著者
鈴木 亘
出版者
社会政策学会
雑誌
社会政策学会誌 (ISSN:24331384)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.14, pp.118-129, 2005-09-30 (Released:2018-04-01)

This study focused on the anti-economic measures of the Osaka welfare allowance program and calculated its effect and influence on the local economy. Using the example of Osaka, I performed calculations with concrete data of Osaka. As a result, I determined that in 2003, the welfare allowance of 206.0 billion yen finally caused demand increase in the local economy of 345.3 billion yen. On the other hand, a reduction of income taxes only had an economic influence of 241.7 billion yen, and also, public construction spending was only 337.3 billion yen. Therefore, welfare allowances are understood to be a superior policy for stimulating the economy. Furthermore, when calculating the effect upon creating employment, only 25,474 employment positions were created by public constructing spending, and 19,560 employment positions were created by a reduction of income taxes, whereas the welfare allowance program created 27,685 employment positions.
著者
田村 哲樹
出版者
社会政策学会
雑誌
社会政策学会誌
巻号頁・発行日
no.16, pp.51-65, 2006-09-30

Since the 1990s, there has been a discernable trend toward welfare reform in advanced democracies despite the difficulties associated with welfare retrenchment. Together with this movement toward welfare reform has emerged much debate on the concept of citizenship. This paper has two aims. First, I seek to classify some of the principles of contemporary welfare reform from the perspective of citizenship rights and obligations. There are at least two conceptions of citizenship: the right-centered conception and the obligation-centered conception. By adding a left-right nexus to this right-obligation nexus, I create four conceptions of citizenship as they relate to welfare reform. These are (1) the left-libertarian conception of citizenship (basic income), (2) the right-libertarian conception (negative income tax), (3) the right-communitarian conception (workfare), and (4) the left-communitarian conception (activation). Recent citizenship debates have exhibited a definite tendency to emphasize obligations rather than rights, especially the obligation to work. For this reason workfare and activation are more popular ideas for reform than basic income and negative income tax. There is an important difference between workfare and activation. However, it seems certain that the principles which emphasize work as an obligation have had a great influence on recent citizenship debates. My second aim is to explain why we should not regard the work obligation as the most important aspect of citizenship obligations. In doing so, I make two points. First, if we acknowledge that the significance of citizenship is in obligation, we should take into account not only work but also other obligations and activities. Referring to T. Fitzpatrick's concept of diverse reciprocity, I argue for recognizing the significance of both unpaid care work and active political citizenship. In recent feminist debates on citizenship, unpaid care work has come to be seen as one of the most important components of citizenship. By active political citizenship, I mean the political citizenship that goes beyond suffrage and is located in collective action. Some radical democrats such as J. Habermas and G. Delanty emphasize such active political citizenship. Today we cannot assume the boundaries of citizenship as given. The ability to define citizenship seems to have become increasingly important, and this will be possible only through political citizenship. Second, if it is the case that citizenship is more that just the work obligation, we must also think about the new principles and institutions necessary both for the democratization of welfare and for welfare that encourages diverse reciprocity. Regarding the former, I focus on 'deliberative welfare' (Fitzpatrick), and for the latter, I refer to public policy, such as parental leave for men, and basic income, which has the potential to increase the time spent engaging in social and political activities outside of work.
著者
鎮目 真人
出版者
社会政策学会
雑誌
社会政策学会誌
巻号頁・発行日
no.9, pp.103-117, 2003-03-31

Esping-Andersen asserted that social security systems prevent a worker from commodifying labor force. But, de-commodification doesn't catch the gender bias of poverty rate. I construct the de-destitution index about social security pension. De-destitution index is additive scores. It includes following items: universality of pensions, contributions of worker/contributions of employer, minimum benefit levels (minimum pension level/average wages of manufacturing industry workers), maximum benefit levels (maximum pension level / average wages of manufacturing industry workers), indexation of pension benefits, pension receipt qualification. Especially, pension universality and pension receipt qualifications are included in this index to describe the gender bias of poverty rate. Based on Pooled-Time-Series Regression Analysis, it was found that the scores are decreasing in social democratic regime countries because of population ageing. Demographic trends are probably more decisive factors in retrenchment of pension benefits than in economic globalization. Nevertheless, convergence towards a residual pension model wouldn't happen in social democratic regime countries, because basic pension structures have been maintained until now. If the partially funded parts of pensions are broadened in the future, these pension systems would converge to a residual pension model.
著者
吉田 健三
出版者
社会政策学会
雑誌
社会政策学会誌
巻号頁・発行日
no.18, pp.228-249, 2007-09-30

Since 2004, the Bush administration has emphasized an "ownership society" as a key political concept. This concept includes promoting the "ownership" of retirement income as a significant aspect. In 2005, the administration assigned top priority to introducing the individual account system into the Social Security. This idea signified the application of a structural change in the private pension system to the public pension system, namely the introduction of defined contribution plans, such as 401(k)s. This paper examines the historical implications and the economic basis of retirement income ownership by analyzing the characteristics of defined contribution plans. It arrives at two primary conclusions. First, ownership of pensions has made participants independent of their employers. In defined contribution plans, the employer does not have the discretionary power to forfeit and reduce the benefits of the participants. It is a subject that the Employee Retirement Income Security Act of 1974 (ERISA) and a series of legislation on retirement income security tried to cover for defined benefit plans. Further, participants in defined contribution plans can decide how to manage their pension assets independently from their employers. Second, the ownership of pensions also signifies the involvement of participants in a new economic order instead of the old order, industrial relations. In defined contribution plans, participants are dependent on plan providers, whose financial services incorporate a condition according to which participants can "own" their pensions. Participants need plan providers to manage their assets and generate profits from them. Such services are an application of services for individual investors and have been developed in order to promote various investment options to middle-class families. Hence, the independence of pension participants, or the ownership of the pension, is based on a specific historical condition-developing the financial business for middle-class individuals, which is also referred as the "money revolution." These findings suggest the emergence of new political issues over the ownership of pensions. In traditional defined benefit plans, the primary objective of retirement income policy is to coordinate industrial relationships, with a special focus on securing employees' rights from employers. However, in defined contribution plans, it is also important to adjust for the conflict of interests between participants and financial institutions. For instance, disclosure of service fees and deregulation of investment management, banned under ERISA for potential conflicts of interest, have emerged as the main issue of retirement income policy since the rapid growth of defined contribution plans.
著者
岩田 正美
出版者
社会政策学会
雑誌
社会政策学会誌
巻号頁・発行日
no.16, pp.21-35, 2006-09-30

The focus of social welfare has recently shifted from welfare to workfare, and the term "independence" has become common in the social welfare field. More particularly, welfare policies for poor working people emphasized the achievement of independence through job programs. Job programs are not new to the social welfare field. Various methods are used to integrate job programs with welfare policies. This paper categorized adoption of job programs in welfare policies into three models: the substitution model, the addition model and the exclusion model. In the substitution model, job programs are seen as substitution to income supports and/or welfare services, while the addition model sees job programs as addition to income supports and/or welfare services as needed. The exclusion model assumes un-employability, thus, according to the model, a job program is not applied to those incapable to work, i.e. the elderly and the disabled, but income supports or social services are provided to them instead. In Japan before WW2, the Kyugo-ho (Poor Relief Law enforced between 1932 and 1946) was the typical implementation of the exclusion model. The Seikatuhogo-ho (Daily Life Security Law, 1950) first focused on balance between job programs and welfare benefits. The law became to exclude those capable to work and to target mainly the elderly and disabled, thus, job programs under the law hardly functioned. Since the late 1990s, some local governments have developed job programs for homeless people under the pretext of "independent living support". The national government enshrined these programs into 10-year provisional act, the Homeless Act based on efforts of local governments. The Homeless Act is to be applied before a person receives social assistance and is intended to first attempt to include the person in society through paid work. This program demonstrates substitution to the conventional model. Experiences in Tokyo suggest a number of difficulties in homeless policies associated with job programs (the substitute model). First, there is a limitation in the public sector to promote jobs as substitution of welfare. It should be noted that the job programs helped the homeless to return to the labor market by bridging employment with welfare. However, the public institutions can only encourage expansion of employment, but they can not expand employment itself. Second, the programs rates people according to their employability, and as a result, some people are excluded from the programs. Third, people excluded from the programs are stigmatized as people who have failed to become independent, and as a result of this stigmatization they may be undervalued. The contradictions of these programs led to the establishment of a new program in Tokyo known as "inclusion through housing". Yet this program also has its limitations; its services only include introduction of temporary jobs but exclude income supports. In 2005, new job programs were introduced to the Seikatsuhogo-ho and the childcare allowance to single-mother households. Unlike the job programs for the homeless, the introduction can be seen as the additional model (addition to income supports). Although this paper is not in the position to judge whether the additional model is successful, it should be noted that it is important to give job programs to cover all poor working people without reducing income supports to them.