著者

三笠宮 崇仁

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

日本オリエント学会月報 (ISSN:18841384)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, no.6, pp.64-78, 1957-01-25 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

香山 陽坪

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

日本オリエント学会月報 (ISSN:18841384)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, no.9, pp.99-108, 1957-12-10 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

三笠宮 崇仁

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

日本オリエント学会月報 (ISSN:18841384)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, no.1, pp.1-2, 1955 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

柳生 俊樹

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.2, pp.63-75, 2013-03-31 (Released:2016-04-26)

参考文献数

34

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On a number of reliefs, sculptures and wall paintings in ancient Eurasia, there occur representations of horses with crenelated manes. These represents a characteristic way of trimming of the horse’s mane, which leaves the hair uncut at one, two or three places. This was “crenelation” by Otto Manchen Helfen. This paper focuses on this Way of trimming in the eastern Eurasian steppes.Some archaeological remains of the eastern Eurasian steppessuggest that crenelation of the horse’s rnane was widely distributed before the 2nd century B. C. However, it is clear that crenelation disappeared in the 2nd century B. C. as there are no materials of that period showing the existence of crenelated mane, while there and are representations of horses without crenelated manes. The author believes that the disappearance of crenelation is a very important fact to consider when reconstructing the history of the eastern Eurasian steppes.It seems that disappearance of crenelation occurred simultaneously with the following phenomena in the eastern Eurasian steppes of Znd-lst centuries B. C.: 1. Appearance of a composite bow covered with bone laths at the grip and ears, which was longer and more powerful than that of before the 2nd century B. C.2. Appearance of copper cauldrons cast in a multi-piece mold, a casting method different from that of before the 2nd century B. C. These cauldrons were usually buried with a dead person, a custom is not confirmed before this time.3. Disappearance of the motif of an animal whose hindquarters are twisted 180 degrees.The author considers the disappearance of crenelation to be related to these phenomena. It is possible to say that changes dated to the 2nd century B. C. are related to rise of the Xiongnu and the subsequent unification of nomadic tribes in the eastern Eurasian steppes. Therefore, the disappearance of crenelation is very a useful fact to consider when reconstructing the early history of the Xiongnu, a period for which there are few material remains.

著者

仁子 寿晴

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.2, pp.1-19, 2004 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The purpose of this article is a reinterpretation of Farabi's philosophy. Several difficult questions have arisen concerning Farabi's Trilogy, which consists of Tahsil al-Sa'ada, Falsafat Aflatun and Falsafat Aristutalis, one of which is how to understand the relationship among the three works. But in view of the general theme of the three works, i. e. investigation (fahs), and on comparing them with another investigative work, Kitab al-Huruf, we can see how Tahsil al-Sa'ada relates to the other two works.In the course of this examination, we must, at the start, solve the difficult question, how to interpret Farabi's assertion: ‘philosophy was completed with Aristotle’, which appears in two places (one in Tahsil al-Sa'ada, and the other in Kitab al-Huruf). If we take this assertion, it would mean that Farabi made no contribution to philosophy- he was only a transmitter, not a true philospher. However by considering Farabi's thought on the history of mathematics and the relation between mathematics and philosophy (especially logic), this phrase can be interpreted with subtle shade. (1) It is safe to say that in the age of Plato and Aristotle, as far as Farabi thought, mathematics was not fully developed, and so he could not really have believed that philosophy had been completed, for it seems that he thought mathematics and philosophy go hand in hand. (2) What he called into question when he discussed mathematics was not substantial matters or mathematical problems, but methodology. So we infer that his treatment of philosophy too is about methodology.This line of thought can show us the process of his introducing a mathematical methodology to his philosophy in the Trilogy. Now we can see how he describes in Tahsil al-Sa'ada the way his own philosophical investigation differs from that of Plato or Aristotle as seen in Falsafat Aflatun or Falsafat Aristutalis. Mathematical methodology has affected on Farabi's philosophy in various ways. This paper suggests some aspects of this effect, for example, we describe how it works in metaphysics and politics.This article cannot follow all the consequences of this thought, so it remains only preliminary research, but this step, I trust, is an important one for our understanding of Farabi's philosophy, especially of how he was a ‘true philosopher’.

著者

高橋 寿光

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.2, pp.135-150, 2019-03-31 (Released:2022-04-01)

参考文献数

29

被引用文献数

1

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This paper aims to examine the blue painted pottery from Northwest Saqqara, and to discuss changes in production technology of blue painted pottery in New Kingdom Egypt. As a result of this examination, changes in technology of pottery production, especially to fabrics, motifs and decorative techniques, are recognized. This is found from the reign of Amenophis II, mid-Eighteenth Dynasty through to the Amarna Period, late Eighteenth Dynasty. It seems that such alterations indicate the simplification in production technology of blue painted pottery. Specifically, the following changes are observed; the fabrics used in blue painted pottery changes from Marl clay which was difficult to obtain and required higher firing temperature, to Nile silt which was easy to collect from Nile alluvium and fired at a lower temperature. The motif alters from elaborated patterns including graphical faunal and floral motifs and geometrical flower motifs, to simple patterns, such as liner and dot decorations. The decorative techniques change from complicated to simplified procedures. It seems that this simplification in production technology which has occurred during mid-late Eighteenth Dynasty leads to an increase in the quantities and places of manufacture of blue painted pottery in the Nineteenth Dynasty since its production became easier than before. The one of the largest deposits of blue painted pottery from Northwest Saqqara demonstrates chronological changes from the earliest to the latest production phases. The materials from Northwest Saqqara allow us to discuss diachronic variability in blue painted pottery manufacture which has been observed so far by finds from different sites and periods separately. The study of blue painted pottery from Northwest Saqqara reveals that the major changes of its production had occurred just after the Amarna Period which is well known as a significant epoch of history, society, religion and art in New Kingdom Egypt.

著者

杉 亜希子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.1, pp.88-116, 2005-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The east and the north walls of the burial chamber of the 6th Dynasty Saqqara tomb of Idut (usurped from Ihy) ane inscribed with almost identical offering lists of 96 items. I studied these lists, reconstructing them to the extent possible, using the five main sequences of an offering ritual suggested by G. Lapp: 1. introductory rites, 2. Opening of the Mouth rites, 3. introductory rites (repeated), 4. invitation to the deceased, and 5. the presentation of food offerings. The origin of this offering ritual can be traced to the royal ritual seen in the Pyramid Texts Spells 23-171, and the repetitive formula in the Spells was presumably recited, while the offerings were made. Research on these lists elucidates the metaphorical implications embedded in the names of the offerings, each of which refers to the ‘Eye of Horus’, and demonstrates that the ‘magical effect’ of the lists is to support the deceased Idut in her transformation into the divine _??_-state through the offering ritual.

著者

長谷川 敦章

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.2, pp.1-27, 2007 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

70

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This paper studies a tomb found at Minet el-Beida in 1997. Fortunately, it seems that the tomb was not looted, and many grave goods were intact. These were the first materials recovered from Minet el-Beida since Schaeffer stopped the excavations in 1932, six decades before and have significant value for the archaeological study of the Late Bronze Age in the East Mediterranean world. This study aims to consider how long the tomb was in use by studying the structure of the tomb and the finds in it such as Mycenaean and Cypriote pottery.The tomb was built entirely of ashlars. It has one chamber of rectangular shape and is equipped with ashlar steps and a dromos, a short passage connecting the chamber to the outside. This type of tomb is commonly seen at Ras shamra, Minet el-Beida and Ras ibn Hani, and seems to date from the Late Bronze Age II, that is the 14th to 13th centuries B. C.Twenty-eight pieces of Mycenaean pottery and twenty-nine pieces of Cypriote pottery were recovered from the tomb. The Mycenaean pottery includes stirrup jars, alabastra and piriform jars. The chronological analysis in this paper suggests that most of the Mycenaean pottery dates back to the Late Helladic IIIB, several to the Late Helladic IIIA2, and one to the Late Helladic IIIB to IIIC1. The Cypriote pottery consists of white shaved ware and white slip II ware, which are also called milk bowls. The former are dated to the Late Cypriote IB to IIB and the latter to the Late Cypriote IIC1.In conclusion, it seems that the tomb started being used in the Late Helladic IIIA2 and was abandoned in the Late Helladic IIIB, that is, that it was used for about 165 years, between 1350 B. C. and 1185 B. C.

著者

菊地 咲

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.1, pp.15-29, 2015

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<p>This article analyzes the process and contents of the ritual, text “Hauptritual B” published by W. Farber, in the book <i>Beschwörungsrituale an Ištar und Dumuzi</i> (1977). It examines how this ritual relates to the famous mythological narrative "Ištar's Descent into the Netherworld" by using the following: (1) comparing the ritual process with typical anti-witchcraft rituals (2) comparing the roles of the main divine characters in each texts.</p><p>   This ritual was linked to the mythological narrative through use of identical divine characters. However, the context in which they appeared in the ritual is not identical to their counterparts in the mythological narrative. Therefore, the above mentioned relationship does not give a direct explanation of the ritual acts by linking them to mythological narratives or provide an etiology of the ritual, as stated in former studies. This article argues that this loose correlation represents another type of relationship between a ritual and a mythological narrative.</p>

著者

岡田 恵美子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, no.3, pp.129-145,216, 1967

被引用文献数

1

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Nizam-al-Din 'Ubaid Allah Zakani may be regarded as the most remarkable parodist and satirist produced by Persia in the fourteenth century, during which Sufism played an important role in the Persian literature.<br>'Ubaid-e-Zakani, who was born in Qazvin, lived at Shiraz in the reign of Abu Ishaq Inju.<br>His most celebrated satiric poem is &ldquo;Mush wa Gorbe&rdquo;, which means &ldquo;Rats and Cats&rdquo;, and his work should be estimated from the point of its characteristics in the Persian literature.

著者

近藤 真美

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.1, pp.84-102, 1999-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

被引用文献数

1 1

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This paper is written with the following aims: To show concretely how al-Subki family took opportunities to increase the prosperity of their family and how they kept this prosperity, and to consider what the limit of this prosperity was. I would like to take as a starting-point an examination of the actual conditions of ‘ulama’-society under the Mamluks.The following summarize the main points made in this paper:(1) The first step in the family's prosperity occurred when two members of the family took the post of qadi of Egypt, and one of the two took the post of mudarris in Cairo. The two were devoted to the education of their son, Tagiy al-Din (d. 756/1355). (2) After Taqiy al-Din received the post of qadi al-qudat of Syria, members of the family began to receive the many important posts in the fields of the judiciary and education, and they thus became rich. This was because of Taqiy al-Din's fame in jurisprudence, and because of the families' efforts to secure these posts, for example, through the use of bribery. (3) It is thought that one of the reasons behind the limitations on the family's prosperity in Cairo is that there was no room for them to establish a base of prosperity, and that, because of this, they tried to establish a base via forming relations with influential Syrian families through marriage. (4) However, a base couldn't be completely established in Syria. The reason may have been because the plague attacked many members of the family.From an examination of the case of al-Subki family, we can get a picture of a part of the rigid ‘ulama’-society in that era. That is in that era a few families were already influential and it was difficult for families to expand their sphere of influence.

著者

伊藤 義教

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, no.2, pp.15-31,104, 1964-10-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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This article is composed of three parts. In the 1st part, the writer has given a new translation of Citak Handarz i Poryotkesan. A new translation may be justified for ex. in §33 (cf. p. 15, n. 36), §54 (cf. p. 16, n. 47) and the beginning of §32: be pat han i χves hukunisnih “if not through his own good deeds” which should be taken as the last constituent of §31. In the 2nd part, the writer points out a morphologic relation between the early Achaemenian inscriptions and documents on the one hand, and the Andarz-literature on the other: in other words, Dar. Naqs-i-Rostam inscriptions as well as Xenophon's Cyropaedeia VIII 7, 1-28 are nothing but a sort of combination of historiography and andarz. It is interesting to note that parallelisms can be found between Dar. NRa 11. 56-58: martiya hya Auramazdaha framana hauv-taiy gasta ma θadaya and Citak Handarz i Poryotkesan §20: apak hamak vehan pat dat-χup-sandakih estatan “With all the good people one must stand in the situation that the Law seems (sandakih<sand-“videri”) agreeable (to himself)”. The 3rd and last part is a short survey of the Andarz-literature, leaving behind the problem of what development in thought and spirit this genre of literature has ever made.

著者

伊藤 義教

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, no.1, pp.1-17, 1964-08-15 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

橋爪 烈

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.1, pp.96-119, 2011-09-30 (Released:2015-02-27)

参考文献数

32

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‘Aḍud al-Dawla (d. 372H/983) was the most powerful ruler of the Buwayhid Dynasty. This paper aims to examine his view of his royal lineage as expressed in Kitāb al-Tājī, which was written by Abū Isḥāq Ibrāhīm al-Ṣābi’ (d. 384H/ 994) at the express command of ‘Aḍud al-Dawla. It also aims to understand the book within the wider social and political context of the period when Buwayhid Dynasty was at its zenith. Section 1 provides an outline of the content of Kitāb al-Tājī and its background. The book was written when ‘Aḍud al-Dawla was just about to send a military expedition in 369H/980 against the Ziyārid and Sāmānid dynasties in the eastern regions of the ‘Abbāsid Caliphate. Section 2 establishes the noble lineage of the Daylam and the Jīl people by reconstructing the contents of Kitāb al-Tājī, which is now available only in an excerpt version. I compare the excerpt with some later sources that quote directly from the original text of Kitāb al-Tājī. These sources suggest that not only the Daylam but also the Jīl were connected with the Buwayhid Dynasty through a marriage alliance. Section 3 further analyses how the writing of Kitāb al-Tājī was affected by the ongoing conflict between the Buwayhid and the Ziyārid. When ‘Aḍud al-Dawla ordered Abū Isḥāq to write Kitāb al-Tājī, his underlying agenda was to present his lineage in order to justify his reign vis-à-vis the Ziyārid and their allies. In conclusion: (1) Kitāb al-Tājī reflected ‘Aḍud al-Dawla’s view of his own royal lineage, and, crucially, it was written under his supervision. (2) He portrayed himself as the converging point of the two noble lineages of the Daylam and the Jīl. (3) His purpose was to justify to his own army and to the Daylamite and Jīlite principalities the legitimacy of his reign just before lauching his military expedition against the Ziyārid of the Jīl.

著者

守屋 彰夫

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.2, pp.38-54, 1982

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To define the correlation of &lsquo;treaty&rsquo; with &lsquo;covenant&rsquo;, the functions of the gods in the Aramaic Inscriptions from Sefire (Sf) are investigated from the religious-historical point of view. It is stated in stele IA lines 7-14 that this treaty was concluded <i>in the Presence of</i> the gods of the contracting parties and the names of the gods as witnesses are listed. In the first half of these lines (11. 7-10) the gods of <i>KTK</i>, an unknown city or territory, are enumerated in pairs, showing clearly the influence of the Babylonian pantheon. The construction of these lines suggests that the Babylonian culture exerted a remarkable influence on <i>KTK</i>. The latter part of the same enumeration lists the gods in Arpad as witnesses (11. 10-12). There both western semitic gods, such as <i>Hadad</i>, '<i>El and</i> '<i>Elyon</i>, and natural phenomena were worshipped. Unlike the former enumeration, there is no pair consisting of a god and his consort. To enumerate gods as witnesses in such a way was very prevalent in the Ancient Near Eastern traditions. In Sf natural phenomena were adored as well as gods, but in the OT phenomena listed were limited to only <i>heaven and earth</i> (e. g. Dt. 31:28 etc.). In addition, God appears as the witness to the treaty between Laban and Jacob (Gen. 31:50). These examples show that the function of the gods in Sf is similar to that of God in the OT. There was a traditional thought in Ancient Orient that the transgressors of the treaties were cursed and doomed to extinction by the treaty-gods. A similar type of curses appears in stele IA lines 14-35, in which <i>Hadad</i> plays quite an important role and most curses are closely related with his character as the storm-god. Furthermore, it was essential that the gods themselves conclude the treaty, which means, they were not only witnesses but also parties to the treaty. The following verbal usages are discussed in detail here: <i>sym</i> and <i>nsr</i>. Frequent appearances of the expression '<i>lhy</i> <i>&lsquo;dy&rsquo;</i> or <i>&lsquo;treaty-gods&rsquo;</i> emphasize the inseparable connection of Sf with the OT and Ugaritic Literature. My final conclusion is: although there may be no direct borrowings on the part of the OT from Sf, the covenant thought in the OT and the treaty thought in Sf are closely related each other.

著者

井本 英一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, no.3-4, pp.69-90,194, 1968 (Released:2010-03-12)

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There are three calendars of ancient Iran: the Old Avestan, Young Avestan and Old Persian calendars.Gathic people were aware of the lunar year as well as the solar and settled five important turns of season on the ecliptic while they made them adjust the solar vague year. It is probable that even a Metonic cycle was known to some extent.The young Avestan and the Old Persian calendars are the complex of the solar, lunar and lunisolar calendars.Problems of months of the beginning of the year, the five-day stolen month and the ten-day fravardigan at the end of the year, the Zoroastrian weeks, and the Hamaspathmaedaya feast are illustrated.

著者

加賀谷 寛

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, no.3-4, pp.191-205,231, 1969 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Imamzadah is a charismatic descendant of one of the Twelve Imams, then it came to mean a cult-site of the deceased Imamzadah. In modern Iran, it is usually understood in the latter sense, We may say that it is a miniature construction of those sacred tombs of Imams.The cult-site is believed as full of magico-religious power (barakah), radiating from the relics of Imamzadah, which posess healing power. The cult consists generally of donation (nadhr) of candles by a supplicant (ahl-hajat) praying for immediate personal ends (du'a).The practice of the cult could permeate thoroughly in almost every little society, based on their self-identity with Imam, presumably on the principle of faction-making within Muslim society. At the same time, sociologically, it has integrated the little society.The author maintains that we can not understand the whole range of religious attitudes of Muslims without making a survey of this practice.In the end, he stresses the immediate need of a systematic field survey of this cult.

著者

齋藤 正憲

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.1, pp.110-130, 2006-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

49

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Mineralogical and experimental examinations were carried out on the clays that it was thought could have been used during the Naqada I period or earlier. The investigations showed some features as follows: 1) the clays used during the Naqada I period were the so-called Nile Silt, 2) potters of that time exploited two types of clay, which were possibly fired by different methods, and 3) the firing of the pottery made from the fine clay was probably conducted in a firing structure. These results suggest that the techniques of making pottery had been fully sophisticated by the end of the Naqada I period.Certain changes occurred in ceramic production during the Naqada II period. Some pottery types typical of that time began to be manufactured from Marl Clay, while the Naqada I pottery had been made only from Nile Silt. The parallel ridges on the rim of some Naqada II pottery suggest the introduction of the turning device. The disappearance of black spots may indicate that the updraught kiln was also introduced to the Naqada culture. The use of the similar calcareous clay, the turning device and the updraught kiln in the Syro-Palestinian region predated the introduction of these into Egypt. This fact suggests that the new information on ceramic production came from Syro-Palestine.The new mode of pottery production appears in the clay preparation, in the shaping process and in the firing method. Such an overall change suggests the influx of foreign potters into Egypt rather than learning through the superficial imitation. Furthermore, is it likely that only potters came to Egypt? It should be concluded that á large group of people migrated from Syro-Palestine and that this stimulation was a major factor in making the Naqada Culture mature enough to expand into Lower Egypt.

著者

岡本 和也

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.2, pp.252-274, 2007 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

46

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The Jochid Ulus (the Golden Horde) and the Mamluks were dispatching envoys to each other in the Black Sea-Eastern Mediterranean region in the late 13th century. Diplomatic relations between the Jochid Ulus and the Mamluks have been well studied by modern scholars, but in these previous studies, it was often stated that the relationship between them originated in their mutual understanding that they shared a common enemy in the Ilkhanids. However, considering the importance of the Byzantine Empire through which the envoys had to pass, it is impossible to dispense with a discussion on the role of the Byzantine Empire in this relationship.This article aims at a reexamination of the dispatch of envoys between the Jochid Ulus and the Mamluks by analyzing the Mamluk chronicles. In addition, in order to understand the purpose of the envoys between the Jochid Ulus and the Mamluks the Mamluk-Byzantine envoys will also be examined.My conclusions are that the Jochid Ulus and the Mamluks were sending envoys not just because of mutual hostility towards the Ilkhanids, but also for trading mamluks between their two countries. In other words, these envoys had commercial purposes, such as trading mamluks, as well as political ones, such as cooperating against the Ilkhanids. For these two countries, dispatching envoys was important policy affecting the basis of their existence.

著者

大塚 和夫

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.1, pp.84-95, 1986-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)