著者
藤城 孝輔
出版者
名古屋大学大学院人文学研究科附属超域文化社会センター
雑誌
JunCture : 超域的日本文化研究 (ISSN:18844766)
巻号頁・発行日
no.12, pp.112-124, 2021-03-26

Since early in the first decade of the twenty-first century, the works of Japanese novelist Murakami Haruki have been adapted for film by various international filmmakers. Most of their adaptations have been classified as "arthouse films" because of their having been directed by celebrated auteurs with subsequent circulation in international film festivals. However, what tends to be unrecognized, owing principally to the excessive focus of previous scholarship on art cinema, is the significance of Murakami within global popular culture. While giving close examination of Murakami adaptations and elevating them to the level of high art, the scholars are unable to address how Murakami successfully crosses national borders to permeate the everyday life of people across diverse cultures. This essay examines Acoustic (Eokuseutig, Yoo Sang-hun, 2010), a South Korean omnibus film, restricting analysis here to the second episode, "Bakery Attack," which draws on Murakami's 1981 short story "Pan'ya shūgeki." The episode serves as a star vehicle for its two leading performers, Lee Jong-hyun and Kang Min-hyuk, both of whom were at the time members of the South Korean idol rock band, CNBLUE. Murakami's story has undergone significant modifications not only for relocating the 1980s Japanese narrative to fit a Korean setting in the 2010s, but also for effectively conveying the star image of the male idols as appropriate for transnational audiences. Examples of such changes include those affecting the characterization and interrelationship of the protagonists, elimination of the vagueness which colored the original story, and insertion of a reference to the history of South Korean popular music. Through the unambiguous, transculturally accessible narrative with the characters each exhibiting their performers' public image, the film establishes the rising stars' position within the South Korean entertainment scene as well as in the international market. Murakami's story is used not as a signifier of Japanese culture, but rather as a culturally transferable medium which enables the film and its stars to reach both domestic and global audiences.
著者
葛西 周 KASAI Amane
出版者
名古屋大学大学院人文学研究科附属「アジアの中の日本文化」研究センター
雑誌
Juncture : 超域的日本文化研究 (ISSN:18844766)
巻号頁・発行日
no.9, pp.60-72, 2018-03

本稿は、「近代日本の祝祭空間における「音楽」表象」(東京芸術大学大学院音楽研究科博士学位論文、2009)の一部に大幅な加筆修正を施したものである。追跡調査にあたり、2017年度科学研究費補助金基盤研究B「中国建国前夜のプロパガンダ・メディア表象:劇場文化と身体芸術のコラボレーション」(研究代表者:星野幸代)ならびに同若手研究B「戦前・戦中期東アジアにおける音楽ジャンル観の変遷」(研究代表者:葛西周)の援助を得た。
著者
日比 嘉高 Hibi Yoshitaka
出版者
名古屋大学大学院文学研究科附属「アジアの中の日本文化」研究センター
雑誌
JunCture : 超域的日本文化研究 (ISSN:18844766)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.7, pp.58-67, 2016-03-28

This paper provides a brief history of Japanese bookstores in Karafuto (Sakhalin) from the occupation of Sakhalin by Japanese army in 1905 to the end of the WWII in 1945. In the Russo-Japan War, the Japanese army occupied Sakhalin Island and the Japanese Empire obtained the southern half of the island after the Treaty of Portsmouth. Japanese settlers in Karafuto grew in number and began to build towns. The first bookstore, “Saito Branch,” which is found in a list of bookstores of 1907, was built in Korsakov (named Odomari in Japanese). It is assumed that Japanese-managed bookstores grew gradually in number, but there is no comprehensive list of them in the 1920s. A selective list published in 1928 reports nine shops existed in Karafuto: three in Toyohara, three in Odomari, two in Maoka, and one in Tomarioru. The Bookseller Association of Karafuto (樺太書籍商組合) was organized in 1926 after the establishment of a National organization of bookseller associations (全国書籍商組合聯合会) in 1920. There were 88 members of the Bookseller Association of Karafuto in 1930 and 97 in 1942. The increase in the number of bookstores is related not only to the population of Japanese living in Karafuto but also the development of its educational system. Before 1945, there used to be three junior high schools, four girls’ high schools, and their respective libraries in Karafuto. Educational associations of Odomari (大泊町教育会) and of Karafuto (樺太教育会) also had their own public libraries.
著者
池内 敏 IKEUCHI Satoshi
出版者
名古屋大学大学院文学研究科附属「アジアの中の日本文化」研究センター
雑誌
JunCture : 超域的日本文化研究 (ISSN:18844766)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.5, pp.38-49, 2014-03-28

BAISO Kenjyo (梅荘顕常) was a priest of the Shokoku-ji Temple (相国寺) in Kyoto. He is well known as a writer of Chinese poetry in the Edo period. In this paper, I will analyze three events that connect him to Korea at three different times, 1. in 1764, 2. from 1781 to 83, and 3. in 1791. 1. First, during a diplomatic mission to Japan from Korea in 1764, a murder took place in Osaka in which Tsushima samurai killed a member of the mission. For those members of mission that wanted to know in detail the progress of the case, BAISO Kenjyo made a record of the murder case and presented it to them. They read it and gave it high praise. 2. Later, BAISO Kenjyo went to the Itei-an Temple (以酊庵) in Tsushima on rotation duty (輪番制 rinbansei), and there he conducted interviews with Korean castaways. The Chinese poetry he wrote during that time reflects the warmth BAISO Kenjyo felt for these castaways. 3. Finally, from 1764 he was involved in planning of the diplomatic missions to Japan from Korea. When the ministers of the Edo Shogunate consulted BAISO Kenjyo, he explained the history of Japan-Korea relations in terms of the conquest of Korea by Empress Jingu (三韓征伐 sankanseibatsu). It is important to note that conflicted views of Koreans coexist within the one person.
著者
孫 軍悦 Sun Junyue
出版者
名古屋大学大学院文学研究科附属日本近現代文化研究センター
雑誌
JunCture : 超域的日本文化研究 (ISSN:18844766)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.3, pp.182-194, 2012-03-06

This paper examines how the concept of the detective novel, introduced to China by Japan, changed under the unique historical circumstances in China following the Cultural Revolution, and what type of function this served in Chinese society with its new "economic reforms." Owing to the ambiguity in the meaning of the Chinese characters for the concept of "reason," detective novels became associated with logic and law. With their strong connections to the newly-founded field of research in forensic reasoning, detective novels were theorized anew as "science" and "law" literature, prompting the legalization of the detective story genre, which had previously been criticized as "typical bourgeois literature." Consequently, the publication of translated detective novels became a point of conflict between the forces promoting democracy and a constitutional government and those steeped in socialist ideology. A new literary genre of "legal literature" was born in the midst of this struggle, which still retains various functions in present Chinese society.
著者
鄒 韻 ZOU Yun
出版者
名古屋大学大学院人文学研究科附属「アジアの中の日本文化」研究センター
雑誌
Juncture : 超域的日本文化研究 (ISSN:18844766)
巻号頁・発行日
no.9, pp.74-87, 2018-03

This paper discusses discourses regarding lesbianism in the Taisho period and proposes a new position where the borderline within the dichotomous structure of female heterosexuality / homosexuality does not only involve sexuality but is also entangled with gender, identity, and body image. In the 1910s, sexology became more prevalent in Japanese discourse. Psychopathia Sexualis, written by Richard Freiherr von Krafft-Ebing, is the foundation of sexology in Japan. Sawada Junjiro and Habuto Eiji wrote Hentai seiyokuron (Sexual Pervsion Theory) based on Krafft-Ebing's book and emphasized that female homosexuals were more mentally oriented and more gender transgressive. Thus, female homosexual discourse diverged from an essentialist understanding of sexuality and created its own discursive space, connecting female homosexuality with the image of masculine women. The "same-sex love" scandal took place in 1920 when sexuality became a more popular topic. In the reporting of this news, we can see how the schema in which homosexual women being equated with masculine women had already been confirmed by the media under the influence of sexology. Homosexuality no longer described homosexual actions, but homosexual persons, and was also connected with their personalities. On the other hand, the intimate relationships among young female students converged from "ome" (written as "men and women" or "manly woman") to "S," which means sisterhood, due to the influence of sexology. Yoshiya Nobuko's Hanamonogatari (Flower Tales) series is a representative work of the Taisho period about the pseudo-love story between shojos. Shirayuri is a story that closely resembles the "same-sex love" scandal. The representation of "S" in this story is told from the perspective of female eroticism, even though the characters are feminine and are enclosed in the gender role of "good wife, wise mother." The romantic friendship of young female students did not produce a narrative of homosexuality but played the role of provoking romanticism and sentimental emotions. Thus, in the Taisho period, intimate relationships among young female students are divided into two directions: pathological female homosexuality and feminine romantic friendship.
著者
藤木 秀朗 フィリップス アラステア FUJIKI Hideaki PHILLIPS Alastair
出版者
名古屋大学大学院人文学研究科附属超域文化社会センター
雑誌
JunCture : 超域的日本文化研究 (ISSN:18844766)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.11, pp.74-94, 2020-03-26

本稿は、Hideaki Fujiki and Alastair Phillips, “Introduction: Japanese Cinema and its Multiple Perspectives,” in Hideaki Fujiki and Alastair Phillips, eds. The Japanese Cinema Book (London: British Film Institute/Bloomsbury, 2020)の全訳である。ただし、日本語表現に合わせて、文の意味をわずかに変更したところがある。また、本稿は本書--ここでは、『日本映画論書』と訳した--の序論として書かれていることをお断りしておきたい。For this translation, Introduction in Hideaki Fujiki and Alastair Phillips eds. The Japanese Cinema Book (British Film Institute/Bloomsbury, 2020) is used by permission of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc.
著者
陳 力衛 Chen Liwei
出版者
名古屋大学大学院文学研究科附属日本近現代文化研究センター
雑誌
JunCture : 超域的日本文化研究 (ISSN:18844766)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.3, pp.78-98, 2012-03-06

In the nineteenth century, many Chinese translations of English terms, such as "bank, insurance, love, and medicine. "were adopted as Japanese translations of the same terms. It is well known that this process contributed to the establishment of modern Japanese. However, during the twentieth century, Japanese translations of English terms became more readily available, and the process reversed itself. Now English to Chinese dictionaries were using the Japanese translations as a reference. This resulted in the absorption of terms such as "philosophy, society, and communism" into the Chinese language. The sharing of translated terms resulted in the creation of many similar words within Chinese and Japanese, which benefitted communication between the two languages. This paper will take a look at how Chinese and Japanese exchanged vocabularies through the translation of English terms during four separate historical periods.
著者
溝渕 久美子 Mizobuchi Kumiko
出版者
名古屋大学大学院文学研究科附属日本近現代文化研究センター
雑誌
JunCture : 超域的日本文化研究 (ISSN:18844766)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.3, pp.114-124, 2012-03-06

In this article, I look into how the prizes for original stories and screenplays were established, and how the publicness of cinema was constructed under the Film Law of Japan. Since the enforcement of the Film Law in 1939, the Japanese film industry was controlled by the Japanese Government. There were not enough stories and screenplays in the film industry, because ready-made stories such as Soseki's works were difficult to fit into the requirements of wartime circumstances. So, film makers established an institute for writing and started to serialize articles titled "A Classroom for Screenplays" in a movie magazine to train writers. In addition, the Japanese government and film industry began various public offerings for original stories and screenplays in some newspapers and magazines. Unlike other jobs related to film making, writers did not need a license to work under the Film Law. This made it possible to assemble writers using public prizes. A representative example is the "Cinema and Theater Play of the Nation" prize, established in 1941. The winner "Hahakogusa (The Story of a Mother and Her Child)" written by Koito Nobu, an elementary schoolteacher, was adapted into a film by Tasaka Tomotaka and published in an anthology along with other prizewinners. People who wanted to apply need not be cultivated or rich, and their gender, job, class, education, age, or habitation did not matter. Anybody literate enough to read the application and to write stories or screenplays and agree with the purpose of the offering could apply. These prizes gave people a feeling of participation in making of national cinema for themselves. In other words, people were not only spectators who watched the films made by Japanese Government and film industry, but were also "film makers" of "National Cinema". "National Cinema" was not just films for the nation, it was also films by the nation.
著者
水嶋 一憲 Mizushima Kazunori
出版者
名古屋大学大学院文学研究科附属日本近現代文化研究センター
雑誌
JunCture : 超域的日本文化研究 (ISSN:18844766)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2, pp.24-35, 2011-03-01

This essay, focusing on the dynamic intersection between "affective turn" and the concept of "Empire," attempts to explore the important role that affect plays in today's "communicative capitalism." "The Affective turn" that the humanities and social sciences have undergone in recent decades expresses a new configuration of bodies, technology and matter. This turn also incorporates Spinozian definition of affect: an ability to affect and to be affected in a felt passage to a varied power of existence, pre-individual bodily capacities to act, engage, and connect. Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri's theory of "Empire" shares this Spinozian definition of affect. Further, according to Hardt&Negri, a passage from imperialism to Empire corresponds to a passage from "disciplinary societies" to "societies of control," and they define Empire as a global society of control which seems to operate through "Affective Imperial Apparatuses (AIAs)." The paradigmatic example of an AIA is the brand. Brands are machines for organizing, controlling, monitoring, and modulating flows of affect. So we can grasp brands as a kind of de-territorialized factory where the productive mass intellectuality and the new forms of appropriation enabled by contemporary communication media come together. Contemporary information and communication networks are essentially affective networks. Therefore, communication media seeks to capture and control their users' affects in intensive and extensive networks of enjoyment, production, and control. Jodi Dean terms this formation "communicative capitalism." In this formation of capitalism, politics is reduced to communication or circulation of drives which forms an endless loop. How can we constitute a politics that can overturn such a communicative capitalism and flee from capture and control by AIAs? I provisionally conclude with a focus on the productive possibilities provided by Deleuze and Hardt&Negri's concepts of event, singularity and common, as a platform to constitute an alternative politics of affect.
著者
黒岩 裕市 KUROIWA Yuichi
出版者
名古屋大学大学院人文学研究科附属超域文化社会センター
雑誌
JunCture : 超域的日本文化研究 (ISSN:18844766)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.11, pp.168-174, 2020-03-26

本稿は2019年7月26日に名古屋大学ジェンダー・リサーチ・ライブラリで行なわれた、超域文化社会センター(TCS)セミナー第7回「〈クィア〉に読む、〈クィア〉を読む--村田沙耶香『トリプル』を中心に」の報告である。
著者
ティアニー ロバート 大﨑 晴美 Tierney Robert Osaki Harumi
出版者
名古屋大学大学院文学研究科附属「アジアの中の日本文化」研究センター
雑誌
JunCture : 超域的日本文化研究 (ISSN:18844766)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.6, pp.28-41, 2015-03-27

In the early 20th century, Japanese writers, publicists, and politicians evinced a great deal of interest in Japan’s expansion toward the South Seas. In Nan’yō Yūki, Tsurumi Yusuke, a prominent advocate of expansion to the South, championed the mobilization of folklore to spark the interest of Japanese youth in the acquisition of overseas territories. Introduced to all school children from 1888 in elementary school readers, Momotarō was seen as a folk tale with particular relevance to the colonization of the South Seas. Nitobe Inazō thought of Momotarō as a pedagogical tool that could fire the imagination of Japan’s youth and spur them on to participate in colonial projects. In “Momotarō no mukashibanashi,” an essay published in 1907, he argued that the folktale expressed in allegorical form the irrepressible drive of the Japanese people to expand continuously toward the South. He placed particular stress on the geographical specificity of the folktale when he argued that the island of the ogres lay in the South Seas and that the treasures Momotarō brought back to Japan were the products of the tropics. Nearly twenty years after Nitobe’s essay was published, Akutagawa Ryūnosuke depicted Momotarō as a villain in a parody “Momotarō” that was published in the Sunday Mainichi in 1924. In this satire, Momotarō is a cruel invader who brutally attacks a group of humanized ogres living peacefully on an island paradise in the South Seas. At the end of this story, young ogres counterattack and fight to win the independence of their homeland. At the intersection of folklore, propaganda and parody, Momotarō emerges as a contested site for debating the Japanese imperial project in the South Seas and for defining self and other in the age of empire.
著者
川口 潤 Kawaguchi Jun
出版者
名古屋大学大学院文学研究科附属日本近現代文化研究センター
雑誌
JunCture : 超域的日本文化研究 (ISSN:18844766)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2, pp.54-65, 2011-03-01

Nostalgia is one of the common feelings people experience when they encounter information from their past. However, few psychological studies have been conducted on the phenomenon of nostalgia. In this article, I describe the history and definition of nostalgia, review psychological studies on nostalgia, and discuss the relationship between nostalgia and memory. Nostalgia was coined by the Swiss physician Johannes Hofer in the 17th century to refer to the psychological and physiological symptoms exhibited by Swiss mercenaries working in foreign countries. By the early 19th century, nostalgia came to be regarded as a form of melancholia or depression, and through the mid 20th century it came to be considered a psychodynamic disorder like "mentally repressive compulsive disorder." Throughout this period, nostalgia has been viewed simply as "homesickness." However, the recent concept of nostalgia has a sentimental feeling of longing for the past rather than a mental disease. Psychological studies on nostalgia have been recently launched, and they began by elucidating what the essence of nostalgic experience is, when people are nostalgic, and what the psychological significance of nostalgia is. Those studies showed chat a person recalls memories with himself/herself as protagonist during the feeling of nostalgia, and that nostalgia is triggered by negative feelings. Furthermore, nostalgia has the socio-psychological functions of bolstering social bonds, increasing self-regard, and generating positive affect. From the theoretical perspective of human memory, nostalgia is associated with the episodic memory system, which underlies remembering one's own past with a feeling of re-experience, "mental time travel" Mental time travel is a form of recall that allows people to re-experience, albeit in an attenuated form, situations previously encountered. Considering that episodic memory is thought to be a hallmark of a highly evolved memory system and uniquely human, nostalgia can also be regarded as human-specific and advantageous in the evolution of the human mind.
著者
木下 耕介 Kinoshita Kosuke
出版者
名古屋大学大学院文学研究科附属日本近現代文化研究センター
雑誌
JunCture : 超域的日本文化研究 (ISSN:18844766)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.3, pp.140-153, 2012-03-06

In recent years, both in Hollywood cinema and Japanese cinema, we can find an interesting phenomenon in which a considerable number of narrative films has presented stories of two diegetic worlds intersecting with each other. For example, in Hollywood cinema, blockbuster franchises such as the Matrix series (1999-2003), Harry Potter series (1993-2010), and Avatar (2009) with no exception have constructed two diegetic worlds. Typically in these films, one is the world we occupy (our so-called "reality") and the other is usually a strange, fantastic world. In Japanese cinema, animation films such as Perfect Blue (1998) and Summer Wars (2009) also deal with this dual-diegesis narrative. Notably, this kind of dual-diegesis narrative is rather unusual, according to the norm of classical Hollywood cinema. For what reason have these films become popular both in United States and in Japan? This essay tries to answer this question, apprehending the dual-diegetic structure as a spatial metaphor for today's information society in which we have two lives: one dwelling in reality and the other in cyberspace. Cyberspace is a quite new concept for ordinary people, therefore we sometimes feel embarrassed, puzzled, or even uneasy and terrified in cyberspace. The dual-diegesis narratives we find onscreen are in a sense reflections of this sort of cultural experience we have. However, at the same time, from another point of view, dual-diegesis narratives can also be said to offer us a visual sketch, which I call a "folk mindscape," visually and spatially depicting a cognitive map of cyberspace with which we can comprehend our new cultural experience with a greater sense of security in our minds. Dual-diegesis narratives can also be understood as arguments or statements over the issue of embodiment/disembodiment. The pair of theoretical terms is now familiar in the discourse of posthumanism, the new theoretical trend which tries to question the definition of humanity, decentering the cultural position human beings have historically held and relocating it in a new context which includes concerns for state-of-the-art information technologies, animal rights and so on. In dual-diegesis narratives, the arguments over such theoretical issue take the shape of the protagonists' journey, in which he/she departs from (corpo-)reality and explores the virtuality, but finally comes back to reality, where he/she originally belongs. From the two standpoints mentioned above, this essay tries to interpret contemporary popular films as having something to do with our new cultural experience, which was brought on rather abruptly, when we were left unprepared, by the information technology revolution.
著者
北村 洋 笹川 慶子 KITAMURA Hiroshi SASAGAWA Keiko
出版者
名古屋大学大学院人文学研究科附属「アジアの中の日本文化」研究センター
雑誌
JunCture : 超域的日本文化研究 (ISSN:18844766)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.9, pp.132-146, 2018-03-23

Since the 1890s, Japanese movie-goers have engaged American cinema in a wide consumer marketplace shaped by intense media competition. Early fandom grew around educated urban audiences, who avidly patronized action-packed serials and Universal’s freshly imported films in the 1910s. During the 1920s and 1930s, U.S. cinema continued to attract metropolitan consumers but struggled in the face of Japan’s soaring narrative output. In the years following World War II, movie-goers encountered American films in big cities as well as provincial communities through the Occupationbacked Central Motion Picture Exchange. After the Occupation, U.S. film consumption began to slow down in theaters because of Japanese cinematic competition, but the sites of reception extended into television. The momentum of American cinema revived on the big screen with the rise of the blockbuster, though the years after the 1970s witnessed an intense segmentation of consumer taste. While U.S. cinema culture has become widely available via television, amusement parks, consumer merchandise, and the Internet, the contemporary era has seen renewed challenges mounted by domestic productions and alternative sources of popular entertainment.
著者
佐藤 深雪 SATO Miyuki
出版者
名古屋大学大学院文学研究科附属「アジアの中の日本文化」研究センター
雑誌
Juncture : 超域的日本文化研究 (ISSN:18844766)
巻号頁・発行日
no.5, pp.52-65, 2014-03

The purpose of this article is to determine when and how Soseki NATSUME (1867-1916) had been influenced by Charles Sanders Peirce (1839-1914). Soseki had already discovered the importance of Peirce's philosophy in the early 20th century when he introduced the concept of "abduction," the essence of Pierce's philosophy, in Bungakuron (Theory of Literature), published in 1907. In this respect, I argue that Soseki possessed extraordinary foresight. In this article, I examine the concept of "suggestion" expressed in Bungakuron in order to prove the influence Soseki received from Pierce. I confirm this influence using the following two key factors; Baldwin's Dictionary of Philosophy and Psychology published in 1902 and the introduction of the concept of pragmatism to Japan in 1906. In addition, I discuss the significance of the "law of suggestion".
著者
ホプソン ネイスン HOPSON Nathan
出版者
名古屋大学大学院人文学研究科附属超域文化社会センター
雑誌
JunCture : 超域的日本文化研究 (ISSN:18844766)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.11, pp.30-45, 2020-03-26

This article explores the history and politics of American-funded food demonstration buses (“kitchen cars”) in postwar Japan. Their express mission was to transform the Japanese national diet. I make two primary arguments. First, at least in the short to medium term, the kitchen cars were a win-win for both the United States and Japan. On the one hand, Japan benefited because the kitchen cars taught Japanese women how to cook cheap, nutritious, mostly easy dishes to improve the health of their families and the nation. On the other hand, these menus were planned specifically to increase consumption of American agricultural products, especially wheat, soy, and corn. For US agricultural and political interests, in addition to supporting the economic recovery and political stability of a Cold War ally, the kitchen cars—along with the school lunch program—were instrumental in teaching Japan to accept and consume American produce. My second argument concerns the reasons for the kitchen cars’ success. I identify the following two factors: staffing by mostly female professional nutritionists, who combined authority with approachability for the kitchen cars’ main audiences of middle-aged, married women; and the kitchen cars’ mobility, which allowed them to reach even remote villages and hamlets.