著者

前田 龍彦

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.1, pp.155-170, 1999-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

15

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Sukala-maddava that Buddha had taken at the last time in his life is now interpreted as rotten flesh of boar or mushroom, in a sense, poison. It is natural to think that either could have caused Buddha's death. Buddha himself, however, said that nobody could eat those substances except himself. It is difficult to believe that Buddha is portrayed as weak as an ordinary human in Buddhist texts, for Buddha defeated Mara, death. This interpretation makes nirvana seem somehow negative. Therefore we have to search for an affirmative answer for nirvana, in the background of Indo-Iranian or Indo-European culture, because the Pali language belongs to Ancient Prakrit.A boar, if that is what sukala means, is identified as Vrtra in Rgveda (I. 121.11; I. 61.7; VIII. 66.10; X. 99.6 etc.), and as one of ten incarnations of Vishnu, Varaha which made the world reborn in the Bhagavatapurana (III. 13), also Verethragna who runs in front of Mithra in the Mihr Yasht (70). In addition, in the Taittiriyaranyaka (I. 10.8), a black boar saves the world by appearing from the bottom of water. His 10 incarnations symbolize winter, and death (RV. X. 51.3; Vendidad, 4), and these incarnations signify the voyage in the underworld. Now, Verethragna is the guide of Mithra in the darkness of night. Namely, the boar signifies an obstacle, winter, night, death and the underworld, and also acts a helper of renewal, of rebirth. Boar, therefore, has two meanings: obstacle and helper, psychopompos, to go to heaven.While the name “Chunda” has no special meaning, it is important that he is a son of a blacksmith, kammarah. Blacksmith is an alchemist, which is symbolically important, and the divine blacksmith, Tvastr, is a creator of Vajra for Indra. An alchemist makes gold from base metals, and is a person who can make a mortal Buddha into a gold immortal being, and vajra is the weapon to kill Vrtra, to defeat death.Another item is in the Mahaparinibbanasuttanta, “A pair of golden clothes” (4.35) that Buddha wore. “A pair” is equal to “twins”, whose meaning is “death and rebirth”. The twin Sala trees also mean “death and rebirth”, and “gold”, and the name of hiranna (golden) river (5.1), that Buddha crossed just before entering nirvana, are symbols of “eternity”. Two offering foods, Sujata's and Chunda's, that Buddha praised (4.42) are also “a pair”. One, Suj ata's, was for “birth” of Buddha and the other, Chunda's, was for his nirvana, “death”. This pair too has the same meaning. They all signify the future of Buddha.Thus in my opinion, Sukala is a flesh of boar, and eating of it makes Buddha equal to vrtrahan, and means going to heaven. People who have the same Koine could easily understand that Buddha was eternal. Probably the interpretation of sukala as mushroom happened in China: sukala could be translated into a food of “eternity” in Chinese thought, ling-zhi for example.

著者

柴田 大輔

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.2, pp.95-111, 1999 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Das weit bekannte Ersatzkönigsritual im alten Mesopotamien steht im engen Zusammenhang mit dem Ersatzritual, das der Beschwörer (ašipu) alltäglich durchgeführt hat. Das letztere Ersatzritual ist bisher nicht gründlich untersucht worden, während das Ersatzkönigsritual von mehreren Fachforschern aufgemerkt wurde. Im vorliegenden Aufsatz lege ich zuerst einen Abriß des Ersatzrituals vor, dann stelle ich die Problematik über das Ersatzritual zusammen.Im Kap. I werden die als “Ersatz” übersetzten akkadischen und sumerischen Wörter, puhu, (an) di/unanu, nigsagilû und níg-sag-íl analysiert. Im Kap. II werden die keilschrifttextlichen Materialien zum Ersatzritual, soweit mir bekannt ist, angeführt. Dabei fasse ich besonders ins Auge, was das große Ritual ist, in dem das Ersatzritual eingeordnet wird, und was als Ersatz vorbereitet wird. Im Kap. III werden die folgenden Verläufe des Ersatzrituals analysiert: 1) Der Kranke, für den das Ritual durchgeführt wird, wäscht sich die Hände über dem Ersatztier/-bild oder legt sich mit dem Ersatztier/-bild ins Bett. 2) Es wird vor Šamaš und/oder dem Ersatztier/-bild erklärt, daß gerade das Tier oder das Bild als Ersatz für den Kranken vorbereitet wird. 3) Das Ersatztier/-bild wird begraben oder in den Fluß hingeworfen. Im Kap. IV wird dann die Logik, die das Ersatzritual konstituiert, betrachtet. Zum Schluß im Kap. V werden die noch ungelöste Probleme über das Ersatzritual zusammengestelltf

著者

前田 徹

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.2, pp.106-117, 1982 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

東長 靖

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.1, pp.64-79, 1990

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In my last paper [in <i>The World of Islam</i>, Nos. 33/34, 1990] on the controversies over the orthodoxy of <i>Wahdah al-wujud</i> in the late Mamluk period, I pointed out that most of the sufis were within the &lsquo;orthodox&rsquo; and that in this period we find no &lsquo;<i>ulama</i>&rsquo; vs <i>sufi</i> schema.<br>In this article I take up Ibn Taymiyah's comprehension of <i>tasawwuf</i> for enlargement of my last study. It is fact that Ibn Taymiyah, who belongs to the early Mamluk period, severely criticized <i>Wahdah al-wujud</i> and some popular sufi practices, but he was not against <i>tasawwuf</i> itself.<br>He divides sufis into three groups as follows; (1) &lsquo;true&rsquo; sufis who worship only Allah, (2) sufis who observe legal (<i>shar'i</i>) manners in their practices, and (3) superficial sufis who follow some customs without understanding of their true meaning. He puts his own position in the first group, and from this inner standpoint he criticizes other sufis such as those of <i>Ahmadiyah-Rifa'iyah Tariqah</i>, who belong to the third group, for their innovation and deviation from <i>shari'ah</i>, and demands their repentance. According to his view, <i>Wahdah al-wujud</i> goes outside of this framework of sufis. So his criticism on <i>Wahdah al-wujud</i> was not against <i>tasawwuf</i>, rather his aim was to defend &lsquo;true&rsquo; <i>tasawwuf</i> as he thinks it.<br>From this and the last study, we can conclude that nobody was against <i>tasawwuf</i> itself in the Mamluk period with the only exception of <i>Wahdah al-wujud</i>, which was criticized as philosophy by some, not all, thinkers.

著者

八木 久美子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.2, pp.142-156, 1994 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Naguib Mahfouz is a world-famous novelist of Egypt. He is widely known with his social novels set in modern Egypt. His first three novels, which are set in Pharaonic Egypt, have not been studied enough so far. They are works loyal to the so-called ‘Pharaonicism’ which characterized the national literature of Egypt in the twenties of this century. The national literature was itself a new trend to give a literary expression to ‘the territorial nationalism’, or the orientation toward a nation-state. Consequently, these three works of Mahfouz are not negligible for understanding the nature of ‘the territorial nationalism’ and why this movement rapidly receded into the background in the thirties.First of all, loyal to the Pharaonicism, Mahfouz presents the ideal image of Egypt, particularly in terms of the relationship between the rulers and the ruled, in Pharaonic Egypt. This ideal image is the very image of Egypt for which Mahfouz strives. At the same time, he never fails to covertly criticize the social corruption and injustice in the real society of Egypt. However, ‘Pharaonicism’ itself has its own limitations. As Pharaonic Egypt has never been symbolic of anything positive for Egyptians until its historical value was recognized by western scholars, it cannot contribute to the legitimatization of the new ideal image of Egypt.Secondly, ‘the territorial nationalism’ was supported mainly by western-educated intellectuals such as Mahfouz. The most serious problem for them in propagating their thought was how to communicate with the masses. The gap between these two groups of people was almost unbridgeable in those days. In these ‘Historical Works’ of Mahfouz, the masses are described as faceless and particularly as a group of people easily maneuvered by men of religion.These works of Mahfouz shed light on the weakness of the western-educated intellectuals calling for ‘the territorial nationalism’.

著者

奥西 峻介

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.1, pp.107-117, 1993-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

44

著者

嶋本 隆光

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, no.2, pp.35-49, 1985 (Released:2010-03-12)

被引用文献数

1 1

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The practice of BAST is an interesting aspect of Qajar history (1779-1924) in Iran. The criminals and the oppressed who took sanctuary at such places as shrines of the Imams and their relatives, mosques, residences of the respected mojtaheds and sayyids, royal stables, and so forth, could be immune from any official punishments until some agreement was reached.Since it was most generally observed during the Constitutional Period (1905-1911), when characteristically thousands of people rushed into the precinct of British Legation in order to attain their political goal, this practice seems to have been looked upon as essentially political, not as socio-religious one. However, if we scrutinize many examples of BAST scattered in the official histories written in the latter half of the 19th century, it will be known that in the understanding of this practice socio-religious elements are of crucial importance for in most cases the places chosen had something to do with those popularly regarded as “sacred and religious.”In this paper, the author, while admitting the politico-legal elements as important determinants of BAST, will reflect its meanings from socioreligious aspects by putting particular emphasis on such factors as popular awe, belief, and social consensus toward it.

著者

黒柳 恒男

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, no.2-3, pp.163-186,232, 1966 (Released:2010-03-12)

被引用文献数

1

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It is noteworthy that the verdict given by Orientalists on the medieval Persian erudite scholar Nasir al-Din Tusi has changed in the course of time, especially after the Second World War. Before the War, he used to be condemned for his treachery to his master and the part played by him in the fall of Baghdad. But, on the contrary, after the War he is sometimes regarded as a benefactor to the renaissance of Islamic culture.So in this article the writer intends to re-examine his life at a crucial time through the following periods:(1)-His connection with the Ismailites.(2)-The role played by him in the fall of Baghdad.(3)-His academic activities in Maragheh.In conclusion his value should be estimated, not from the viewpoint of his political career, but from the standpoint of his great contributions to the re-birth of Islamic civilization after its destruction by Mongols.

著者

小板橋 又久

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.2, pp.53-62, 2013

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The goddess Ashtart is mentioned several times in the Ugaritic texts, but appears relatively rarely in the mythological texts. A. Caquot and M. Sznycer say that at Ugarit, Asthtart was a "colourless deity". On the other side, "the singer of Ashtart" (šr. 'ṯtrt), whom We can find in the administrative text (KTU2 4.168: 4) , is very unique in the ancient Near East. Why does the "colorless deity" in the mythological texts need her professional singer?We can find the entry ritual of Ashtart in several ritual texts (KTU2 1.43: 1-2 ; 1.91: 10; 1.148: 18). The goddess's entry into the royal palace suggests the royal attention paid to her. It appears likely, from a comparison of the Ugaritic texts with the Mari evidence, that the entry ritual of Ashtart is a kind of kispu-festival. We can see that Ashtart is invoked in some incantational texts related to vanquishing venomous serpents (KTU2 1.100; 19b—20a; 1.107; 39b—40a).The Keret epic (KTU2 1.14: III: 41-42 ; VI: 26-28) and a mythical text (KTU2 1.92) show that Ashtart is beautiful but powerful, and she is a good skilled huntress. The Baal myth (KTU2 1.2: IV: 28-30) and a song to Ashtart (RIH 98/02) indicate that Ashtart has the overwhelming power to subdue hostile forces. We can also see that Ashtart is called together with the god Horon in the king Keret's curse (KTU2 1.16: VI: 54-57).Ashtart is the protective goddess to kings of Ugarit, because of her power of breaking enemies. Ashtart is important for the protection of Ugaritic kings against their hostile forces. Because of her physical and magical power, the singer of Ashtart might be necessary for the rituals related to the protection of Ugaritic kings against their enemies and fears.

著者

北川 誠一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.2, pp.150-155, 1986 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

高橋 寿光

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.2, pp.184-195, 2018-03-31 (Released:2021-04-01)

参考文献数

27

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This paper aims to examine the pottery dating to the reign of Amenhotep III in a layer of limestone chips which had accumulated above the tomb of Userhat, Overseer of King’s Private Apartment under Amenhotep III, at al-Khokha area in the Theban necropolis, Egypt, in order to understand how the pottery was used at the tomb. The chisel marks on the limestone suggest that the layer of limestone chips above the tomb of Userhat had been deposited as debris from the tomb construction. Furthermore, the location and direction of the layers show that the limestone chips originated from surrounding tombs constructions, the most probably from the tomb of Userhat. Therefore, the pottery from this layer is assumed to be related to the tomb construction activities. The pottery vessels from the limestone chips layer are classified into two groups: the vessels associated with the actual construction of the tomb, such as plaster containers and lamps, and the vessels related to the tomb construction rituals, such as red slipped lids and dishes, white washed bowls with burned traces and a blue painted pottery jar. It has been generally recognized that the ritual pottery vessels from tombs were used in funerary rituals or in cults carried out subsequently at the tomb. However, the pottery above the tomb of Userhat is related to the tomb construction activities, hence, it seems that those pottery vessels were used in the tomb construction rituals. Little is known about tomb construction rituals at private tombs so far, and the study of pottery above the tomb of Userhat has revealed new possibilities of tomb construction rituals.

著者

井本 英一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.1, pp.83-96, 1992-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

戸田 聡

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.1, pp.82-86, 2015

著者

石丸 由美

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, no.2, pp.14-29, 1989 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Semseddin Sami, a famous journalist and philologist, is recognized as one of the nationalist intellectuals in the modern period of the Ottoman Empire. His activities and ideas are specified by two kinds of national consciousnesses; The one is Albanian identity, the other is Turkish identity.Originally he was an Albanian, born in Frasheri (now the town in Greece) in 1850, and so he was influenced by the Albanian movements for autonomy under the Ottoman rule.He started to develop his ideas of nation (kavim) after the Russo-Turkish war and the Berlin Treaty in 1878. By this treaty, the Albanian people's areas under the Ottoman rule were pressured to be divided by the surrounding Balkan states—Serbia, Montenegro and Greece, thereby he found it necessary to save the weakened Ottoman Empire from the foreign intrusions and then intended to awaken the national consciousnesses among the Ottoman peoples. From this point, we can say that his idea is a sort of Ottomanism.After finishing the high school, he came up to Istanbul and there he continued to undertake the editorial works of various periodicals, including the weekly newspaper Hafta publised in 1881. He gave a great importance to these jounalistic activities in order to enlighten the peoples and then to inform them of the knowledges of the progressive Western civilisation, especially those of modern technology that could save the deceased Ottoman Empire.In Hafta he maintained that each people (ethnic groupes), having their own languages, could become kavim (nation) within the Empire, and could have the political and cultural equality in the Ottoman nationality. He did not give more superiority to the Ottoman Turkish people (language) than to any other peoples (languages) in the Empire. He thought that the cultural development of each kavim by their own written languages would bring political and social stability to the Ottoman Empire. But unfortunately Sami's Ottomanism was not generally accepted by the intellectual elites of that period.

著者

吹田 浩

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.2, pp.166-180, 1998 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

中田 考

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.2, pp.79-95, 1990

著者

柴田 大輔

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.2, pp.22-39, 2006 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The explanation of names of deities played a significant role in the theology of ancient Mesopotamia. The most important example of such an explanation is Enuma eliš VI 121-VII 144, where Marduk is invested with his fifty different names, alongside “explanatory epithets” which interpret each of the names. The significance given to the names and explanatory epithets in the ancient theology can be seen, above all, in commentaries to Enuma eliš.The present article deals with a hitherto overlooked example of such explanatory epithets of Marduk, mentioned in the Sumerian Šuilla-prayer ur-sag úru ur4-ur4, “Hero, Devastating Flood”. In the litany of this prayer Marduk is addressed with names which belong to the fifty names in Enuma eliš. Each name is followed by an explanatory epithet. Based on comparable evidence from explanatory epithets in other texts, the way in which these epithets stem from the names of Marduk will be analyzed. In light of the editorial history of the prayer and the purpose of its recitation in cult, the reason for the mention of the names and epithets of Marduk in the prayer will be further investigated.

著者

松島 英子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.1, pp.165-180, 2008-09-30 (Released:2014-03-30)

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Though the “Fifty Names” of Marduk in Enūma eliš (below called Ee) is famous in Babylonian literature, we have not intensively discussed the significance of “fifty” names. VI 123 to VII 136 of Ee contain in fact fifty-one names. However, the epic insists on “fifty”, the number generally attributed to Enlil, the head of the pantheon before Marduk. Ee mentions the number “fifty” for the first time at the birth of Marduk and uses it repeatedly whenever the story takes a new turn. Analyzing the epic, We suspect that the author(s) made use of this number, in order to emphasize that the kingship of the Babylonian pantheon was transfered from Enlil to Marduk. We have two related texts with Neo-Assyrian manuscrips. One, CT 25, 50+ Rm 52 contains the mystical numbers of the gods. Here, the fifty is attributed to Enlil and Ninurta, and ten to Marduk. The tablet was copied by the scribe at the reigns of Sargon and Sennacherib. Another text, CT 13, 32, a commentary on Ee, says on rev.12’ the following “fifty = hansā, fifty is dBE”. dBE generally indicates Enlil, but the texts giving the reading have recently been found. It is thus possible to interprete the rev.12’ as “fifty hansā, fifty is dBE(=Marduk)". This reading seems most probable since the first half of rev.12’ is the same as Ee VII 144. The use as dBE= dBēl dates the copy to the same period as CT 25, 50+ Rm 52. But at that time dBE may still have indicated Enlil as well. Perhaps, the author of CT 13, 32 made use of this double understanding to emphasize that the kingship of the gods had been transtered from Enlil to Marduk.

著者

山本 薫

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.1, pp.39-59, 2006-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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In pre-Islamic Arabia, tribal poets were highly esteemed members of society. They played a crucial role in advocating social norms and values through their poetry, chanting of tribal heroes who embodied those values. In this context, the brigand poets called Sa'alik stand out prominently. Their personalities are recounted in tradition as deviants from tribal society blessed with superhuman ability, as unstoppable plunderers who lived in endless poverty: quite contrary to the ideals of the rich and high-born heroes sung of by tribal poets. In the same way, poems attributed to the Sa'alik show distinctive features compared with the poetic convention of their time.Since my study aims to advance S. P. Stetkevych's argument on the Sa'alik in order to reveal the underlying structure and meaning of their poetry through analyzing its elements in the light of “inversion” (a key notion developed by B. A. Babcock, P. Stallybrass and others), the reversed perception of women and relationship between women and the poets are focused upon in this paper.The main part of this paper analyzes the opening of Ta'abbata Sharran's famous poem compiled into the Mufaddaliyat, the poetic anthology of Arab classics, to see how the conventional poetic motif of the Tayf al-Khayal (demon lover) is shifted and parodied. Furthermore, the perceptions of women in the poems and anecdotes of celebrated Sa'alik like Abu Khirash, 'Urwa b. al-Ward, al-Sulayk b. al-Sulaka and al-Shanfara are examined.This paper concludes that women in Sa'alik poetry are characterized by independence and strength of will, verbal skill, and occasionally physical strength, and that these qualities tend to be connected with an untrustworthy, demonic nature, concealing craftiness and betrayal. This image is sharply different from the sheltered, luxurious women sung of in tribal poems, which placed special emphasis on carnal charm. As for the relationship between women and poets, Sa'alik maintained a constant but unstable relationship, interwoven with controversy, contrasting with the tribal poets who, after showing deep attachment, were destined to break bonds with their mistresses to prove themselves potential tribal heroes. Moreover, this paper points out that these alternative ideas and images proposed by the Sa'alik contain interesting ambiguity and ambivalence, and this observation might reinforce our assertion that the Sa'alik's inversion serves not merely to replace mainstream ideas with peripheral ones, nor heroism with antiheroism, but to threaten the boundaries between opposites and disrupt our sense of values.

著者

今澤 浩二

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.1, pp.113-123, 1990-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)