著者

小板橋 又久

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, no.2, pp.30-44, 1989 (Released:2010-03-12)

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We can find in the Old Testament mšrr “singer” and šr “singer” which both derive from the verb šr (*šyr) “to sing”. We can find Mšrr only in Ezra, Nehemiah, and Chronicles. Mšrr occurs several times with the word “Levites”, and denotes a singer which belongs to the temple, especially to the Jersusalem Temple, except in Ezra 2: 65 and Neh. 7: 67, in which case we can't determine the kind of singers. On the other hand šr does not occur in specific materials. From two examples (II Sam. 19: 36; Eccl. 2: 8) which denote the “palace singers” and four examples (I Kings 10: 12; II Chron. 9: 11; II Chron. 35: 25; Ps. 68: 26) where we can't determine the kind of singers, we conclude that šr does not mean the specific type of singer but referes to a singer in general.Why does the term mšrr occur only in the so-called Chronicler? Ezra, Nehemiah and Chronicles stress that there was one form in the songs and instrumental music dedicated to Yahweh which were performed in the Jerusalem Temple based on the true faith in Yahweh. The group that proclaimed that the traditional form was very important might use the term mšrr and distinguish it from the other terms which refer to the singers not based on the traditional form from their point of view.

著者

内田 杉彦

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.1, pp.1-18, 1983-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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imy-r ic3ww (overseer of ic3ww) is the title of the officials who played very great roles in the Sixth Dynasty's Policy towards Nubia. But, there are different opinions about the characters of ic3w (plural ic3ww) and of imy-r ic3ww.The aims of this paper are to consider their characters and roles in Egypt-Nubia relations in the Sixth Dynasty Period, and by doing so, to suppose the nature of the Sixth Dyasty's policy towards Nubia.The results are as follows:(1) ic3ww means ‘Egyptianized Nubians’, who originally were the descendants of the captives taken to Egypt from Nubia by some military expeditions before the Sixth Dynasty Period.They worked as the intermediaries between Egyptians and the natives of Nubia.(2) The main duty of imy-r ic3ww is to gain from the natives of Nubia the southern products, and cooperation including the offer of soldiers, by way of the dealings including barter.His activity was assisted by his followers, namely ic3ww.(3) The main objects of the Sixth Dynasty's policy towards Nubia are to gain the southern products easily from the natives of Nubia, and to make use of them as human resources, by way of the comparatively peaceful rule.

著者

清水 和裕

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.2, pp.55-72, 1995 (Released:2010-03-12)

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In AH352/AD963, Mu'izz al-Dawla, a Buwayhid ruler of Baghdad, introduced two official observances: the public lamentations for the martyrdom of al-Husayn at the Day of 'Ashura, and the festival of Ghadir al-Khumm. From that time on, the religious strife between Sunni inhabitants of Baghdad and Shi'is became more serious. And in this situation, Sunni people invented two counter-celebrations to the Shi'i's: the visits to the Grave of Mus'ab b. al-Zubayr, and the festival of the Cave. Each observation of Sunni's and Shi'i's worked as a place for sectarianism. Then, we must ask the historical meanings of the visit to the Grave of Mus'ab, and why Sunnis chose Mus'ab as a counterpart to al-Husayn.Mus'ab was appointed as a governor of Basra by his brother, Ibn al-Zubayr, the anti-Caliph of the Umayyad Caliphate in the Second Civil War. After he suppressed the Shi'i movement of al-Mukhtar, he waged several wars against the Umayyads and was killed by 'Abd al-Malik. Many historical stories depict him as a generous and brave man, but without piousness.We can point out at least three factors that led to the invention of visits to the Grave of Mus'ab, as a counter-celebration of that of al-Husayn. First, he massacred al-Mukhtar and his followers, who held up a slogan: Revenge for al-Husayn. Secondly, the tragic story of his death bears a structural resemblance to that of al-Husayn. And thirdly, these two graves are placed symmetrically with respect to the city of Baghdad. All these factors show that the visit to the Grave of Mus'ab bore a social significance only as a contrast to that of al-Husayn.In the Buwayhid Dynasty, we can see some religious symbols and symbolical acts of Shi'i's such as: (1) visits to the graves of Shi'i Imams, (2) Shi'i calls for prayer, (3) slogans written to the gates and paths of their quarters, (4) public insults for Sahabas, (5) Catapults which they brought with to the graves. These symbols promoted their internal cohesiveness and invoked their sectarianism more openly, while Sunnis, who had been offended by Shi'i usage of these symbols, began to seek their own.They then found a symbol, which corresponded to one of the most important Shi'i Symbols of “the Death of al-Husayn”, in a historical account of “the Death of Mus'ab”. That is to say, under the social situation of the aggravated religious strifes, they found a new meaning in the death of a governor who lived in the Second Civil war and symbolized it as a counterpart to “the Death of al-Husayn”, which led them to the visit of his grave.We can point out that the sectarian symbols of both parties became more open and complicated, which it brought more serious confrontations in the later rule of the Buwayhids, and must be considered as a significant feature of the religious strife during this period.

著者

江上 波夫

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, no.1, pp.1-46_8,157, 1972 (Released:2010-03-12)

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In 1855, more than 200 cases of the Assyrian antiquities which had been excavated by V. Place at the site of Khorsabad, containing the antiquities of Kuyunjik, Nimrud and Babylon, were sunken in the Tigris and the Chatt-el-Arab near Qurnah, where the Tigris conflicts with the Euphrates in Iraq, on the way to France. The Japan Mission for the Survey of the Under-Water Antiquities at Qurnah, under the auspices of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan, the Directorate General of Antiquities of Iraqi Government and the Chunichi Newspapers, commenced the excavation of the first season on the first October, 1971 and continued it until 31 January, 1972.In the first phase, we established, first of all, what seemed to be most fruitful area according to the thourough study of documentations in hand. The salvage group concentrated their work for the antiquities in the Tigris from joint-point with the Euphrates to the distance of 7Km upstream. We conducted our researches to the river-bed-layers, having attempted to cover the entire area from the surface of the water, by the use of what is known as “sonostrater”. Then according to the result of the record of the instrument, we excavated more than 20 points of the river-bed by a dredger and made sounding by divers with boring-sticks. However, unfortunately, we could not locate any antiquities for which we had been searching. Nevertheless we gained considerable amount of natural and artificial materials for studing the geology of the river-bed-layers and the archaeological analysis of their contents. These materials seem to be very important, since the result of studies might become one of the most useful detector for locating and salvaging the expected relics in the coming season.In the second phase, the scholarly group made reseaches especially from the geographical, archaeological and historical points of view. In rather wide an area along the Tigris from Qurnah up to Azer, we made observations along the river-banks and collected stones, bricks and potteries found nearby. We visited the old men in the villages and gathered what seemed to be most important and valuable informations seemingly related to our project. On the other hand, we have tried to collect the air photographs, old maps and reports of explorations in the 19th century especially of the area of the lower Tigris. we attempted the best we could in order to obtain the related documentations until the end of our first season. However, contrary to our expectation, we could not procure them all in the shortage of time. Nevertheless, the results seem to be not small. Some maps and their scrutinizing study would undoubtedly give very important suggestions for the future researches of the sunken antiquities. So, we think, on the whole, our work of the first season might be regarded as successful, though we could not recover any antiquities.

著者

奥 美穂子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.1, pp.64-77, 2017-09-30 (Released:2020-10-01)

参考文献数

37

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This paper considers gifting customs between the Ottoman ruler and officers at the Royal Festivity celebrating Prince Mehmeds circumcision in Istanbul in 1582. By analyzing business and accounting records, the customs for gifting and forms of rewards are elucidated.At the circumcision festival in 1582, a wide variety of gifts were presented both domestically and from abroad. Gifts, especially from within the empire, followed the contemporary gifting customs with regard to the types of items and their quantity. A combination of luxury fabrics and vessels was considered to be the basic style, and ritualistically, the number of items was based on the odd numbers so esteemed in the Islamic world. These gifting customs were well rooted and known in the 16th-century Ottoman Empire, especially for the local officers such as beylerbeyis and sancakbeyis.In return, Sultan Murad III gave rewards in various ways. Generally, vassals were rewarded with luxury fabrics and kaftans signifying honours and possessions. These cases also confirmed that cash or tax collection rights, serving vassals as regular income, were given by the Sultan.As for the role of fabrics in the gift exchanges, fabrics were gathered to Istanbul from various areas and some of them were then delivered to the two treasuries of the Empire. In addition, it was fabrics and kaftans made by luxury fabrics that were rewarded to vassals. In other words, fabrics useful as high-quality gifts also functioned as a medium signifying loyalty and protection between the Ottoman ruler and officers in the gift-exchange system of the Ottoman Empire.

著者

松永 泰行

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.2, pp.61-79, 1999 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Wilayat-i Faqih (henceforth, WF) as a doctrine justifying the rulership of a faqih was developed almost single-handedly by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (1902-1989) during his exile in Najaf. This doctrine constituted the core of his revolutionary call for the establishment of an Islamic polity by the clerics. After the victory of the Iranian Revolution of 1979 and the adoption of a constitution incorporating the doctrine of WF, the claim that a faqih as “wali-yi amr” has the God-given right to rule the society and that the people must give obedience to him became a matter of real-world significance. This led not only to the heightened efforts to promote the doctrine but also to further theorization and the resultant different interpretations.The key question then became: by whose sanction is the faqih entitled to such commanding authority? On this question (which is technically called the issue of mansha'-i mashru'iyat-i WF), two opposing views were developed among the disciple-followers of Imam Khomeini. They were the intisabi (or mashru'iyat-i ilahi-yi bila-wasitah) view on the one hand, and the intikhabi (or mashru'iyat-i ilahi-mardumi) one on the other, and it was the former that has prevailed.The purpose of this article is two-fold: first to examine the original doctrine of WF as advocated by Ayatollah Khomeini in Najaf in the early years of the 1970s; then to examine the two opposing views —-intisabi and intikhabi— on the source of the legitimacy of WF which were developed in Iran after the establishment of the Islamic Republic there. The article ends with some comparison and critical analysis of the two views.

著者

矢口 直英

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.2, pp.211-223, 2016-03-31 (Released:2019-04-01)

参考文献数

27

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While Questions on Medicine (Al-Masāˀil fī al-ṭibb) is generally known as a work of Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq (d. 873), sources inform us that it was completed by his nephew and pupil Ḥubaysh ibn al-Ḥasan who made the additions that now comprise the latter part of the work. An important question that remains unanswered is where exactly the additions by Ḥubaysh begin. This article attempts to shed some light on this question through an examination of the structure and the sources of the sixth chapter of the work, the last question of which has traditionally been held to be where the additions by Ḥubaysh start.   The author of Chapter Six uses arguments taken from Galen and the Alexandrian Compendia (Jawāmiˁ) of Galenic works. The first part of the chapter contains sentences that closely parallel the summary of Galen's On the Temperament, Book III, as found in the Jawāmiˁ. The second part is composed essentially of citations from Galen's On the Properties of Simple Medicaments, Books I and IV. The close resemblance of this part to the Galenic treatise suggests that the author wrote it by translating the Greek text himself. The rest of the chapter, with the exception of the last question, is heavily dependent on On the Composition of Medicaments according to Kind, Books I and II.   The style of argument in the chapter is different from the question-and-answer style used in the earlier chapters. The contents of the chapter closely reflect those of the above-mentioned pharmaceutical works of Galen. The expressions used in this chapter are characteristic of Ḥubaysh There is also a tradition that tells us that Ḥubaysh's contribution begins in the middle of Chapter Five. These considerations lead us to conclude that Chapter Six of Questions on Medicine was written by Ḥubaysh and not by Ḥunayn.

著者

手島 勲矢

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.1, pp.33-44, 1995-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Textual criticism of the Hebrew Bible is often described as requiring both “scientific” and “artistic” qualities in balance. However rigorously one conducts the weighing of essential data of manuscripts and witnesses and accounts for variants by textual principles, it is impossible to prove scientifically every textual decision one makes; it is particularly frustrating when one faces equally probable variants of MT, LXX, and the Qumran evidence, where any preference for one reading or another is arbitrary. This paper will argue that, in such a case, knowledge of early biblical interpretation can equip textual critcs with additional means to grade such ancient variants.For the proposed study I will use exegetical material from rabbinic and Second Temple texts to help determine what is a pristine reading and what are scribal variants. In particular, choosing a problematic biblical account of David and Bathsheba's incident, I will focus on textual variants of LXX (Lucianic and non-Lucianic readings), Targum, MT, and 4QSam concerning three specific parts of 2Sam 11: 2, 4: 1)_??__??__??__??__??_2)_??__??__??_3)_??__??__??_. Examining how these parts determine the understanding of the story as a whole in midrashim, a Talmudic discourse, Josephus' Jewish Antiquities, and the Damascus Document, and suggesting specific concerns of early biblical exegetes about these parts, I will try to show how the concerned variants address themselves to these exegetical concerns. In this way, the study proposes to determine the degree of tendentiousness in each variant, which will be a guideline to sort out a superior reading.Thus, the paper will not only stimulate fundamental thoughts as to the present practices of textual criticism but also expose the richness of early biblical interpretation of the biblical account in the exegetical problems as well as the solutions.

著者

蔀 勇造

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.2, pp.156-177, 1992 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

岡崎 正孝

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.2, pp.69-82, 1984 (Released:2010-03-12)

被引用文献数

1

著者

大津 忠彦

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.1, pp.86-95, 2004-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

5

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Mr. Kakizaki Hisashi (1902-84), famous for his many technical innovations and his acquisition of many patents for machines making silk fabrics, was dispatched to Iran by the United Nations as a technical guidance expert. In 1963, when he played an active part in Gilan Province, he had the opportunity to witness clandestine digging at Sirkuh, a village situated at the foot of Dalfak mountain (Kuh-e Dalfak) on the east bank of the Sefidrud river (Sefid rud).As is well known in connection with “Amlash objects”, many precious objects of cultural heritage, found in the vicinity by clandestine digging, had flowed abroad from Iran at that time. According to the Kakizaki's inquiries, pot-hunters dug so many ancient graves at great speed that they changed radically the form of geographical features.His field notes with pictures contain not only the archaeological objects but also his detailed observation of the character of the ancient structures where the objects were discovered in situ. And Kakizaki's report about stratigraphical character observed on the section of ancient graves are comparable with the results from our general survey. His sharp observation seems to have been based on an innate ability to understand what he saw. Moreover, scientific archaeological investigation which started at that time in this area would have reminded him of how ruins were investigated earlier in Japan.Regretfully, clandestine digging of ancient sites is still one of the serious social problems in Iran today. Also, various community developments are obliterating many ancient ruins which are relatively inconspicuous, one after another. The damage to the cultural heritage of Iran which Kakizaki wrote down in his note is not a past occurrence but a serious contemporary phenomenon.

著者

苗村 卓哉

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.1, pp.31-57, 2010-09-30 (Released:2014-03-31)

参考文献数

12

被引用文献数

1 1

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It is believed that the ʿarḍ was a customary "presentation” by young students of memorized texts before shaykhs (scholars). However, notwithstanding its circulation at least throughout the Eastern Arab World in the Late Middle Ages, the ʿarḍ has scarcely been discussed, with the exception of E. M. Sartain’s biographical study of Jalāl al-Dīn al-Suyūṭī (d. 1505), which claimed that the ʿarḍ was a kind of entrance examination which qualified the young student for higher education at a madrasa. This article examines the ʿarḍ in the Eastern Arab World during the 15th and 16th centuries, mainly relying on two biographical works attributed to Shams al-Dīn ibn Ṭūlūn (d. 1546), i.e., his autobiography al-Fulk al-Mashḥūn and his biographical dictionary Mutʿat al-Adhhān. It uses two different approaches. Firstly, it gleans examples pertaining to the ʿarḍ from these works and notes general characteristics of the ʿarḍ, focusing on the three factors of the ʿarḍ, i.e., presenters, texts, and shaykhs. Secondly, it analyzes several of the phrases in the “ijāzas of the ʿarḍ”, which the shaykhs issued to presenters. This article concludes that: 1. Most of the presenters were young students about 11 to 16 years old. Nevertheless, the ʿarḍ as such had nothing to do with entrance to the madrasas. Some of presenters had already started learning from scholars at the madrasas before their ʿarḍ. 2. Most of the texts were general works. Yet the selection of the texts was left up to the discretion of each presenter. 3. Presenters especially hoped to be recognized by “eminent” shaykhs. Therefore, jurisprudential differences between the presenters and the shaykhs did not affect the value of the ʿarḍ. 4. The “ijāzas of the ʿarḍ” were not licenses to teach subjects or works but were just certificates of proficiency. Therefore, some historical sources do not even consider them to be ijāzas.

著者

三笠宮 崇仁

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, no.2, pp.27-44, 1962-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

月本 昭男

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, no.1, pp.34-48, 1981-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

被引用文献数

1

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There are two types of divination by means of birds in Ancient Mesopotamia. The first one is auspicium, namely the practise of divining the future by the observation of the flight and behaviour of birds. We have more than 350 kinds of such omina in texts of relatively good condition.As to the relation between protases and apodoses in these omina, we can find out at least three principles which explain the reason why a positive apodosis results from a certain protasis, and a negative from another:1. principle of metaphor; an example: “if a falcon puts a raven to death the king will win over his enemy” because the falcon is compared to the king, and his enemy to the raven.2. principle of association; an example: the appearance of a black (gi6) bird wakes an association of an eclipse (an. gi6) in the future.3. principle of the dichotomy of space; an example: the existence of a falcon at the right side of a man divines a favourable future for him, while the same falcon at the left side means a malicious one.Several protases which seem extremely unlikely to happen in reality must be interpreted as the products of the imagination.The second type is concerned with the physical peculialities of sacrificial birds. There has been a discussion among scholars about “a bird” (mušen=issuru) in certain types of ominous texts. Owing to the courtesy of Mrs. G. A. Matheson, the Keeper of Manuscripts of the John Rylands Library (Manchester), we published here one more late OB text of such a type which reports the observation of “a bird”.

著者

高井 啓介

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.2, pp.1-21, 2006 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The Old Babylonian Sumerian letters have been divided into three types, archival letter-orders, literary letters, and a particular group of literary letters referred to as “Gottesbriefe” or “letter-prayers.” As these terms imply, this third group includes letters addressed to various deities, that is, prayers in letter-form.The “Gottesbriefe” usually have a lengthy opening salutation, continue with a brief self-introduction of the letter-writer, and proceed to the body of the letter, which includes a complaint describing either the causes or the consequences of the letter-writer's suffering, together with a petition for protection or relief from the suffering. It should be strongly pointed out, however, that this formal character of “Gottesbriefe” is also shared by letters addressed to kings and others.The present writer particularly pays attention to the relationship between the opening salutation and the contents of the body of the letter. He proves that, both in the letters addressed to gods and those to kings, an elongated salutation apparently goes along with the inclusion of a “petition” in the body of the letter. If such relationship is true, there is no good reason to exclude the letters addressed to the kings and others from the group. However if the letters addressed to the kings and others are included in the same group, as those addressed to gods, that is the “letter-prayer” category, the term “letter prayers” is no longer an appropriate label. The present writer proposes that, if a label for this group is necessary, “letter of petition” should be adequate.The present writer also describes the probable course of the gradual transformation that the Old Babylonian Sumerian archival and literary letters experienced.

著者

岡田 明憲

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, no.2, pp.66-77, 1985

著者

池田 潤 森 若葉

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.2, pp.275-285, 2007 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

前田 君江

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.2, pp.33-52, 2013-03-31 (Released:2016-04-26)

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The purpose of this paper is to analyze the refrain patterns and their poetic functions in Ahmad Shāmlū’s (1925-2000) “In this Blind Alley” (1979) and his other poems.The refrain patterns found in poetry can be classified into five types: 1) perfect refrain, 2) incremental refrain, 3) mixed refrain, 4) refrain by another “voice,” and 5) double refrain. Incremental refrain involves the repetition of the same phrase, with one or a few words substituted, while mixed refrain is the repetition of perfect refrain along with a one-time repetition of its incremental version. The fourth type is not based on the repetition of a phrase, but rather on the inclusion of a voice that can be distinguished from the voice of main text of the poem. Finally, double refrain refers to the double use of perfect refrain and incremental refrain. This final type is the type found in “In this Blind Alley.”Arguably, three factors make it possible for the fear and warning that the poem expressed in the days of its creation to maintain a contemporary reading that addresses the situations we may be facing at any given moment.The first factor is its multiple levels of meaning. In his early works, we can see that Shāmlū’s refrain derives from his techniques of repetition. Each time the poetic phrase is repeated, it evokes deeper metaphors or makes another allusion.The second factor is ambiguity of the voice of the refrain. The refrain, with its high musicality and rhythm, is repeated in a symmetrical structure evocative of a chorus. This dissociates the voice of the refrain from the voice of narrator of the main text, who is often regarded as the poet himself.The third factor is the poetic function of the substitution of words in incremental refrains, and the interaction between these substitutions and the main text.

著者

藤井 守男

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.2, pp.85-101, 1986 (Released:2010-03-12)

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This paper intends to analyze the philosophical speculation of Akhond-zade (1812-78) known not only as one of the earliest play wrights in Azerbaidzhan but also as a vigorous advocator of a reform of the Arabic alphabet. Although he was a government emploee of the Tzarist Russia, he keenly sympathized with Persian nationalists and their movement. In his highly controversial speculative work, the Maktubat-e Kamal al-Dowle, he severely criticized Islamic fanaticism (Ta'assob-e Eslami) as a main obstacle to the diffusion of Western Civilization, which he understood in an unrealistic manner. He also, in his work, shows a nationalistic heart harbouring anti-'Arab sentiments.He was admittedly a materialist: yet he took advantage of Persian mysticism, especially, its pantheistic monist concept of unity of existence to systematize his own claims. The world, according to him, is a total and complete Being, that is “Complete Force”, which manifests itself in diverse forms regulated by the law of Nature. Moreover, this complete force, he asserts, could be considered as an existence realized when a “whole” and a “part” are integrated, both of which have neither beginning nor end. There is no difference between them, for which he declares that they exist as one like a human body.Thus, nominally advocating the breakout of the “prison” of metaphysics, he developed this unique materialist “ontology”. It paved the way for denouncing the justice of the Quranic God and the Creator for the 'Arab as well.

著者

高野 太輔

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.2, pp.133-147, 2002 (Released:2010-03-12)

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In 76 A. H./695 A. D., a Kharijite leader, Salih b. Musarrih al-Tamimi rebelled against the Umayyads in the region of Dara with the horsemen under the command of Shabib b. Yazid al-Shaybani. Although Salih was killed in the early stage of the revolt, Shabib succeeded him and led the remnants of the Kharijite forces through the region of al-'Iraq. The men who followed Shabib numbered barely over one hundred, because the “Kharijite” forces were mainly made up of his own tribesmen, Banu Shayban, in spite of their summoning the other Arabs to the faith. Al-Hajjaj b. Yusuf al-Thaqafi, the notorious governor of al-'Iraq, sent the Kufan troops one after another against Shabib whose army defeated all of them and rushed into the city of al-Kufah, killing those who prayed at the great mosque, and moved away up to the eastern mountainous district. In the next year the Kharijites invaded al-'Iraq again, defeated the army of fifty thousand men under the command of ‘Attab b. Warqa’ and camped outside the city of al-Kufah, facing al-Hajjaj himself there. But the Syrian troops who were sent by the caliph 'Abd al-Malik pushed them back and made Shabib drowned in his crossing the river of Dujayl at the end of 77/697.For all that the Kharijite rebels were regarded as fanatic extremists from the viewpoint of later Sunni Islam, the Arabic sources which narrate the course of the revolt seem to glorify them as mighty horsemen and fearless soldiers. This is because Shabib rebelled against the Umayyads, the enemy of the 'Abbasids who would overcome them and build a new dynasty under which the remaining Arabic chronicles and biographies were written.