicians, but they made an effort to learn the European mathematics. In 1868, the political change of the Restoration took place. The leaders of the New Meiji Government were not familiar with Occidental culture. Most of them were terrorists with the exception of Omura. For the most part, the Meiji Government had been conducted by the warriors intelligentsia of the Shogunate. The teaters at the Navy College, Military Academy and University College (Daigaku Nanko) were mostly old warriors of the Shogunate. In 1877, the Tokyo Mathematical Society was founded. The first president was Kanda. One half of the organization's members were mostly old Shogunate warriors and well-known old Japanese mathematicians. The rest were the second-class mathematicians.

著者

永野 芳郎 Yoshio NAGANO 桃山学院大学文学部

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 = HUMAN SCIENCES REVIEW, St. Andrew's University (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.10, pp.119-144, 1996-01-30

著者

野尻 亘 Wataru Nojiri 桃山学院大学経済学部

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 = HUMAN SCIENCES REVIEW, St. Andrew's University (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.37, pp.63-99, 2009-10-20

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Alfred Russel Wallace observed the distribution and boundaries of animals inhabiting the Malay Archipelago. The distribution of marsupials in the Australian region is a prominent feature of the area. In Borneo, however, the mammals do not include marsupials. The many parrots of the Australian region are rare in the Oriental region. The birds of the Oriental region do not migrate to Lombok Island, and these are not seen on Celebes or islands further to the east. The Lombok Strait were regarded as the dividing line between these two zoogeographic regions. The boundary between the zoogeographical regions, crossing the Lombok Strait indicated by Wallace was later to be called "Wallace's line" by Thomas Henry Huxley. Later, Mayr conducted further studies on Wallace's line, asserting that differences in the faunas of Bali and Lombok were not due to crustal movements in the Tertiary period, as Wallace had asserted, but rather to sea levels changes in the Pleistocene glacial epoch. During that time, sea levels were 70-100m lower, but because the Lombok Strait is a deepwater strait, the land on either side was not connected. In addition to this, Simpson points out that the eastern end of the Sunda shelf, which is the Asian continental shelf, is Wallace's line, while the West end of the Sahul shelf, which is the Australian continental shelf, is Lydekker's line. The area between these is known as the "Wallacea" transitional zone. Currently, "Wallacea" is believed to have been formed when the Australian continental crust broke off from the Antarctic at the end of the Cretaceous and collided with the southeastern border of the Eurasian continental crust during the mid Miocene. After the collision of these continental plates, there were violent movements in the crust and fault activity. Subsequently, the animals of the both continents migrated to islands, repeating cycles of either evolution or extinction, eventually creating today's diverse distribution of organisms. In other words, modern interpretation of Wallace's line differs greatly from past interpretation. Wallace and other traditional biogeographers believed that Wallace's line is the boundary created by isolation by geographical barriers. At the present time, Wallace's line is explained by collisions along the borders of the earth's plates. In other words, Wallace's line was the "frontier" where different types of species living on different plates were exposed to each other and interacted when the plates collided.

著者

軽部 恵子 Keiko Karube 桃山学院大学法学部

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 = HUMAN SCIENCES REVIEW, St. Andrew's University (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.40, pp.211-267, 2011-03-30

著者

小林 信彦 Nobuhiko Kobayashi 桃山学院大学文学部

出版者

桃山学院大学総合研究所

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 = HUMAN SCIENCES REVIEW, St. Andrew's University (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.30, pp.99-128, 2006-01-15

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In a European folk tale called Saint Peter's Mother, an old woman, who was wicked in her life and fell to Hell, is pulled out of Hell with the aid of an onion. Other sinners in Hell take hold of her, so that they may be pulled out along with her. Noticing this, she kicks them. At that moment, the onion breaks, and all fall back into Hell. It is found that she is still mean, just as she was in her former life, and unworthy of being rescued from Hell. Many variants of this story are found all over the Christian world. And Henry F. Fullenwider proposes to add one more to the list of variants(Fullenwider, "The Onion and the Spiderweb: Paul Carus' Karma and Other Literary Variants of Grimms' Sankt Peters Mutter [Bolte/Polvka, num. 221]," Fabula 28, 1987, pp. 320-326). The story which he takes up as a new variant of Saint Peter's Mother is unique in that it is a Buddhist story composed by a European. It is The Spider Web of Paul Carus(1852-1919), who was born and educated in Germany, and immigrated to America to be an advocator of "religion of science" as editor of The Open Court. As Kayoko Nagao(長尾佳代子)points out in her paper(長尾,「芥川龍之介『蜘蛛の糸』原作の主題 -ポ-ル・ケ-ラスが『カルマ』で言おうとしたこと-」,『仏教文学』27, 京都, 2003, pp. 161-172), The Spider-web is based on an episode that is repeated in such collections of Buddhist narratives as the Avadnaataka and the Divyvadna. This ancient Buddhist episode consists of four parts: When Buddha appears on earth, he smiles and sheds light,* which reaches all places including Hell (1). Bathed in Buddha's light, sinners in Hell are cheered (2). Thereupon Buddha sends his proxy to Hell (3). And those sinners there seize the opportunity for deliverance in the distant future (4). Lon Feer's translation of the Avadnaataka had appeared two years before Carus published his Spider Web(Avadnaataka, cent lgendes buddhiques, traduites du sanskrit par M. Lon Feer, Annales du Muse Guimet 18, Paris, 1891). Carus had diligently studied Buddhism, read almost all translations of Buddhist scriptures then available in Europe, and written many books on Buddhism. So he was following the Buddhist tradition when he wrote The Spider Web, which runs as follows: A sinner called Kandata has been suffering tortures in Hell. When Buddha appears on earth, the light shed by him reaches Hell and sinners there soften. Buddha sends a spider as his proxy to Kandata, who takes hold of the web and begins to climb up. Soon he feels the thread trembling, for many sinners are climbing after him. Kandata becomes frightened and shouts, "Let go the cobweb. It is mine." At that moment, the spiderweb breaks, and all fall back into Hell. The meaning of this story is that it is essential to follow Buddha's teaching, according to which there exists no such thing as tman(self). Kandata falls back into Hell, because he has not thrown away the illusion of tman, saying that the cobweb is his alone. A memory of Saint Peter's Mother might have come to Carus, when he wrote the scene of falling again into Hell, but this is not the core of the story. The Spider Web is a failure story composed on the basis of the tradi-tional Buddhist episode. Being ignorant of this, Fullenwider misses the meaning of Carus' story, and he puts a special emphasis on the scene of falling back into Hell. The Spider Web of Paul Carus cannot be a variant of Saint Peter's Mother. *Here light is a symbol of Buddha's teaching.

著者

小林 信彦 Nobuhiko Kobayashi

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 = HUMAN SCIENCES REVIEW, St. Andrew's University (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.30, pp.99-128, 2006-01-15

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In a European folk tale called Saint Peter's Mother, an old woman, who was wicked in her life and fell to Hell, is pulled out of Hell with the aid of an onion. Other sinners in Hell take hold of her, so that they may be pulled out along with her. Noticing this, she kicks them. At that moment, the onion breaks, and all fall back into Hell. It is found that she is still mean, just as she was in her former life, and unworthy of being rescued from Hell. Many variants of this story are found all over the Christian world. And Henry F. Fullenwider proposes to add one more to the list of variants(Fullenwider, "The Onion and the Spiderweb: Paul Carus' Karma and Other Literary Variants of Grimms' Sankt Peters Mutter [Bolte/Polvka, num. 221]," Fabula 28, 1987, pp. 320-326). The story which he takes up as a new variant of Saint Peter's Mother is unique in that it is a Buddhist story composed by a European. It is The Spider Web of Paul Carus(1852-1919), who was born and educated in Germany, and immigrated to America to be an advocator of "religion of science" as editor of The Open Court. As Kayoko Nagao(長尾佳代子)points out in her paper(長尾,「芥川龍之介『蜘蛛の糸』原作の主題 -ポ-ル・ケ-ラスが『カルマ』で言おうとしたこと-」,『仏教文学』27, 京都, 2003, pp. 161-172), The Spider-web is based on an episode that is repeated in such collections of Buddhist narratives as the Avadnaataka and the Divyvadna. This ancient Buddhist episode consists of four parts: When Buddha appears on earth, he smiles and sheds light,* which reaches all places including Hell (1). Bathed in Buddha's light, sinners in Hell are cheered (2). Thereupon Buddha sends his proxy to Hell (3). And those sinners there seize the opportunity for deliverance in the distant future (4). Lon Feer's translation of the Avadnaataka had appeared two years before Carus published his Spider Web(Avadnaataka, cent lgendes buddhiques, traduites du sanskrit par M. Lon Feer, Annales du Muse Guimet 18, Paris, 1891). Carus had diligently studied Buddhism, read almost all translations of Buddhist scriptures then available in Europe, and written many books on Buddhism. So he was following the Buddhist tradition when he wrote The Spider Web, which runs as follows: A sinner called Kandata has been suffering tortures in Hell. When Buddha appears on earth, the light shed by him reaches Hell and sinners there soften. Buddha sends a spider as his proxy to Kandata, who takes hold of the web and begins to climb up. Soon he feels the thread trembling, for many sinners are climbing after him. Kandata becomes frightened and shouts, "Let go the cobweb. It is mine." At that moment, the spiderweb breaks, and all fall back into Hell. The meaning of this story is that it is essential to follow Buddha's teaching, according to which there exists no such thing as tman(self). Kandata falls back into Hell, because he has not thrown away the illusion of tman, saying that the cobweb is his alone. A memory of Saint Peter's Mother might have come to Carus, when he wrote the scene of falling again into Hell, but this is not the core of the story. The Spider Web is a failure story composed on the basis of the tradi-tional Buddhist episode. Being ignorant of this, Fullenwider misses the meaning of Carus' story, and he puts a special emphasis on the scene of falling back into Hell. The Spider Web of Paul Carus cannot be a variant of Saint Peter's Mother. *Here light is a symbol of Buddha's teaching.

著者

井本 英一 Eiichi IMOTO

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 = HUMAN SCIENCES REVIEW, St. Andrew's University (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.10, pp.57-76, 1996-01-30

著者

高田 里惠子 Rieko TAKADA

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 = HUMAN SCIENCES REVIEW, St. Andrew's University (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.18, pp.117-151, 1999-12-20

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Michio Takeyama (1903-1984) war einer der renommierten japanischen Germanisten. In der Kriegszeit musste er als Professor eines Elitegymnasiums traurige Nachrichten erhalten, dass seine zu Felde gezogenen Schuler gefallen waren. Gleich nach dem Kriegsende schrieb Takeyama zur Erinnerung an die Gefallenen einen Kriegsroman, der damals ein Bestseller wurde. Der vorliegende Aufsatz ist ein Versuch, aus Takeyamas Kriegsroman eine verborgene Struktur der japanischen hoheren Schule herauszulesen. In den drei〓iger Jahren wurden viele deutsche Kriegsgeschichten als Gegenwartsliteratur von japanischen Germanisten ubersetzt. Auch Takeyama ubersetzte 1936 Hans Carossas "Rumanisches Tagebuch" ins Japanische. Carossas Tagebuch im Kriege und "Kriegsbriefe gefallener Studenten" (ubers. 1938) wurden damals von japanischen Studenten viel gelesen und waren sehr beliebt. Die Opferbereitschaft und Tapferkeit der deutschen Bildungsburger machten auf die jungen Intellektuellen in Japan einen starken Eindruck. Takeyamas Kriegsroman ist ein Marchen, das keine Wirklichkeit des japanischen Militars darstellt, sondern das Ideal des in Japan rezipierten deutschen Kriegsromans nachahmt. In den meisten von den Intellektuellen geschriebenen japanischen Kriegsromanen, die allerdings erst nach dem Ende des Zweiten Weltkriegs publiziert worden sind, entpuppt sich das kaiserliche Militar als etwas unmenschlich Grausames. Und tatsachlich herrschten im japanischen Militar Egoismus, Unterdruckung und Schmeichelei. Dort wurde besonders das Intellektuell-Geistige gehasst. Der Gegensatz zwischen dem Militar und der Geistwelt der hoheren Schulbildung war ein Merkmal des modernen Japans, das sich wahrscheinlich in westlichen Landern so nicht beobachten lasst. Auch Takeyamas Schuler mussten unter Grausamkeit und Ungerechtigkeit im japanischen Militar leiden, obwohl sie als junge Soldaten eigentlich fur das Vaterland opferbereit waren. Am japanischen Gymnasium, an dem damals nur mannliche Elitestudenten zugelassen waren, wurde auf die Opferbereitschaft und Freundschaft unter erwahlten Mannern gro〓er Wert gelegt. In diesem Sinne hatte das System der japanischen hoheren Schulbildung vor dem Kriegsende einen typischen Mannerbund-Charakter, den auch das idealisierte deutsche Militar in den Augen der Japaner zu haben schien. Die jungen Studenten glaubten noch an diese japanische (oder deutsche?) Mannlichkeit, um dann von der Wirklichkeit des Militars enttauscht zu werden. Ihre edle Mannlichkeit bewahrt sich erst in einer fiktiven Welt ihres Professors Takeyama.

著者

竹中 暉雄 Teruo Takenaka

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 = HUMAN SCIENCES REVIEW, St. Andrew's University (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.40, pp.322-269, 2011-03-30

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This paper, motivated by the question of why the members of the drafting committee of Gakusei left almost no records of their work, focuses chiefly on the following four points. 1. Two poems by Hajime Uryu, a member of the drafting committee of Gakusei (one written at the time of his appointment, the other at the time of his resignation), are almost the only documents surviving that were written by members of the committee concerning their task. The poems reveal Uryu's strong dissatisfaction that the committee carried out its work with almost no sense of responsibility or team spirit, and that the original idea of "education for the national benefit" had been transformed into the idea of "education for individual benefit". If Uryu's complaint was valid, we can understand the reason why the members of the drafting committee did not talk about their work on Gakusei. 2. As the result of the situation Uryu described, Gakusei had many irregularities, not only in its main provisions but also in its Preamble, which includes the famous phrase "there may not be a village with an ignorant family, nor a family with an ignorant child". The text of the Preamble had many grammatical problems and included many historically untrue or exaggerated expressions. These problems have almost never been referred to in research on the Gakusei. 3. The problems in the Preamble to Gakusei become even clearer when we examine English versions of the text. Even the then Ministry of Education was evidently perplexed to prepare an English translation of the Preamble. 4. The new Meiji government emphasised the idea that education should be for the individual benefit in order to emphasise its position that people should not depend on the state for their educational costs. As a result, there were a number of important principles that the Preamble was unable to express. Firstly, the idea of "education for the public benefit" could not be expressed. The school charges referred to in the provisions of Gakusei began from the principle of a school district charge. Secondly, "the necessity of a uniform national educational system" could not be expressed. This system was designed in the provisions of Gakusei. Thirdly, the principle of educating people to be able to actively support the new state through their understanding of its decrees could not be expressed. The educational mission of the new Meiji state was to construct a nation governed by law.

著者

小林 信彦 Nobuhiko KOBAYASHI

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 = HUMAN SCIENCES REVIEW, St. Andrew's University (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.21, pp.25-48, 2001-07-10

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As the personification of the ultimate truth, Mahavairocana (the Great Sun) cannot be perceived. He is symbolized by gestures, sounds and geometric figures. Buddhist tantrism is the system of attaining buddhahood by using these symbols. The Japanese, however, are not interested in becoming buddhas. They only try to remove troubles in this world, and wish to go to a paradise called "gokuraku" after death. It is for this purpose that they chant the komyo-shingon addressed to Dainichi-nyorai, the Japanese version of Mahavairocana.