著者
田村 均
出版者
社会経済史学会
雑誌
社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.69, no.6, pp.645-670, 2004-03-25 (Released:2017-06-16)

The introduction of chemical dyeing materials in order to develop new textile products had a great influence on the domestic fashion textiles market in early Meiji Japan. This paper investigates how the possibility of new dyes encouraged technological growth in regional silk production districts as well as in dominant Japanese textile production centers such as Nishijin, Kiryu, and Ashikaga. In the years after the competitive exhibition in 1885, several regional silk production districts developed new textile products by introducing new technology in the form of chemical dyeing materials from Western Europe. In particular, the most active local districts such as Hachioji, Isesaki, and Tokamachi, succeeded in developing new fashions through the production of new textiles that were of high quality in terms of weaving, yarn quality, dyeing, weight, design, and price. On the other hand, regional silk production districts which had neglected to introduce newtechnology simply stagnated or declined. High quality newtextiles with fashionable designs were essential to the development of the textile industry in Japan.
著者
梁 敏玲
出版者
社会経済史学会
雑誌
社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.79, no.3, pp.333-352, 2013-11-25 (Released:2017-05-17)

本稿は,広東省の省城広州を事例とし,「城防」(城壁都市の守備・治安維持)という面から清代城郭都市の一端を明らかにしようとするものである。帝政時代の中国では,一般に官庁所在地は城壁によって囲まれており,行政拠点である城の守備を目的として軍隊・防衛施設が設置されていた。清代の広州城には,八旗・緑営の双方が駐屯し,更に緑営の中でも,一般緑営軍制の一部として各城に配置される城守協のほか,八旗将軍直属の緑営軍隊や,広東巡撫(1746年から両広総督も広州に移駐)及びその直属の緑営軍隊も広州城に駐屯していた。城防は異なる系統の軍隊によって行われており,諸系統が各自の管轄区域を持ち,互いの間に直接・間接の上下関係があった。八旗の緑営に対する監視・コントロールや諸系統の相互の制御・協力から見れば,このような城防は緊密に構造化された体系ではなく,むしろそれぞれが中央と結びついた各種の軍隊からなる緩い集合体であった。長い平和期の間に,柔軟性を持つ城防システム内部では,状況に対応しつつ様々な調整が行われており,その過程で,八旗の駐屯はより象徴的な存在となってきたといえる。
著者
鈴木 公雄
出版者
社会経済史学会
雑誌
社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.53, no.6, pp.749-775, 1988

Although the significance of the archaeological approaches has been neglected in the historical study of the Edo period, the present paper, by combining archaeological materials with historical documents, aims at illuminating the Tokugawa government's monetary policy in the seventeenth century. Numerous copper currencies discovered from 153 graves of that period are undoubtedly important archaeological materials to specify the currencies in circulation. These currencies called Rokudosen (六道銭), buried as grave goods, can be classified into the four major types: the imported Chinese currencies (Toraisen 渡来銭), Kokan'eitsuho (古寛永通宝 first issued in 1636), Bunsen (文銭 in 1668) and Shinkan'eitstuho (新寛永通宝 in 1697). The patterns of their frequency distributions, analyzed by "frequency seriation" which is commonly used in the chronological study of prehistoric archaeology, indicate that the replacement of Toraisen by Kokan'eitstuho was achieved promptly. On the other hand, the transition from Kokan'eitsuho to Bunsen and from Bunsen to Shinkan'eitsuho required rather long duration. It is worth noting that the above observation corresponds to the descriptions of some historical documents on the government's monetary policy. The documents such as Shukubashiryo (宿場史料) indicate that the government intended to exclude the older, imported currencies, and that the government prohibited their use in 1670. The validity of these descriptions was hardly demonstrated in the previous studies; however, the result of "frequency seriation" obtained from the excavated currencies represents that the government's policy was effectively carried out. The consistency of the government's monetary policy, which is partly reflected in some documents, can be more clearly characterized by synthesizing both archaeological and historical evidence.
著者
伊藤 正二
出版者
社会経済史学会
雑誌
社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.45, no.5, pp.511-536,599-59, 1980-02-29 (Released:2017-07-15)

Most of the Indian zaibatstu, the owners of the larger industrial houses of present day India belong, community-wise, to the Marwaris, the Gujerati-Banyas, or the Parsis. This article examines the nature of business activity and institution of each of these three major business communities just before and after the time of their entry into modern industrial enterprises, i.e., around the middle of the 19th century in the case of the Parsis and the Gujerati-Banyas and at the turn of the present century in the case of the Marwaris. The main purpose of this article is to find out that these communities shared some common features when they entered the modern industrial fields in spite that they did so, as is well known, at different times and through different paths. The conclusions are as follow; Firstly, the fact that most of the owners of the present day Indian zaibatsu belong to a very few particular business cnmmunities originates from the historical facts that only the large scale merchant capitalists were in a position to start modern industry in the backward and colonial economy and that a few business communities dominated the industrial fields right from the beginning of the Indian modern industrial capitalism. Secondly, the success as prominent merchant class by the particular communities, especially the Marwaris and the Chettiars, and perhaps all the other successful business communities, was not a little due to existence of some kind or other of the institutions that accomodated unsparingly the needs and wants of their own communities' members. Thirdly, those merchants wgre no doubt basically compradors. But the few Parsis and Marwaris that first ventured in modern industry had been of less comprador nature: They had been engaged in such relatively independent business as foreign trade on their own account, or speculation on large scale. This article, en Passant, notes that absorption and amalgamation movement was not so unimportant a factor, as is usually argued, for bringing forth the larger managing agency houses so far as the cotton textile industry of Bombay, the strong-hold of Indian capitalists, during the nineteenth century is concerned. There occurred very many failures of the cotton mills then, which certainly helped some of the mnaging agency houses to emerge as dominant ones.

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出版者
社会経済史学会
雑誌
社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.81, no.2, pp.261-291, 2015 (Released:2017-08-25)
著者
中岡 哲郎
出版者
社会経済史学会
雑誌
社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.76, no.3, pp.329-351, 2010-11-25 (Released:2017-07-18)

明治の工業化と共に急成長した若松-大阪間の石炭輸送では,政府の汽船奨励にも拘らず,初期は在来帆船が主流,中期は小汽船で複数帆船を曳く曳船方式,後期は発動機付き帆船(機帆船)と,帆船の流れをくむ輸送法が,沿岸や島嶼地帯の帆船船主にも支えられ,優勢だった。この背後には,遠浅の在来河口港に,汽船が入港出来なかった問題がある。その代表が大阪港であり,汽船は沖泊まり・沖荷役を要求された。このため,水深の深い神戸港を外航船用港湾とし,阪神間は艀船曳船で乗客貨物を輸送する体制をとりつつ,大規模な河川の浚渫・改修と築港建設事業を強行し,江戸時代に発展した堀川と外航船入港可能な新築港とが,河川曳船による港内輸送で結合された,特異な港湾が完成する。この堀川を石油発動機付き巡航船が走ったことが,発動機船への関心を高め,当時の漁民や帆船業者に使い易く,町工場にも作り易い焼玉機関が一時期ブームとなり,機帆船の発展も支えたのである。その日本近代技術にとっての意味と,内海地帯の歴史地理や社会経済との関係を探りつつ,産業技術史学と社会経済史学の関連が考察される。
著者
下斗米 秀之
出版者
社会経済史学会
雑誌
社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.80, no.1, pp.15-35, 2014

本稿では,アメリカ移民政策を画期する1924年移民法について,有力な経営者団体である全国産業協議委員会(NICB)が1923年12月に開催した移民会議に焦点を当て,企業経営者らの移民政策への取り組みを検討し,彼らが移民法策定における重要な担い手であったことを明らかにする。NICBは,移民に関する詳細かつ広範な実地調査を通じて,労働省(移民局)と国務省(領事館)との連携不足を,移民行政の弱点として指摘した。移民制限の本格的導入を進めるアメリカ連邦議会に対して,NICBはビジネス界以外の諸利害の主張を調整し,恒久的な移民政策案を進言することを目的として移民会議を開催した。移民会議には,移民制限に賛否両論の立場をとる,各種の経営者団体や労働組合,社会諸団体,政府関係者など多様な移民利害関係者が参加した。会議を受けてNICBが採択した決議案は,連邦議会の公聴会において,ビジネス界に限定されない公的な影響力を獲得していった。その結果,NICBが提案した在外アメリカ領事発行の査証に基づく移民管理制度は,1924年移民法の柱の1つとして結実したのである。
著者
兒玉 州平
出版者
社会経済史学会
雑誌
社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.80, no.3, pp.349-371, 2014-11-25 (Released:2017-06-03)

日本政府は,ドイツ企業の特許「ハーバー・ボッシュ法」を1917年,敵国財産として接収し複数の企業からなる組合に払い下げた。先行研究は,その後組合が設立した東洋窒素工業株式会社(以下,東洋窒素)は結局合成硫安製造を行わず,唯一の業務は,ドイツ硫安の輸入に際して,自身の持つハーバー・ボッシュ法特許権侵害を理由にロイヤルティーを徴収することだったとしてきた。しかし,東洋窒素のロイヤルティー徴収は1932年に中止されており,ここに東洋窒素は敗戦に至るまで存続したという事実との矛盾がある。本稿は,東洋窒素の存在意義は,1930年以前は,ドイツ硫安の需給調整によって国内企業を守ることにあったとした。1930年以降は硫安の輸入が許可制となり,また既存企業が明示的なカルテルである硫安配給組合を結成する中で,需給調整を行うことはなくなったものの,東洋窒素は配給組合の中で,配給組合に対するアウトサイダーが出現したとき,特許権侵害を仄めかし,さらには内部留保したロイヤルティーで株式を取得して直接経営に関与することで協調的な関係を築くことを可能にしたと結論づけた。
著者
佐藤 政則
出版者
社会経済史学会
雑誌
社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.50, no.5, pp.562-584,653-65, 1985

In the 1890s, the Bank of Japan played an important role in providing funds to the silk industry, the cotton mill industry, the foreign trade sector, etc., and accelerated the growth of these important industries. With the establishment of the gold standard, however, such a positive lending policy became difficult. The purpose of this paper is to elucidate how the lending policy changed in 1900-1901 under the Japanese gold standard. Particularly, it focuses on the policy directed by Korekiyo Takahashi, who was the Vice-Governor of the Bank at that time, and clarifies the difference between his policy and monetary policy carried out under the classical gold standard by Governor Tatsuo Yamamoto. The main points of Takahashi's were as follows: (1) He tried to balance trade deficit not by an increase in the official discount rate, but by an export promotion. Therefore, he tried to strengthen the export industries through aiding customers of the Bank to provide them with funds. (2) In order to do this, he adopted a managerial technique of deposit bank, and attempted to change long-term and rigid loans of the Bank into short-term and liquid ones. He succeeded in it to a considerable extent, so that he made the turnover of funds of the Bank quicker. (3) Moreover, not only did he systematize that policy in the Bank, but he demanded that customers of the Bank, that is, major commercial banks, should follow it. Thus, the change in lending policy had an important influence on managerial technique of her customers, and promoted the reorganization of financial institutions.