著者

岩見 隆

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, no.2, pp.78-89, 1985 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

小山 雅人

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, no.1, pp.145-157, 1985-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

和田 浩一郎

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.2, pp.141-156, 2018-03-31 (Released:2021-04-01)

参考文献数

48

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Settlement burials existed in dynastic Egypt, like in other agricultural societies throughout the world. Since the ancient Egyptians thought that the dead should be separated from the living, it is important to consider the meaning of this. This paper carries out a comprehensive study of settlement burials in dynastic Egypt. Although both children and adults were buried within settlements, the interments of the latter always pre- or post-date the period of occupancy of the settlement. It is therefore possible to say that the separation of the dead and the living was carried out for adult burials. For analysis in this study, settlement burials are divided into three types based on the age of the deceased and the simultaneity of burial and settlement: (Type 1) child burials contemporary with a settlement, (Type 2) pre- or post-dated settlement burials only children were interred, and (Type 3) pre- or post-dated settlement burials where children and adults were mixed. The age distributions for Type 1 and 2 are somewhat different: the former type is exclusively of children under six months old, while the latter also includes children of up to two years. This tendency suggests that “true” settlement burial in dynastic Egypt may have been a burial custom only for fetuses and very young infants, and that nursing children were at least buried in settlements, even if in houses already abandoned. Except for the age distribution, the difference between Type 1 and 2 is obscure. Since some Type 2 burials were found in the same space as Type 1, these might share the perceptions of the place as a burial site. Other Type 2 burials seem to follow the idea of separation of the dead from the living. The variety of child settlement burials suggests that the ancient Egyptians treated the young dead as having a different kind of existence from the adult dead.

著者

杉村 貞臣

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.1, pp.67-76, 1976-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

小板橋 又久

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.2, pp.16-32, 1996 (Released:2010-03-12)

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This paper deals with RS 15. 30+15. 49+17. 389 (H. 6) excavated in Ras Shamra, from a cultural historical point of view.We can see that the Hurrianized Akkadian terms, together with the numerals of H. 6 are related to a type of musical instruction. We know many terms for musical instructions in ancient Near Eastern texts for example, in the Convers Tablet and in the headings of the Book of Pslam. We have also identified the cheironomy in the reliefs of ancient Egypt. The musical instruction of H. 6 is very unique, because it is the letter notation which shows how to sing a song in detail. The terms and the writing system of H. 6 indicate that the notation of this text was influenced by Mesopotamian culture. This notation might have been brought from Mesopotamia to Ugarit by the Hurrians. And it is characteristic that this Hurrian system of musical notation was used in the kingdom of Ugarit.We can identify the designation for the genre of the song (nid qabli) in the colophon of the H. 6 text. This term is related to a type of mode. The mode of H. 6 can be interpreted by means of the Babylonian tuning text (U. 7/80). This tuning text may indicate that the ancient Babylonians had a heptatonic system in making use of the fourth and fifth. This heptatonic system of using the fourth and fifth is well known in Greek musical theory. We can see that the nid qabli mode in the H. 6 text is related to the Lydian one. Therefore, the musical life of Ugarit suggests a linkage between Babylonian and Greek musical life.

著者

塩尻 和子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.2, pp.307-313, 2007 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

渡辺 金一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, no.2-3, pp.187-198,233, 1966 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Prof. F. Babinger a publié tout récemment une lettre italienne conservée dans les Archives du Topkapi Serayi d'Istanbul: F. Babinger, Lorenzo de' Medici e la Corte ottomana. Archivio storico italiano. Anno CXXI. Fase. 439. 1963. p. 305-361. C'est une lettre de Pagolo da Colle, “espion” de Laurent le Magnifique auprès de la cour ottomane, et adressée le 26 août 1483 au sultan Bayazid II. Il y fait un rapport sur des resultats de sa mission qu'il s'est chargeé de la part du sultan de visiter son frère Gjem et de s'informer de la vie que celui-ci menait sous la surveillance des chevaliers de Rhodes en Savoie.Ce rapport, en la traduisant en japonais, représente aux orientalistes de noire pays un aspect très intéressant dans l'histoire des relations diplomatiques qui s'est dèroulèe dans la Mèditerranèe orientale durant le XVe siècle.

著者

石丸 由美

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.2, pp.110-124, 1991 (Released:2010-03-12)

著者

前嶋 信次

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.1, pp.97-126,206, 1973-10-20 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The famous translation of the Arabian Nights' Entertainments by Sir Richard F. Burton (1821-96) was first published in 1885 in 10 volumes, and 6 volumes of the supplemental Nights were published from 1886 to 1888. It won a great success, and even in these days many people believe it as the most excellent and the most reliable translation of the 1001 Nights. Especially in Japan, it is so popular that at least three times it was retranslated into Japanese by various translators who were the admirers of R. Burton. But in many countries, Burton's translation has been criticized or defended by not a few scholars. Already in 1906, Thomas Wright demonstrated in his “Life of R. Burton, ” that his translation of the 1001 Nights is whole appropriation of that of John Payne. Payne's translation is the first complete English version of the Nights and no one denies its excellence But, his translation had been speedily forgotten by the public, and the swashbuckling plagiarist got the honor, wealth and popularity. Moreover, in the so-called Burton-Payne Controversy, the defenders of R. Burton seem more numerous than those of J. Payne. It was to my heart's content that Mia 1. Gerhardt developped a very sharp defense for the part of the latter in 1963 in her “The Art of Story-Telling.” However the author argued that the poems in the 1001 Nights were almost all translated by R. Burton independently and these are in general better than the renderings of J. Payne. I would not agree with this opinion, because I think that the translation of the poems by R. Burton also seem to be the appropriation of those of Payne and sometimes of Henry Torrens. In this essay, I would like to prove it. Next, why the painstaking work of J. Payne was soon forgotten, and survived the quite contrary one? The final aim of this essay is to find out some answer to this guestion.

著者

津村 眞輝子

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.2, pp.40-69, 2006 (Released:2010-03-12)

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This article discusses the meaning of the “score mark” left on the Sasanian and Arab-Sasanian silver coins discovered in 1959 at Wuqia in the Xinjiang-Uygur Autonomous Region of northwest China.The Wuqia hoard was studied by Chinese and Japanese researchers, including the present author, and the results were published in 2003. The hoard consists of 918 Sasanian and Arab-Sasanian silver drachms with dates between A. D. 588 and 679.During our study of those coins, a number of discoveries were made. One of them was the presence of “score marks” in the margin of 84 coins. By comparing the “score marks” with other characteristics of the coins, the mark was determined to be related to the “countermark”. A “countermark” is a stamp or mark impressed on a coin to verify its use by another government, or to indicate revaluation. Similar sets of “score marks” and “countermarks” also appear on other Sasanian silver coins stored in private and public collections.Thus, the author concludes that the “score mark” was probably used to test the quality of the silver before striking a specific “countermark”.

著者

藤井 守男

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.2, pp.108-126, 1994 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The mystical speech in its proper sense is created only through real, profound mystical experiences which mystics with innate unyielding character have in a dynamic tention between God and themselves. Under the social oppression in the Iranian cultural environment were Persian mystics obliged to interprete their unconventional speech into metaphor without any social contexts.The present paper examines the significant properties of the metaphorical expressions found in a Persian metaphysical poem, Golshan-e raz, composed by an Azerbaijan mystical philosopher Mahmud-e Shabestari (d. 1320).In the historical perspective of Persian literature, it can be said that this work does not only present the doctrine of the Unity of Being in a poetical manner, but also shows the malamatiye tendency, especially in its intentional usage of a series of blasphemous words (e. g., kofr, bot, kharabat, etc. ) of anti-Divine Law (shar'). Those ideas and expressions have widely been disseminated by certain malamatiye mystic groups in some Persian mystical poems since the 12th century.In this paper, from the standpoint of intellectual history, special attention is paid to the analysis of the paradoxical system of opposites seen in this work that Shabestari deliberately inherited from a Persian mystic, 'Ein al-Qozat-e Hamadani (d. 1131), who had articulated this paradoxical, dialectical discourse in an attractive way in his Tamhidat.

著者

高橋 亮介

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.1, pp.148-159, 2004-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

35

著者

古林 清一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.1, pp.1-16, 1991-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Rashid Rida (1865-1935) is famous as a leader of Salafiyya Movement and the editor of his journal, al-Manar. In this paper, I have attempted to elucidate his view on jama'a. Ride expected Muslim's group called jama'a as true leaders of Islamic Community (umma). Jama'a is defined by him as ulu al-amr (possesors of authority), ahl al-hall wa'l-'aqd (electors of caliph) and ahl al-ijma' al-muta' (people whose consensus is considered as compulsive to umma).Then I examined Ride's efforts to form organizations for his Islamic Reform Movement. These efforts are represented in his plans for Jam'iyya al-da'wa wa'l-irshad (Society of Propaganda and Guidance) and Hizb al-islah al-islami al-mu'tadil (Moderate Islamic Reform Party).

著者

黒柳 恒男

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, no.1-2, pp.1-16,168, 1969 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Pancatantra, famous collection of animal fables of Indian origin, was translated into Middle Persian by Burzoe in the sixth century, but this version was lost. In the eighth century, Ibn al-Muqaffa' translated the Middle Persian version into Arabic prose and named it “Kalila wa Dimna” after the names of two jackals in the text. This Arabic translation became the basis for subsequent Persian versions.First of all, in the tenth century the famous poet of the Samanid court, Rudaki put the Arabic version into Persian verse form at Amir Nasr's request, but no more than several verses of this epic have survived.Abu al-Ma'ali Nasr Allah, probably a native of Shiraz, translated the Arabic version into Persian prose about 1144, which was dedicated to Bahram-Shah of Ghazna. This version was made in such an elegant style that it had effect on many later Persian works, such as “Akhlaq-i-Nasiri” and “Marzban-nameh”.About the end of the fifteenth century Husain Wa'iz Kashifi made by far the best known Persian version, entitled “Anwar-i-Suhaili”, which was aimed at simplifying and popularising Nasr Allah's version. But his style was much more bombastic and florid, with many exaggerated expressions and considerably expanded parts.This bombastic version became simplified in India and Abu al-Fadl, a famous historian and minister under Akbar, compiled a book, entitled “'Iyar-i-Danish”, which was derived from Kashifi's version.

著者

井上 一

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, no.3-4, pp.33-48,133, 1965 (Released:2010-03-12)

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Theodor Heuß sagt in seinem Artikel «La Monarchie Hellenistique» (Firenze, 1955): “Die Ideologie der hellenistischen Monarchie mußte von ihr nicht ad hoc hervorgebracht werden, sondern stand in Augenblick ihrer Geburt wie eine reifende Frucht zur Verfügung.” (S. 208) “Die Fürstenspiegelethik war nicht auf die Philosophie beschränkt und fand deshalb auch ihren eindrucksvollsten Vertreter in Isokrates.” (S. 211)Der Verfasser handelt von Isokrates' «Euagoras» in Bezug auf die Untersuchung seiner Fürstenspiegelethik. Er hat seine Hauptbesprechungen über den πεπραγμενων des kyprischen Dynasten (z. B. seine Herrschaftsform, seine Krieg gegen Persien) mit den gleichzeitigen internationalen Affären im Mittermeerraum vergleicht; danach schließt er als folgend: Isokrates nimmt die Herrschaft des Euagoras gewiß als Idealkönigtum auf: doch seine Behandlung begrenzt sich auf die Beziehung zwischen Athen und dem kyprischen Dynasten, so spricht er schwerlich klär von den charismatischen Zügen und dem Wesen seiner Herrschaft, Vasallkönigtum des persischen Reiches. Trotzdem, glaubt der Verfasser, möchten es sehr interessant sein, daß der griechische Pulizist als das Modell des Idealkönigtums die Herrschaft des halbbarbarischen Dynasten, der seine Lage zwischen den Mächte des Mittelmeerraumes kunstvoll gehalten hat.

著者

大城 道則

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.1, pp.103-118, 2000-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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The primary purpose of this article is to publicize the interaction between Egypt and Nubia around 3000 B. C. Ancient Egyptian culture has always developed its own culture by adopting several contemporary cultures. Although it was understood that the main influence on Egyptian culture was from Mesopotamia, there is another possibility-Nubia. G. A. Reisner called this culture the Nubian A-Group culture. Nubian A-Group sites were found in abundance throughout Lower Nubia. Recent works show that the Nubian A-Group culture had a sophisticated society; rich graves of the rulers in Qustul contained many luxury goods from Egypt. The Qustul Incense Burner, which was carved with Pharaonic iconographies, was especially significant.This article examines the Nubian A-Group culture by focusing on Pharaonic iconographies of Qustul Incense Burner and reconfirms that Egypt and Nubia had close relationship.

著者

飯山 陽

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.2, pp.141-160, 2007 (Released:2010-03-12)

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It is usually said that maslaha as a legal concept was first defined in a tangible manner by al-Ghazali (d. 1111) and that he made a breakthrough innovation in the evolutional history of maslaha theory. But in my previous article (Oriento 47: 2 [2005]), I analyzed the maslaha theory of his master al-Juwayni (d. 1085) and clearly demonstrated that (al-Juwayni's) theory was innovative by comparison with former theories. The current article investigates three books of legal theory written by al-Ghazali, namely Mankhul, Shifa' and Mustasfa, to reconsider whether his achievement was this accepted notion. The findings show that most of the terms and the logic used in his maslaha theory had been already used by al-Juwayni. However, al-Ghazali arranged his master's maslaha theory in an easily comprehensible and methodical fashion. His master's theory, in contrast, was complicated and used many terms inconsistently, and what is more, he criticized harshly the interpretation and application of maslaha by the Maliki school. This is why later scholars, especially Maliki scholars, quote al-Ghazali's maslaha theory exclusively. Thus, the achievement of al-Ghazali in the history of maslaha theory should be sought in his arrangement of his master's theory, because without that, it is hard to understand how later scholars could have evolved maslaha theory and applied the con-cept in legal practice.

著者

後藤 光一郎

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, no.2, pp.33-55, 1964-10-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

参考文献数

9

著者

白木原 和美

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, no.2, pp.55-78_7,181, 1971 (Released:2010-03-12)

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In the collection of the Tenri Sankôkan Museum, there is a long gold fitted sword (Photo I) and a set of gold fitted decorations for a smaller sword (Photo II).The sword of this type has begun brought in sight recently from Northern Persia, but few in number. The three specimens which Prof. R. Ghirshman introduced in the Artibus Aside Vol. XXVI, 1963) and the beautiful one in the collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York are especially famous.The handle and scabbard of these swords have distinctive features as follows; (1) the handle has projections for tight holding, (2) no guard or, if there is, very small, (3) there are two wide bands to reinforce the scabbard, one of the two is fitted at the mouth of the scabbard, (4) each band has a golden fish-shaped knot for suspension, (5) the width of the scabbard is neary the same from the tip to the end, (6) the side views of the tip of the handle and the end of the scabbard are the same “{” shape, (7) the basic pattern of the decoration is somewhat like squamation.The sword of this type is sometimes found on silver dishes in the period from the later half of Sasanian Dynasty to the early Islamic Age in Persia. It was drawn on the wall painting in the districts along the Silk Road. Also it is reported that there have been found many stone-statues which have the sword of this type in Altai, Mongolia and Western China. However, they are all newer than some of the Persian silver dishes. So I presume that this type of sword might have been completed in Northern Persia and its surroundings during the later Sasanian Dynasty.In Japan, the same sort of sword has been used si nce the 8th century. Among them, the most famous sword is the one of the Shôsôin Treasures. This sword has the same distinctive features as the above mentioned except in items (5) and (7). Even now, in Japan, a sword of this type is frequently used for ritual purpose. They are brilliant souvenirs showing the introduction of Persian civilization to our country. In addition, I would like to state that it is wrong to support the opinion that the pattern of squamation of the sword expresses the feathers of holy birds.It is clear that in Western Asia, there has long been a tradition to depict bush or trees by swarms of little arcs. And later this method of describing plants seems to be combined with the method of drawing the gathering of parmette. With this assumption, I presume that these patterns of squamation on these swords have similar characteristics as of the fringe of the arch of Taller Grotto, Taq-i-Bustan and so on. This pattern of decoration was transmitted to European countries and, because of its nobleness, was to be used as the decoration of the arches of church entrance and the edgings of church windows etc., I presume.

著者

野元 晋

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.1, pp.171-183, 1995-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

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This paper aims at elucidating how the idea of correspondence between the existent beings in the cosmos was discussed in early Isma'ilism, especially with regard to the doctrine of the seven enunciator-prophets (nutaqa', sdg. natiq). For this purpose we analyze a chapter on the fourth natiq, Moses (Musa), which deals with our subject, from the still unedited text Kitab al-Islah, or The Book of Correction, written by a Neoplatonist-inclined thinker, Abu Hatim al-Razi (d. 322/934-5), as an a attack on his coreligionist Muhammad al-Nasafi (d. 332/942).According to al-Razi, al-Nasafi holds that the fourth natiq has the perfectness of the number four just as the sun, the fourth astral body, has it. Refuting this, al-Razi asserts that the real holder of the “fourness” (arba'iyah) is the seventh natiq, Qa'im, who discloses the inner meaning of all the sacred laws of his six predecessor-nutaqa'. In order to establish his argument, al-Razi cites some examples of the correspondence between the seven nutaqa' and some beings from the world of nature in the cosmos such as the seven days of the week, the seven parts of the human body and the seven dyeing colours (asbagh): just at each member of these groups in the world of nature takes its role in the development of its own group, each natiq takes his own role in the development of the history of human kind. This implies that in the cases of both nature and the seven nutaqa' the last phase of development is the most perfect. Thus, al-Razi's own argument shows us another example of the early Isma'ilis' utilization of the knowledge of nature and the natural sciences of their time, as is pointed out by P. E. Walker in the case of Abu Ya'qub al-Sijistani. Oun research in the future should seek out other examples of this practice among other Isma'ili thinkers.