著者

鈴木 道子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.1, pp.127-144, 1980-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

永井 正勝

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.1, pp.161-166, 2010-09-30 (Released:2014-03-31)

被引用文献数

1

著者

春田 晴郎

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.2, pp.125-134, 2001 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

22

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A new transliteration and translation of the Avroman Parchment No. 3 (British Library Or. 8115), written in Parthian, is given here.Transliteration based on P1. III in Minns 1915:1. ŠNT IIIC YRH' 'rwtt MZBNW ptspr BRY tyryn2. ZY MN bwdy KRM' 'smk MH 'bykškn PLG y't3. W ZBNW 'wyl BRY bšnyn KZY 'HY KL' ZWZN XX XX XX IIIII4. MH MN bwmhwtw '(py) h (w) z hmy 'KLW QDMTH5. ŠHDYN tyrk BRY 'pyn (m..g) BRY ršnw 'rštt6. B (RY) 'bzn grybnzwy B (RY) mtrpry synk BRY m'tbwg7. [] (.) KRM' 'smkn KRM' ZBNT 'wyl MN8. ptspr (K) L' ZWZN XX XX XX IIIII1.4 '(py) h (w) z: '(p) [y] h [w] (z) in the present state;1.5 (m..g): (m) [..] (g) in the present state.Translation:“Year 300 (=A. D. 53), month Arwatat, Patspar son of Tiren from Bod sold a half part of the vineyard Asmak which is within the ploughland; and Awil son of Bašnen bought it for a total of 65 drachms, (the price asked) by the landowner, ‘as brothers’ (> on equal terms with the seller?). They swore together that there should be no accusation, before the witnesses: Tirak son of Apen, M…g (?) son of Rašn, Arštat son of 'bzn (?), Grybnzwy (?) son of Mihrfriy and Senak son of Matbog. Awil bought [] vineyard, Asmakan vineyard from Patspar for a total of 65 drachms.”On the readings:1.3 KZY: nzd in Gignoux 1972, but his reading is impossible.1.4 'pyhwz or 'pyhwn: 'tyhrw in Gignoux 1972, 'py hrw in Perikhanian 1983; previous scholars read the fifth letter as {r}, but that reading is not correct because they, probably, overlooked a wormhole which covered the uppermost part of the letter. —now the wormhole has become larger and covered the entire area where the letter existed. For the reading of the final letter, see Haruta 1992: 33 n. 27; see also the length of the first letter {Z} in ZWZN in 1.3.On the translation:1.3 KZY 'HY “as brother (s)”: I tentatively interpret the phrase as “as equals, on equal terms, ” though one can translate it as “as partners” or “as co-owners.” KZY 'HY may be related to βραδδιγογο in Bactrian [Sims-Williams 2000: 82-83 (Document P), 187].1.4 'pyhwz hmy 'KLW /apexwaz ham xwart/“They swore together that there should be no accusation”; or 'pyhwn…/apexwan…/“…there should be no claim”: for 'pyhwz “without accusation”/ 'pyhwn “without claim, ” cf. 'pw šk'rw, 'pwyx's, etc. in Sogdian [Yoshida et al. 1988] and αβηδαχοαυο, αβηχοαυδο, etc. in Bactrian [Sims-Williams 2000]. For the Aramaeogram 'KLW “to swear, ” cf. Herzfeld 1924: 134-135 and Haruta 1992: 29, 32 n. 27; Schwartz [1989] discussed in detail the verb √xvar- “to swear, ” a verb homophonous with “to eat.” Note that this interpretation is possible only when you read the document in Parthian; this is the strongest evidence, I think, against the allegation that it was written in Aramaic.

著者

井本 英一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.2, pp.13-30, 1983 (Released:2010-03-12)

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New Persian sada was derived from Middle Pers. *sadag/*satak, which was derived from Old Pers. *sataka-. OPers. *sataka- meant ‘the hundredth’ that is, ‘the hundredth day.’In Shahnameh several references to sada together with the No Ruz festival are found. Originally the sada festival was held on the hundredth day from the winter solstice, say, about Farvardin 10th; it lasted to Farvandin 13th (April 2nd).The Easter fires are also held about almost the same time and a new fire is lit on the Easter eve.The ancient Chinese held the Han-shih-tsieh _??__??__??_ ‘festival of eating cold food’ on the 100th, 103rd or 105th day from the winter solstice. It was held from April 2nd to April 5th. During the three days all fires were put out and a new fire was lit on the last day. The day was the last day of an ancient spring New Year.Sada was the last festival of the No Ruz festival and the new fire was lit on that day.

著者

和田 廣

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.1, pp.149-150, 1993-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

宮崎 市定

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, no.3-4, pp.1-15,138, 1964 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Shen-tsung, the 6th Emperor of Sung dynasty, received two ambassadors successively from so-called the Western Regions, one sent by the Sultanate of Seljukides, and the other by the East Roman Empire. These two countries confronted keenly each other and the antagonism was the cause of Crusade. The war devastated the Middle East, resulting in a great loss of population. The Seljukides had to recruit Turkish soldiers from Central Asia to reinforce the army. Thus the pressure of Turkish people toward the east became weaken and gave a chance to the neighbour tribes of Mongolia to rise to a new power. Moreover, the Mongol could arm themselves with abundant iron weapons learning the fabricating technique of the Chinese. Taking advantage of the exhaustion of the Turkish people, the Mongol conquered at last the whole Western Regions.

著者

高橋 寿光 西坂 朗子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.1, pp.2-13, 2016-09-30 (Released:2019-10-01)

参考文献数

18

被引用文献数

1

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The second boat pit of Khufu is located on the south side of the pyramid of Khufu at Giza, Egypt. In 2011, the cover stones of the second boat pit were lifted up by the Japanese-Egyptian joint mission. The graffiti in red, yellow and black inks were recognized on some of the cover stones. It is well known that the graffiti written on building stones provide information about transportation procedures and workmen involved in the work. This paper aims to examine the graffiti on the cover stones in order to understand transportation process and workmen responsible for these works. The graffiti on the cover stones can be chronologically divided into at least two stages by observing the surface treatment of each cover stones. The stone surfaces which show the older stage were roughly shaped. On the other hand, the surfaces at new stage were carefully smoothed. According to observation, it was presumed that the old stage corresponds to the phase from quarry to workshop and the new stage coincides with the phase after shaping stones at workshop. The old stage graffiti include the simple signs such as "ankh," "hetep," "nefer" which seem to represent the team of workmen in charge of transporting stones. The destination marks in old stage such as "pyramid," "temple" instruct transportation from quarry to pyramid area. The graffiti in new stage include inscriptions with the name of Khufu or Dedefra which represent the workmen in charge of drugging stones in the pyramid area. The destination marks include "boat" or "boat-pit" which seems to indicate the instructions of delivery to the second boat pit. The study of graffiti on the cover stones from second boat pit suggest that two distinctive organizations were involved in the transportation of stones from quarry to the building site at Giza.

著者

中田 考

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.1, pp.16-31, 1992-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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In the classical Islamic jurisprudence the Jihad is defined as ‘to expend one's life, wealth, and words in the war or the defence against infidels’. But after the collapse of the Ottoman Caliphate, the political situations of the Islamic world drastically changed, which called various responses among Muslim intellectuals. Faraj, the ideologue of the Egyptian ‘Jihad’ group demonstrates that contemporary rulers apostatize from Islam because they do not rule according to the shari'a. So it turns to be individual obligation for Muslims to go jihad against the apostate rulers, for the jihad against apostates is to precede that against native infidels and the near enemy is more dangerous than the distant. But the jihad against the rulers has now no hope to succeed, so Shaikh 'Abdulgadir, a member of the ‘Jihad’, argues that the military training for the jihad is incumbent on every sane adult Muslim who has the necessary equipments and that Muslims should elect a qualified commander by lack of the caliph.Dr. 'Umar 'Abdurrahman, the mentor of the ‘Jama'a Isldmiya’, who classifies the rulers of the Muslim states into six categories, distinguishes the contemporary ruler from the traditional types of rulers and coins the word mustabdil for that. He concludes that the mustabdil is infidel and consequently has no legitimacy to rule and that Muslims must rise against him. Abu Ithar, Dr. 'Umar's disciple refines the conception of mustabdil and proves that the war against a mustabdil is not the rebellion which is one of the hudud crimes, but Muslim's duty.Thus the fight against evil rulers is justified both in the framework of the jihad theory by Faraj and 'Abdulgadir, and in the discussion about the legitimacy of the caliph by Dr.' Umar and Abu Ithar.The ‘revolutionary jihad theories’ radically differ from the classical theory of the jihad and the caliphate. In the classical Islamic jurisprudence the jihad is defined as the war against infidels and strictly separated from the notion of apostasy which is one of the hudud crimes. The caliphate theory is inserted in the chapter of the rebellion in the Islamic jurisprudence, so that it serves mainly for the justification of the temporal ruler and excludes the possibility of discussing the caliph's apostasy.

著者

渡辺 千香子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.1, pp.40-57, 1997-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

20

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The aim of this paper is to discuss the meaning of the Assyrian royal lion hunt from the religious point of view and to speculate further how it was perceived in society. Some features of the hunt described in texts suggest possible associations between the Assyrian royal hunt and mythological themes. This leads us to speculate that the hunt was performed as a “cult-drama” based on Ninurta's myths in which the king's role as a victorious hunter conveys an association with the achievement of the divine hero. In Mesopotamia, there is evidence that a “hunting prohibition” existed concerning lions where the killing of the animal was strictly reserved for the king. In order to investigate the reason for such prohibition, the significance of the royal lion hunt in the context of its social function is examined Ninurta achieves his divine kingship by subduing monsters; in a similar way, the king's position in society is reinforced by slaying lions.Possible explanations for the specific function of the royal lion hunt as perceived in society are sought from the anthropological point of view. The lions were seen as embodying the essence of wild forces which are to be brought into society at a propitious time in order to ensure the continuity of life in the community. The king functions as the only figure who is capable of introducing such forces into society from the wild, since he occupies the place of conjunction between the wild and the civilised domains.

著者

三笠宮 崇仁

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

日本オリエント学会月報 (ISSN:18841384)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, no.6, pp.62-63, 1957-01-25 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

前川 和也

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.2, pp.28-51, 2003 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

31

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The battle formation of the Sumerian phalanx, which is carved in relief on the reverse of the Stele of the Vultures, is studied in this article in light of textual sources, i. e., administrative documents, almost contemporary to the Stele, and later royal hymns and lexical texts.DP 135 (dated around 2370 B. C.) suggests that a complete Sumerian phalanx was composed of thirty-two soldiers: a commander, a sub-commander, twenty-four spearmen and six shield-bearers. According to the Stele of the Vultures (produced 50 years or more earlier than DP 135), on the other hand, Lagashite troops of thirty men in phalanx formation, being led by King Eannatum, charged on the enemy. In my view, the phalanx of the Stele is composed of the following soldiers: a sub-commander, a shield-bearer who protects the sub-commander, twenty-four spearmen standing in four lines, and four shield-bearers protecting the first four spearmen of the respective lines. Although neither a commander nor a man holding a protective shield for the commander is found in the Stele, the battle formation drawn on the Stele differs only superficially from what DP 135 suggests. King Eannatum, whom the Stele depicts as standing unguarded in front of his troops in phalanx, plays the role of commander.I reconstruct the phalanx of the Stele as follows. The head and the two feet that are found on the far right (as one faces it) in the phalanx relief of the Stele (called Head 1-Feet 1-2 in this article) represent the sub-commander of the troops. The second soldier, with the head and feet second from the right in relief (Head 2-Feet 3-4), protects the sub-commander with his large shield. The spearman of Head 3-Feet 5-6 stands at the head of the six men in the first line, being guarded by the shield-bearer of Head 4-Feet 7-8, and so on. On the far left of the Stele, the head and feet of the spearman, who is positioned first in the fourth line, are only imperfectly carved (Head 9-Feet 17-18). Two more heads are in relief on the left side board of the Stele, with the carvings of their four feet being completely lost from the board (Head 1′-Feet 1′-2′ Head 2′-Feet 3′-4′). I conclude that the spearman of Head 9-Feet 17-18, found last on the reverse, occurs again on the right of the side board (Head 1′-Feet 1′-2′) and that he is protected by the fifth shield held by the man of Head 2′-Feet 3′-4′ on his left.The term ama-ERIN2 refers to shield-bearers in DP 135. In the other contemporary text (Nik 1 3), however, it occurs as a designation of the whole army (composed of both shield-bearers and spearmen). The expression ama-erin2-na of the later periods, which is often interpreted by Assyriologists to denote “the main body of the troops” on the basis of its Akkadian translation, seems to have been derived from ama-ERIN2 with a meaning as found in Nik 1 3. Like Eannatum of Pre-Sargonic Lagash, King Shulgi of Ur, dated to the first half of the 21st century B. C., was obligated to stand alone before his troops (called ama-erin2-na) [Šulgi B 31; Šulgi E 209]. It is rather doubtful, however, that Shulgi's troops were in phalanx formation as had been the case of the soldiers of Eannatum.ERIN2-suh5-ha, which is used as a designation for spearmen in DP 135, occurs again in a later lexical text in slightly different writing (erin2-suh). ERIN2-suh5-ha is possibly interpreted to mean “selected troops (of spearmen guarded by shield-holders).”

著者

高井 啓介

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.2, pp.64-79, 2004 (Released:2010-03-12)

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“Petitionary letters to god (Gottesbriefe, letter-prayers) ” written in Sumerian are products of the Old Babylonian scribal schools. They are prayers in letter-style, addressed and dedicated to gods by “pious sufferers”, urging the gods to release them from suffering. Six similar letters in Akkadian have also been identified. It is indisputable that there are similarities between the Sumerian and Akkadian genres in their presentation of the plight and petition.There are differences as well. Unlike the Sumerian genre, mostly attested in multiple copies, most Akkadian letters are written by the archival hand and attested in just a single example. The Akkadian letters are addressed to the personal deity of the letter-writer, but in the Sumerian examples such is not necessarily the case. Scholars have considered that since the Akkadian letters are thus essentially archival and personal, the Sumerian and the Akkadian petitionary letters have no historical or genetic relationship. In this article, I conduct a more comprehensive study, focusing on the structural features of the Akkadian petitionary letters in comparison with Sumerian generic features, and suggest a slight modification in the previous understanding about the relationship between the two genres.I describe several features that three of the Akkadian petitionary letters have that the other three do not-lengthy opening salutations, descriptions of past benefits received and services rendered, and vows and expressions of praise and thanksgiving. These features are also shared by some of the Sumerian petitionary letters, particularly those from the Larsa period, which are relatively late examples of the genre. Since I found it difficult to determine the historical sequence of all the Akkadian petitionary letters, I cannot make any definite claim about development or influences. However, I think it likely that the genre experienced stylistic development and the Akkadian letters with those features were influenced by the Larsa period letters as it seems that some important similarities in style and content that I describe cannot be explained without considering that one genre knew the other.

著者

柴田 大輔

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.62, no.2, pp.143-146, 2020-03-30 (Released:2023-04-01)

参考文献数

4

著者

宮城 美穂

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.1, pp.171-186, 2005-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The aim of this paper is to examine how εσπερα and δυσιζ, both meaning “west”, are used in Byzantine historiography of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. It is concluded that εσπερα and δυσιζ, when used to designate Hungary, meant simply “west”, while the same words when used to designate the Crusades, the Holy Roman Empire and other Western powers, meant “Western Europe” and were used in the context of its military power.In the eleventh century, εσπερα and δυσιζ were used in contrast to εωζ, which means “east”. These words served to change the scene from wars with western enemies to those with eastern enemies, and vice versa. Besides that, they expressed the Byzantine imperial ideology that the Byzantine Empire was situated in the middle of the civilized world surrounded by the western and eastern barbarians. In the twelfth century, however, εσπερα and δυσιζ came to be used without “east” in many contexts and began to be used to modify the word “troops” when describing the Western countries' armies.Much research has concluded that Byzantine historiography defined Western Europe as a society characterized by the Catholic Church and feudalism. This survey, however, shows that it characterized Western Europe by the military power that finally conquered the City of Constantinople in 1204.

著者

金原 保夫

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.2, pp.51-68, 1997 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The First Bulgarian Kingdom was established by the Turkic nomads Bulgars. Gradually the Bulgars were assimilated to the Slav majority, but the Bulgarian aristocracy kept supremacy for a long time. In the political structure of the state were existed a traditional institution and titles of the Bulgars.In this paper, the author consider the role of the ruler, especially take notice of the title, the authority and the succession of the throne. There were so many titles of the Bulgarian ruler, but six of them were used in the country. They were αρχων, καισαρ, πατρικιος, KANAσγBIΓI, _??__??__??__??__??__??_<_??__??__??__??_, _??__??__??__??__??__??_<_??__??__??__??_. Kαισαρ and πατρικιος are the Byzantine title of nobility. Two titles αρχων and KANAσγBIΓI were used at the same time. The Byzantine title αρχων was used mainly externally. KANAσγBIΓI, which was a Turkic compound title, consisted of two words KANA and σγBIΓI. Professor V. Besevliev explained that KANA was a rulal title of the nomadic state qan<qaγan and σγBIΓI was a compound word sü-bäg-i, i. e. “commander in chief.” But this theory is still in a hypothesis.Bulgarian ruler came to hold both the secular power and spiritual authority. Bulgars were believers of Shamanism. They had a concept of the divine right of kings. The throne of the ruler of the Bulgarian state was exclusively in the hands of the royal clan, the Dulo, the Vokil and the clan of Krum. The position of the ruler was hereditary normally passing from father to eldest son, who was called καναρτικεινος. The order of the succession of the throne proved to be useful in stability and reinforcement of a government.

著者

中西 悠喜

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.1, pp.53-63, 2017-09-30 (Released:2020-10-01)

参考文献数

34

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Ṣāʾin al-Dīn ibn Turka al-Iṣfahānī (d. 1432) is among the most neglected figures in the history of Arabic-Islamic philosophy. True, his Tamhīd al-qawāʿid (“Introduction to the Principles,” TQ) has been highly evaluated within the Iranian ʿirfān circle since the late Qajar period; as the author of TQ, he is considered in this circle to be a precursor of Mullā Ṣadrā’s (d. 1640) alleged “synthesis” of Ibn al-ʿArabī’s (d. 1240) Akbarian mysticism, al-Suhrawardī’s (d. 1191) illumi­nationist philosophy, and al-Ṭūsī’s (d. 1274) revived Avicennian philosophy. Modern historians, however, adopt this evaluation while conducting, effectively, no detailed analysis of the contents of the work. Even Melvin-Koushki, who explores in detail the lettrist-occultist dimensions of this politically afflicted polymath’s Weltanschauung, has not gone so far as to redress their inaccurate understanding of TQ itself.In this paper, I will focus on two central issues addressed in TQ: 1) that “absolute theology” (al-ʿilm al-ilāhī al-muṭlaq) is the highest science, whose subject-matter is “existence” (wujūd) as such; and 2) that existence is the Real (al-ḥaqq). What is noteworthy is that Ibn Turka discusses both issues with (critical) reference to major philosophical texts, such as the Ilāhiyyāt of Ibn Sīnā’s (d. 1037) Shifāʾ (on his conception of metaphysics as the regina scientiarum), al-Suhrawardī’s Ḥikmat al-ishrāq (on his thesis that existence is a mental construct), and the Ṭabīʿiyyāt of al-Ṭūsī’s Sharḥ al-Ishārāt (on his theory of the prerequisites for something being analogical). By analysing Ibn Turka’s arguments on the aforementioned two issues while clarifying his positions towards the theses of earlier philosophers, I aim in the present study to indicate the place of this late medieval Akbarian mystic in the post-Avicennian history of philosophy.

著者

飯山 陽

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.2, pp.113-133, 2003 (Released:2010-03-12)

被引用文献数

1 1

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Maslaha has received considerable attention from scholars as a crucial principle which guarantees the developing tendency of Islamic society since the early 20th century. This paper attempts to show its importance in the lslamic legal theory which has been evolved to expand and adapt the established authoritative doctrines in the changing circumstances. Qarafi (d. 684/1285), who is famous for his theory of qawa'id (legal precepts), evolved the concept of maslaha which had been defined as ‘the preservation of the purpose of law (God's legislation)’ by Ghazali to the source of a valid and concrete methodology for creative law findings in his theory of qawa'id. He could legitimate goal-oriented and substantive interpretations by applying considerations of maslaha not only as a criterion to identify a 'illa's suitability but as an indispensable stipulation for some legal principles such as rukhsa (legal license) and sadd al-dhara'i‘(blocking means). Maslaha functions to legitimate his legal theory as a whole which purposes to give mujtahids’ legal methodology to muqallids so as to be depended in their law findings. The origin of maslaha is God, i. e. the prime authority in Islam; thus Qarafi could make use of this concept as the origin of all law findings in structuring his legal theory. Maslaha is the key concept to understand the legal theory and practice in the post-formative period of Islamic jurisprudence.

著者

内記 良一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.1, pp.39-53, 1984-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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In spite of some efforts made by Vollers, C. A. Nallino and Taha Husayn, the etymology of Arabic 'adab (literature) has not been explained clearly yet. This paper is to trace the origin of the word to Pahlavi aδven (ak) from two points of view, phonetical and semantic.It will be easily accepted that Pahlavi aδven or aδvenak passed to Arabic 'adab because of their phonetic coincidence. While Pahlavi aδven (ak) suffered the phonetic change to become aiven (ak), from which Modern Persian word 'ayin appeared and this is why Arabic 'adab and Modern Persian 'ayin share the same meaning (way, manner).As for the semantic development of Pahlavi aδven (ak), we can divide it into three stages. The first is “way, manner”, the second is “etiquette” and the third is “species, form, aspect” etc. Among these three categories of the meaning, only the last one did not pass into Arabic because it developed within the isolated scope of Zoroastrian theology in Islamic days.The first meaning “way, manner” is common in Pahlavi literature and used in Arabic like 'adabu lharb (way of battle). The second meaning “etiquette” which is used especially in Pahlavi Andarz-books is very popular in Arabic as is widely known. At the same time the Sassanians gave much importance on the etiquette concerning holding the banquet (Cf. 'Ayin li'Ardashir). This is why Arabic verb 'adaba ('adb) means “to invite to the banquet”.

著者

西尾 哲夫

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.2, pp.54-73, 1991 (Released:2010-03-12)

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purpose of the present paper is to make a linguistic analysis of the Judeo-Arabic manuscript Or. 7768 preserved in the British Library, which belongs to the so-called Cairo Geniza collection. This manuscript contains two versions of purim mitzrayim (Purim of Egypt or Cairo) written in Hebrew and Arabic, the latter, of course, using the Hebrew characters.According to the parameter of the phonetic correspondence between Hebrew letters and Arabic sounds which each letter stands for, Judeo-Arabic documents can be roughly classified into four periods; i) Early Judeo-Arabic (8C.-10C.), which is written in Early Vulgar Judeo-Arabic Spelling; ii) Classical Judeo-Arabic (10C.-15C.), which is written in Classical Judeo-Arabic Spelling; iii) Later Judeo-Arabic (15C.-18C.), which is written in Later Judeo-Arabic Spelling; and iv) Modern Judeo-Arabic (19C.-). The language of the manuscript in question basically belongs to the third variety of Judeo-Arabic, but shows many linguistic features characteristic of Classical Judeo-Arabic (Spelling).

著者

岡田 明憲

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.1, pp.85-99, 1996-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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A variety of goddesses appear in the Zoroastrian pantheon. Among them, three goddesses are especially significant -Armaiti, Aši, and Anahita.Armaiti is a member of the Ameša Spentas and is ranked among the highest order of goddesses. Aši is closely connected with the concept of Aša, the core of the thought of Zoroaster himself. In Yašt it is recorded that Aši was the love of Zoroaster. Anahita, apparently influenced by the cult of Mesopotamian Mother Goddess, became the most popular object of Iranian faith.The three goddesses have separate origins and are theologicaly distinct. Nonetheless, under the influence of Indo-Iranian folk beliefs, all these goddesses have been viewed as the Earth Mother and as the complements to deities of the sky. Ahura Mazda and Armaiti were regarded as the parents of Gaya Maretan, or the primeval man. Mi∂ra and Anahita formed a pair. Aši was closely associated with Sraoša. These models parallel the dual divinities-Dyavaprthivi-of Rg Veda.