著者

星野 陽

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, no.3-4, pp.37-51,192, 1968 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

18

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It is a widely-known fact that Mithra, famed in Avestan Hymn (Yasht) is considered identical with Mithras, the God of War who waged a fierce religious contention against Christianity in the Mediterranean World at the end of the Ancient Period.Studies in this field, however, have largely been focused, as seen i n the study by Prof. Cumont, on the development of Mithraicism in the Roman World, and so far due attention has not been paid to the process of the formation of Mithraicism in the Orient. This is due, first, to the fact that the interest of Western historians has mainly been centered to elucidating Christian European Civilization, and therefore the study of Mithra, despite its connection with Christian European Civilization, has had to be confined both in time and area to the limited world of Rome at the end of the Ancient Period, and secondly it is due to linguistic and other osbtacles that one cannot avoid in the study of Orient Mithras.The study of the entire history of Mithraicism will become possible only when the unity of Orient and Latin worlds is successfully attained, but unfortunately the two worlds have remained separate without any interchange of inter-world study between Orient and Latin worlds.The proposed study into Mithra in Avestan Hymn is intended to give light upon the original nature of Mithraicism and also to inquire into the causes of the development of the religion during the period of more than 2, 000 years.Renan once said something to the effect that if any fatal hindrance had prevented Christianity from development, the world would have been under the rule of Mithra. This statement clearly suggests the important religious role played by Mithraicism in the Imperial Roman Period.As it is well-known, a great variety of religions of both Oriental and Occidental worlds flourished in the Ancient Mediterranean World. I deem it worth its while to look into the problems of Mithracism in its original nature, to which religion one often refers “an amalgam of religions in Iran, Babylonia-Greece and those of the Romans and the Hebrews”.

著者

岡崎 桂二

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.2, pp.39-55, 1992 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The 'Abbasid revolution brought about a radical change in every corner of the society. In the literary field, poets tried to adapt themselves to the taste of the new urban society, especially of the newly established caliphal court. Through their efforts a highly rhetorical and ornate style in Arabic poetry was created, and this new style was named badi (literally—the New) by the Caliph poet, Ibn al-Mu'tazz. Badi' continued to exercise considerable influence both in composing and criticizing Arabic poetry.Bashshar b. Burd (c. 95-167A. H.) was noted for his particular attachment to figures of speech such as pun, metaphor and antithesis. Al-Jahiz regarded him as an originator of this new style. He was ethnically persian, socially mawali, religiously heretic, ideologically shu'ubi, and physically blind.In this paper the author investigates what Bashshar's stylistic features are, how he originated them, and how deeply the literary event was intertwined with the specific social and intellectual climate of his time.

著者

竹田 新

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.2, pp.75-94, 1983 (Released:2010-03-12)

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In the Arabic geographical works the term “iqlim” appears frequently. According to Yaqut, an Arabic geographer, this word has four different meanings, i. e. (1) a region; (2) a large village in Andalusia; (3) a “kishwar”; and (4) a climate or a mathematically arranged climatic zone.The word “iqlim” is the Arabicized form of the Greek word “klima” which means a climate. This word was used first to indicate one of the seven climatic zones of the inhabited world. This usage corresponds to the stage of introduction by the Moslems of a foreign (i. e. Greek) concept. Then it came to be used as a word that signified the kishwar, a concept of Persian origin. The Persians conceived the whole world to be composed of seven circular kingdoms with their own as the center. Each of these seven kingdoms was called kishwar. The Persian view of the world resembled that of the Greek in that both of them divided the world into seven different units. Because of this similarity the Greek concept of “klima” came to be intermingled with the Persian concept of “kishwar”, both being expressed by the word “iqlim”. One can call this stage as the fusion of the two different concepts.Finally, the word “iqlim” was given a new meaning, namely a region. This meant more exactly a kind of administrative unit such as provinces or districts. A large village in Andalusia was also called an “iqlim”. The transformation of the connotation of the word expresses the process in which the fused notion of iqlim and kishwar evolved into an Islamic notion of administrative entity.Those who used the term “iqlim” to signify a climate were mainly the scholars of ‘the science of longitudes and latitudes’ such as al-Khuwarazmi, al-Farghani, al-Biruni, az-Zargali and at-Tusi. The writers who belonged to ‘the science of marvels of countries’ used the the term to denote the kishwar. Examples of these writers were Ibn al-Fagih, al-Mas'udi, Abu Hamid al-Gharnati and ad-Dimashgi. The scholars of ‘the science of roads and realms’ such as Ibn Khurdadhbih, al-Balkhi, al-Mugaddasi, al-Bakri and Abu ‘l-Fides’ used the word to mean regions or administrative units.A further explanation is provided by Yaqut about the seven climatic zones. He divides the inhabited world (i. e. the northern hemisphere of the globe) into seven climatic zones so that there are differences by thirty minutes from zone to zone in the length of the longest summer day. The zone nearest to the equator is named the first and the furthest the seventh. Then you have thirteen hours of day on the summer solstice in the first zone and sixteen hours in the seventh zone. (Some scholars such as al-Farghani and al-Biruni, on whom Yaqut himself relied, arranged the zones so that you have thirteen hours on the summer solstice in the middle line of the first zone. Another group of scholars such as al-Khuwarazmi adopted a different method according to which you have thirteen hours on the dividing line of the first and the second zones. The latter group belonged to a minority.)Yaqut also arranged various regions and cities in each climatic zone from the east to the west. This system of arrangement was also adopted by al-Farghani and al-Biruni. The works of these scholars had a great influence and Yaqut followed their example in his conspectus.

著者

堀井 聡江

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.1, pp.184-198, 1995-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Die gesetzlichen Umgehungen (hiyal, s. hilah) sind als solche Maßnahmen zu verstehen, mit denen man ohne Verstoß gegen das heilige Gesetz gewünshte Rechtsfolge erreichen kann, eben deshalb wurden sie vor allem von den hanafitischen Rechtsgelehrten zum parktischen Zweck untersucht. Die hanafitischen Umgehungen führen zu einem Fachbereich. Ihre hiyal-Literature kennzeichnet die positivrechtliche Rechtsproblematik, die die Entwicklung ihrer Schullehre bezeugt. Man kann in diesem Bereich eine zweckmäßige Anwendung der hanafitischen Lehre betrachten.Aus diesem Standpunkt geht es in dieser Arbeit darum, die Entwicklung der Umgehungen mit der hanafitischen Schullehre in Zusammenhang zu bringen. Ich beschränke Beispiele dafür auf zwei Rechtsgeschäfte, die am häufigsten zur Umgehung benutzt werden, d. h. das Geständnis (igrar) sowie die Klausel (shart) um den materiellrechtlichen Aufban der Umgehung zu zeigen.

著者

松本 克己

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.1, pp.138-143, 1991-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

戸田 聡

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.1, pp.98-102, 2013-09-30 (Released:2016-10-01)

参考文献数

4

著者

松山 洋平

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.1, pp.18-32, 2014-09-30 (Released:2017-10-01)

参考文献数

65

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This study considers the increase and decrease in īmān (belief) in Māturīdism and illustrates the structure and concept of īmān within this school. It is commonly understood that, contrary to the majority of Ash‘arītes and ahl al-ḥadīth (people of ḥadīth), who admit the increase and decrease in īmān, a vast majority of Māturīdītes deny this because, according to their theory, work is not a constituent of īmān, and īmān is composed of only taṣdīq (assent) by the heart, or by another perspective, taṣdīq by the heart and iqrār (confession) by the tongue. Even among the Māturīdītes, who deny the increase and decrease in īmān, a changeable aspect related to this concept is perceived, but it is believed that the core structure of īmān is unchangeable. The changeable aspect is referred to as nūr (light), ḍiyā’ (brilliance), or thamara (fruit) of īmān. These changeable aspects of īmān are not components of īmān, even though they originate from īmān. However, a group of Māturīdītes, all of whom are scholars from the Ottoman era, believe that īmān is unchangeable only when it refers to mu’man bi-hi (what should be believed), and it accepts the increase and decrease in īmān when it refers to assent. The author focuses on the following two results of the study. First, those scholars among the Māturīdītes who admit the increase and decrease in īmān are all from the Ottoman era. This perspective could be interpreted as the later Ottoman Māturīdītes' approach to the Ashartes theories on īmān-related issues. Second, the Māturīdītes who admit that there is something changeable, separate these mutable concepts cautiously from the structure of īmān, which are immutable. By doing so, this school succeeds in describing the precise relationship between the concept of īmān and its related concepts.

著者

斎藤 淑子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.1-2, pp.43-74,187, 1970 (Released:2010-03-12)

被引用文献数

1

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In the Islamic World, the highest title kept by a sovereign was “Caliph” or “Sultan”. Originally the successors or agents of the prophet Muhammad claimed to be “Caliph”. They held, in the earlier periods, the supreme power either in the secular or in the religious affiars. Only with the lapse of time, they lost their secular power and became mere religious leaders. This took place especially in the late-Abbasids. Consequently the “Sultan” appeared on the stage as a person of power who had replaced the “Caliph” in the secular affairs. In short, these two titles which are important in the Islamic history underwent some changes. But, in the Ottoman empire, they were again unified under the so-called Sultan-Caliph System. It is said that in 1517, the Sultan Selim I inherited, on the occasion of his conquest of Egypt, the title “Caliph” from the Caliph al-Mutawwakil, who was a descendent of the Abbasids and eked out a bare existence under the protection of the Mamluk Sultan Tuman Bey in Cairo. That is the origin generally accepted of the Sultan-Caliph System. But we have no evidence to support such a story in the contemporary sources. Accordingly scholars tend at the present to attribute this legend, at least for its first mention, to a work of M. d'Ohsson (Tableau Général de l'Empire Ottoman, pp. 269-70, t. l, 1788) written two centuries and half later than the reign of Selim I. Moreover, d'Ohsson himself states that the abdication in question is not as a historical fact, but as a leagal theory.That is why we may doubt a fictious character of the above-mentioned story. On the other hand, we should not overlook the fact that the Ottoman Sultan was recognized in general as Caliph in the Muslim world as well as in Europe from the 18th untill the 20th century. Why could the fiction be accepted as a reality?At first, it is necessary to examine the problem from Islamic point of view. In this case, the conquest of Egypt under the Mamlukids and the following occupation of Mecca and Medina, the two holy cities of Islam, by Selim are very important.Secondly, we must consider the idea of sovereignity among the Turks together with the particularities of their faith. Up to the present, the study of the Sultan-Caliph System has been limited into the scope of Islamic history. Now, isn't it required for us to take a step into the new scope, that is the history of Turks as a whole? The comparative study on their traditions, institutions or ideas in the pre-Islamic periods will be much effective for the solution of our problem.

著者

井本 英一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.2, pp.1-17, 1988 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The dying person is wrapped up in the animal skin as the dead person is in Iran. The animal skin is of goat or sheep. It would seem that they get spirited wearing the skin of a sacrificed animal.It was the custom of neolithic Egypt to be buried with the animal skin on the body. In the ancient world even the deity needed the animal skin when he was to be full of life. The animal skin revitalized the dead, the deity, and the living as well.The animal sacrifice was not to offer up an animal to the deity but to kill the deity itself. The skin of the animal was full of life. Therefore the dying deity clad in the skin of the sacrificed animal came to life again.

著者

小板橋 又久

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.2, pp.53-62, 2013-03-31 (Released:2016-04-26)

参考文献数

51

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The goddess Ashtart is mentioned several times in the Ugaritic texts, but appears relatively rarely in the mythological texts. A. Caquot and M. Sznycer say that at Ugarit, Asthtart was a “colourless deity”. On the other side, “the singer of Ashtart” (šr. ‘ṯtrt), whom We can find in the administrative text (KTU2 4.168: 4) , is very unique in the ancient Near East. Why does the “colorless deity” in the mythological texts need her professional singer?We can find the entry ritual of Ashtart in several ritual texts (KTU2 1.43: 1-2 ; 1.91: 10; 1.148: 18). The goddess’s entry into the royal palace suggests the royal attention paid to her. It appears likely, from a comparison of the Ugaritic texts with the Mari evidence, that the entry ritual of Ashtart is a kind of kispu-festival. We can see that Ashtart is invoked in some incantational texts related to vanquishing venomous serpents (KTU2 1.100; 19b—20a; 1.107; 39b—40a).The Keret epic (KTU2 1.14: III: 41-42 ; VI: 26-28) and a mythical text (KTU2 1.92) show that Ashtart is beautiful but powerful, and she is a good skilled huntress. The Baal myth (KTU2 1.2: IV: 28-30) and a song to Ashtart (RIH 98/02) indicate that Ashtart has the overwhelming power to subdue hostile forces. We can also see that Ashtart is called together with the god Horon in the king Keret’s curse (KTU2 1.16: VI: 54-57).Ashtart is the protective goddess to kings of Ugarit, because of her power of breaking enemies. Ashtart is important for the protection of Ugaritic kings against their hostile forces. Because of her physical and magical power, the singer of Ashtart might be necessary for the rituals related to the protection of Ugaritic kings against their enemies and fears.

著者

小玉 新次郎

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, no.1, pp.33-43,102, 1965-09-20 (Released:2010-03-12)

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In order to get goods from the East, the Roman Empire came into close political relationships with Palmyra, while the Parthian Empire had common economic interests with Palmyra also. But the transportation of goods through the desert deoended not upon Roman or Parthian merchants but entirely upon Palmyrene caravaneers. This is the reason why Palmyra became prosperous rapidly in the second and third centuries. This permitted the Palmyrene commercial settlement in Vologesia to become important and to sway the fate of Palmyra. Vologesia's importance arose from the fact that it was the place where two great parallel trade routes converged towards the West, one coming from the Iranian plateau, the other coming from the Persian Gulf.

著者

前嶋 信次

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, no.1, pp.67-80, 1962-03-31 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

柳橋 博之

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.2, pp.34-48, 1993 (Released:2010-03-12)

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La tendence extrêmement formaliste du droit hanafite rend le plus souvent difficile d'interpréter ses solutions positives. Cette difficulté est aggravée par le fait que les premiers juristesn'en expliquent pas les motivations.Voici deux exemples qui en fournissent une bonne illustration.(1) En matière de responsabilité délictuelle, certains des hanafis, ne reconnaissant que difficilement comme étant établi le lien de causalité entre le fait dommageable et la conséquence mauvaise, ne font encourir aucune responsabilité à celui qui a ouvert le cage, au cas où l'oiseau qui s'y trouve s'enfuirait.(2) En ce qui concerne la vente portant sur un corps certain, les hanafis ne permettent pas à l'acheteur de disposer de la chose vendue avant qu'il n'en ait pris la livraison, car le vendeur ne détient pas la chose en tant que mandataire de l'acheteur, ce qui rend impossible, sur le plan juridique, la livraison immédiate de la chose au second acquéreur.

著者

池田 修

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, no.3-4, pp.121-160,198, 1968 (Released:2010-03-12)

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It is well known that the study of Arabic was carried on concurrently in Basra and Kufa, towns founded immediately after the Islamic conquest of Iraq.The development of these two cities was quite different. Basra, situated on the right bank of the Satt Al-crab, became one of the centers of world trade and has maintained its important position to the present. Kufa, on the other hand, played a major role in state adminstration at first, but lost its importance after the foundantion of Baghdad.The study of the Arabic flourished first in Basra, then in Kufa. Because of the controversy between the two towns the rules of the language were made from different viewpoints.The auther's intention is to examine the literary works of some of the famous scholars, thereby elucidating the differences between the Basra and Kufa schools. He concludes that the Basrans thought more logically and critically than the Kufans, establishing rigid rules which did not make exceptions for individual peculiarities. They used the so-called “qiyas” (analogy) system more strictly than did the Kufans.Although the Kufans began their studies with the “shuyukh” (masters) of Basra, they were soon expounding veiws which, more archaic and more natural, approved the individual exceptional styls (“shudhudh”) as a basis (“usul”) for further analogies. They were, so to speak, anomalists, while the Basrans were analogists.When Baghdad become the new intellectual center the controversy between the Basra and Kufa schools become more and more attenuated, finally disappearing in the 10th century. The residents of Baghdad chose between the rival doctrines by using both of them indiscriminately, thus representing electicism in the history of Arabic studies.

著者

菊池 忠純

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.1, pp.183-198, 1988-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

被引用文献数

1 1

著者

遠藤 春香

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.2, pp.133-141, 2011-03-31 (Released:2014-04-02)

著者

神 直道

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, no.2, pp.1-26,141, 1972 (Released:2010-03-12)

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In reading poems as “poetry” in the Old Testament, we notice that the problem of rhythm and rhyme is one of the difficulties. The theories of them among European scholors are indeed reasonable to the reffering texts, but are very troublesome to apply them to other parts. It seems to me that there are some reasons method on the basis of European prosody or indefinite concepts of rhythm and rhyme. The present paper attempts to approach it from the philological and climatological point of view, apart from theories ever discussed.

著者

医王 秀行

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, no.1, pp.1-19, 1989-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Under the 'Abbasid dynasty, qadis in Kufa differed from those in Medina in their origin, personal connections and scholastic tendencies. In Kufa, the influence of Ibrahim Nakha'i, Ibn Abi Layla and Abu Hanifa was strong, and their relatives and disciples assumed the post of gadis. There were political strives behind the appointment and dismissal of qadis. Sharik became a qadi after Ibn Abi Kayla who was cooperative with the government, but he lost his post due to the persecution of unorthodoxy in the reign of al-Mahdi. After Abu Yusuf assumed the post of a qadi al-qudat, many disciples of Abu Hanifa became qadis in Kufa in the days of Barmakid and al-Ma'mun. Liberal tendencies in Iraq in those days appear to have been reflected in the views of qadis and lawyers of Kufa.This tendency and pro-Shi'ite trends in Kufa came into conflict with the qadis and lawyers in Medina. Among the qadis of Medina there were few scholars who studied law and Hadith, but people of the Bakr and 'Umar families, who were descendents of Abu Bakr and 'Umar condemned by the Shi'ites held many posts of qadis in Medina. It may be said that they were able to manage legal and administrative affairs in the Holy Place not because of their learning but because of their authority which they derived from being descendents of powerful families.

著者

平野 智洋

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.2, pp.74-91, 2012-03-31 (Released:2015-04-01)

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The purposes of this article are reconstruction of the genealogy of the late Byzantine historian Georgios Sphrantzis (Γεώργιος Σφραντζῆς, 30. July 1401-1477/78?), who wrote the “Chronikon”, and considering the family’s social position. The most of scholars had thought that the family name of the Sphrantzis was his paternal one. During the 10th-14th century, the Sphrantzai were basically the magnates of the Macedonia region, namely Thessaloniki. This family position is testified in Georgios’ historical work as his maternal family. His maternal grandfather was the founder of a monastery in Verroia (chap. XL. 13). On the Ottoman conquest of Thessaloniki (1387), this person immigrated to the Limnos island on the North Aegean Sea, leaving his eldest daughter (possibly historian’s mother) in Thessaloniki; and his other two daughters became pupils of the Osia Thomais and settled in a convent in Constantinople (chap. XVIII). The Sphrantzai were mentioned in Constantinople and Lirnnos during the 15th century, but as ‘Sphrantzai-Sevastopouloi'. One Andronikos Sevastopoulos acted as an imperial official in both Thessaloniki and the North Aegean in the late 14th century. The possibility of his family connection with the Sphrantzai was proved from the usual practice of calling the eldest grandson by the paternal grandfather’s name: an apographevs Andronikos Sphrantzis Sevastopoulos was mentioned in the Limnos in 1430. Chronologically he could be a grandson of Andronikos Sevastopoulos, and son of a senator Sphrantzis Sevastopoulos. The connection between this family and the historian was testified from historian’s own narration. His fourth son was also Andronikos. He had skill of taking census, a task of the apographevs, which was held by his possible brother Andronikos and another member of the Sevastopouloi. Thus it is concluded that the historian Georgios Sphrantzis took his family name from his maternal one.

著者

川瀬 豊子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, no.1, pp.71-90, 1978-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Persepolis Fortification Tablets deal with administrative transfers of food comodities from 509 to 494B. C., that is, from the thirteenth to the twenty-eighth year of Darayavau-I. It is the main purpose of this paper to find some tentative solutions about the problems of the relations between the rites in Persepolis and the royal economy through the investigation of these texts.The writer extracted 103 texts referring to the religious life in Persepolis and then classified them into two groups according to the text styles as below.Group I; rations for gods, that is, rite expensesGroup II; rations for individuals with religious functionsAfter having analyzed them, I could get the following facts.1) The rites were subjected to the royal economy in the respect of the material sources and man-power.2) The royal economy showed positive concern in extending its control over the administration of rites.3) The distinction between religious and secular circle was not so clear-cut, because there seems to have been considerably high level of mobility between them. I could recognize the two streams of the people; the outflow of priests into officials and vice versa.4) It was Persian kara-, the main power of the conquest movement, that profited from these processes.In principle, this was based on the request of the state at the turning point from war to peace. Haxamaniš- needed not only to rearrange the administrative system but legitimately to absorb Persian kara- into it. In fact, Darayavau-I had already declared that he would protect the profits of Persian kara- in order to maintain the Haxamaniš- dynasty.