著者

石井 寛治

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.70, no.1, pp.99-100, 2004-05-25 (Released:2017-08-09)

著者

中野 卓

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.6, pp.567-581,7-8, 1966

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Here I describes how, in the Tokugawa Period, these merchant houses effectively utilized their social ties as the framework for entrepreneurial organization. The ie (house as an institutional group) is translated often to a patrilineal and patriarchal stem family, and the dozoku (institutionaiized group composed of a main house and its branches) to a patrilineal kin group, and these "kin" groups are always regarded as those which were basic for Tokugawa entrepreneurial organization. But, I must point that standerd kinship categories used by Western scholars simply do not fit the ie and dozoku of the Tokugawa Period. Kinship was an important basis for forming corporate enterprise groups among these merchant houses, yet they were not strictly kin groups. Each house could include non-kin members referring to the house head and his or her kin members. Among non-kin members of the house there were male and female persons, who were adopted as clerk apprentices and house maids. The master of the house establish for his ex-apprentices their branch houses as well as for his non-heir kin members. Such a master's house was called as main house to these kin and non-kin branches. Adoption of kin members or non-kin into the house made the merchant house be enough flexible to get serected able persons as the member. Merchant dozoku could also be enough flexible to be vital, especially through utilizing non-kin branches.

著者

大塩 武

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.5, pp.586-587, 2000-01-25 (Released:2017-06-23)

著者

湯山 英子

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.77, no.3, pp.365-385, 2011-11-25 (Released:2017-05-19)

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本稿の目的は,1910年代から1940年代初めを対象に,仏領インドシナにおける対日漆輸出の展開を,現地の日本人商店の活動に焦点をあてて検討し,解明することにある。同時に,この時期のアジア域内,台湾,中国での漆貿易の担い手,および流通過程を明らかにする。これまでの研究では,戦間期における対日貿易の担い手の検討がなされていないまま,1940年以降の日本企業進出に関する研究が主流を占めてきたという背景がある。検討の結果,現地日本商は,1910年代から,本格的には1920年代はじめから日本向け漆輸出,あるいは輸出のための調査や営業活動に奔走し,1930年代には漆供給基地として仏領インドシナでの地歩を固めていったと考えられる。また,その背景および要因として,(1)日本での需要の変化による原料獲得の必要性,(2)日本商による仏領インドシナでの流通経路の掌握,(3)日中関係悪化による中国での流通構造の変化,(4)台湾での漆栽培と「国産化」の推進,この4点が確認できた。

著者

行武 和博

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.72, no.6, pp.673-693, 2007-03-25 (Released:2017-08-09)

参考文献数

68

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It is well known that the Dutch East India Company (Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie) conducted trade with Japan during the 17th and 18th centuries. In 1609, the company established a factory in Hirado, which in 1641 was ordered to move to Nagasaki. In both factories, the Dutch merchants kept their account books according to the Italian system of double-entry bookkeeping. These account books-for example, the journals (Negotie Journalen) and the ledgers (Negotie Grootboeken)-are preserved in the Netherlands National Archives in The Hague. In the past, Oskar NACHOD and Japanese scholars have made use of these archival materials for their analyses of the management of the Dutch factory in Japan. However, because they did not entirely understand the bookkeeping system used, the results of their calculations for the volume of trade are not precise, and their results differ from each other. This paper tries to clarify how to calculate the actual figures of import and export goods for Japanese-Dutch trade by analysing the account books in the first half of the 17th century. It also seeks to correct the results of the calculations by NACHOD and others. During this period, Japanese-Dutch trade experienced transitions in scale and formation due to the foreign and trade policies of both sides and the situation on the high seas and coastal waters of East and Southeast Asia. The account books are fundamental archival sources, and they provide a detailed picture of the annual trade between Japan and the Dutch East India Company. However, we cannot understand the exact volume recorded unless we have a clear idea of the way in which the books were organized.

著者

川勝 平太

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.1, pp.91-125, 1985

被引用文献数

2

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The present paper is an attempt to investigate into what seems contradictory phenomena observed in nineteenth century Asia: the increasing influx of British cotton manufactured goods into Asia on the one hand, with the development of indigenous cotton textile production in the region on the other. In order to account for this seemingly paradox, some newly found evidence is introduced which shows qualitative differences between British and Asian cotton products, and the following table is presented to demonstrate the fact that the structure of markets for cotton goods differed between India and the Far East, and also particularly the fact that there was virtually little competition between British and Far Eastern cottons. [table] It appeared necessary to devote a whole section (III) to outline how the cotton textile production, which originated in India, spread both west- and eastward to set out the historical background against which the above different types of cottons were encountered in the Asian markets in the later period. This historical account is not ambitious at all, but included in this paper in order to disperse any impression to the reader that those different structures of markets were static. They were, of course, not so, but products of long historical evolution. Some brief mention will also be made of how they underwent changes in the inter-war years.

著者

竹内 幸雄

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.80, no.4, pp.457-474, 2015

著者

ホプキンズ アントニー・G 竹内 幸雄

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.5, pp.563-570, 1993

著者

森 宜人

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.77, no.1, pp.71-91, 2011

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ドイツでは,国家的失業保険が未整備の中,19世紀末より都市レベルでの失業保険が実施された。その主流となったのは,失業した組合員に失業手当を給付する労働組合に対して,その給付額に応じて都市自治体が補助金を支出するガン・システムであった。ガン・システムには,労働者層の大部分を占める非組織労働者の排除や,自由労働組合への支援を通じた社会民主勢力の拡大の可能性などの問題が内包されていたが,多くの都市でその導入が検討された。大ベルリン連合内のシェーネベルクとシャルロッテンブルクもその一例である。シェーネベルクでは,ガン・システムを中核としつつ,非組織労働者をも包摂し得る制度が策定され,比較的早期に失業保険の導入が果たされた。他方,シャルロッテンブルクでも同様に非組織労働者の加入を重視した制度が策定されたが,市議会においてその導入は否決された。本稿では,この対照的な帰結がみられた両都市の比較分析を中心に,当時の都市行政の政策理念となっていた「都市の社会的課題」に即してガン・システムが受容された歴史的コンテクストを明らかにする。

著者

細川 龜市

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.5, no.11, pp.1357-1366, 1936

著者

見市 雅俊

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.4, pp.538-572, 1987

被引用文献数

2

著者

加藤 繁

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, no.6, pp.694-696, 1934-09-15 (Released:2017-12-28)

著者

ポメランツ ケネス 杉原 薫 西村 雄志

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.6, pp.647-661, 2003

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Much literature normalizes a North Atlantic pattern of development, and sees a regionally specific 'East Asian' path emerging in the twentieth century. However, development patterns and economic performances in core regions of Europe and East Asia were surprisingly similar until almost 1800; Europe's divergences thereafter was shaped bu exceptional resource bonanzas. East Asian growth has been less resource-intensive, more focused on light industry and a diversified rural economy, and based on different social ideas. However, one cannot always distinguish 'Eastern' and 'Western' paths cleanly: some European economies have followed what looks like an 'East Asian' path, and vice versa. Moreover, various East Asian states have had shorter periods in which their economic strategies focused on the capital-intensive, resource-intensice heavy industry that has otherwise been more prominent in the West: this has happened during periods when those states placed a high priority on increasing their military strength. Recentry, 'East Asian' growth has spread to coastal China, but China's interior poses greater challenges; current interest in more resouce-intensive, state-centered developement strategies for those regions (which are often related to fears about dependence on the outside world for resouces) is thus unsurprising, but environmentally and socially risky.

著者

林 良育

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.80, no.4, pp.527-546, 2015

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『斉民要術』に見える北土高原以外での水稲作については,「歳易」という用語の解釈から,一年休閑農法と田畑輪換の両説が提出されているが,漢〜魏晋南北朝期の技術水準論・生産力論という観点に引きつけた解釈がなされてきた感があり,水田の立地,「歳易」を要する理由などを含めて,なお多分に議論の余地を残しているように思われる。そこで本稿では,水稲作に関する農学系の研究なども参照しつつ,あらためて史料の精密な解釈を行い,「歳易」という用語を中心とする水稲作の実像に迫ることを試みた。そして考察の結果として,(1)『斉民要術』に見える「歳易」をともなう水稲作の主たる対象地域は,山東省の泗水水系流域周辺であり,(2)水源を含めた河川上流域周辺の高燥地乃至高田で行われており,(3)「歳易」には田畑輪換の可能性があり,(4)「歳易」が行われた理由としては,農業用水の使用量調整(節水)・旱害対策,周辺農地への湿害の防止及び農地の利用効率の向上などが考えられ,(5)この水稲作が山東省の気候条件に対応して行われた局地的な性格のものであったことなどが明らかになった。

著者

梅津 順一

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.1, pp.99-102, 1995

著者

水野 絅子

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.2, pp.107-128,202-20, 1974

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<p>Cet article fait suite a une etude precedente sur les rapports des communes francaises et dos couches gouvernantes dans la societe feodale; nous essayons maintenant de mettre davantage en lumiere la ville medievale dauas la societe feodale, selon les documents rouennais allant du XI^e au premier quart du Xlll^e siele. Nous savons que les Etablissements de Rouen (Stabilimentum communie Rothomagi), concedes entre 1174 et 1183 par Henri II, roi d'Angleterre, representent l'etape la plus monumentale dans l'evolution du droit urbain a Rouen. Si nous examinons les differents articles, nous constatons que cette loi est loin d'etre liberale en ce qui concerne la concession des privileges a la commune: d'une part, l'autonomie judiciaire communale se limite a la juridiction civile d'autre part, des differents organes de la magistrature communale, da'finis minutieusement dans les Etablissements de Rouen, sont consideres comme les dernieres instances de l'admimaistration royale. Cette loi est un octroi qui favorise principalement le patriciat, compose de riches marchands specialises dans le commerce a longue distanace et dont l'existence a Rouen est par ailleurs attestee par quelques sources narratives anterieures; ces marchands ont en effet besoin d'une juridiction civile autonome pour proteger leurs transactions comunerciales et immobilieres. Il faut noter aussi que les Etablissements de Rouen, en precisant les obligations dues par la commune et reparties d'ailleurs sur tous les bourgeois, garantissent au roi anglais certains profits. Les Etablissements de Rouen presentent donc le meme caractere que les chartes octroyees jusqu'a la premiere moitie du XII siele et qui ont gratifie le patriciat rouennais de larges privileges commerciaux, en particulier la charte de 1144 concedee par Geoffroi d'Anjou; ces Etablissements de Rouen et ces clnartes demeurent cependant reservees a la concession de l'autonomie communale. On pourrait dire qu'il s'agit la d'une expressiona des interets communs des classes gouvernantes feodales et du patriciat urbain qui reste nettement separe du Commun. La prise de Rouero par Philippe Auguste en 1204 semble changer profondement la situation. Dans une conventio de cette annee-la en effect, dans laquelle le roi capetien definit les conditions de la capitulation, ce ne sont pas la noblesse, ni le clerge qui sont acceptee en tant que vrais representants de la ville, mais la commune de bourgeois. Philippe Auguste, ayant reconnu les Etablissements de Rouen peu apres la capitulation de la ville, elargit en 1207 l'autonomie judiciaire communale, par la concession d'une juridiction criminelle etendue et affranchit les bourgeois de la mainmorte: ce sont la les privileges dont peuvent beneficier tous les habitants urbain. Il est facile de deceler sous cet acte de Philippe Auguste, applique aussi a plusieures villes arrachees alors a la domination anglaise, un but precis, celui de lever un service militaire important. L'originalite de la politique communale de ce roi consiste, comme nous l'avons souligne dans notre article precite, a creer une relation "synallagmatique" entre la royaute et les communes: la royaute accorde en effet une large liberte et une grande autonomie a ces dernieres, qui, de leur cote, consentent au service militaire au meme titre que les vassaux directs du roi. Rouen, par sa nature meme de centre tres important de commerce et de strategie, attire beaucoup l'attention des classes dominantes et, partant, doit montrer une disposition a s'associer aux interets royaux plus marquee que les autres villes ordinaires. Cependant, c'est bien cette particularite rouennaise, qui nous permet de voir combien la ville medievale, qualifiee d' "anti-feodale" ou de "a-feodale" par certains auteurs est integree</p><p>(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)</p>

著者

岩生 成一

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.2, pp.210-212, 1979-08-31 (Released:2017-07-15)

著者

増淵 龍夫

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社会経済史学

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, no.7, pp.675-690, 1940

著者

西谷 進

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.2, pp.113-134,216, 1971-08-20 (Released:2017-08-03)

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In the latter half of the nineteenth century, Egypt became a British colony as a result of the financial dificulties. It is the purpose of this paper to clarify the internal condition of Egypt which led to such a situation. At that time, there were three plans of grand scale: the Delta Barrages; the Alexandria, Cairo, and Suez Railroad; and the Suez Canal. It was financially impossible for the Egyptian government to materialize these plans in a short time, but the government ventured on these projects in a short period of fifteen years. it has been explained that such a venture was med possible by the changes of the ruling class (Khedive), the balance of power among European nations, and the international rivalry. We would, however, like to explain it by analyzing the judgement on the economic effects of these projects on the part of the Egyptian government. The Delta Barrages were constructed in the first place, because the economic effects of the plan would be superior to those of others, especially the railroad construction. This judgement was made on the assumption that the government would be able to maintain the monopoly of farm products. As a result of the collapse of the monopoly, the economic advantages of the Delta Barrages were bound to declin. In order to supplement the revenue, it became necessary to build the railroad and obtain income from the transit of foreign goods and passengers. It was, however, necessary to obtain foreign loans to construct the railroad at that time, and the dependance on foreign capital became inevitable. The construction of the Suez Canal would, it was anticipated, bring a considerable amount of income with a relatively small amount of investment. Actually, the Egyptian government had to spend more money than it had been estimated, and this again augmented the dependance on the foreign capital.

著者

西谷 進

出版者

社会経済史学会

雑誌

社会経済史学 (ISSN:00380113)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.3, pp.283-311,330-33, 1971-09-20 (Released:2017-08-03)

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The Egyptian government went into bankruptcy by April, 1876, and it underwent a reorganization in order to redeem the loan. This long, difficult period can be divided into two periods: 1876 to 1881, and 1882 and afterwards. The first period is characterized by the decree of 1876, and the dual control prescribed by the decree, which insured the repayment of £89,271,000 to British and French creditors. It was, however, difficult to carry over the plan. It was reinforced by new debts (Domains Loan) and revised by the Law of Liquidation of 1880, but finally nullified by the nationalist movements led. by Colonel Arabi. The second period is characterized by the British occupation, which subpress the force under Colonel Arabi, and British control over the refunding as a result of the end of the dual control. The refundment plan was established by the London Convention of 1885, and reinforced by the guaranteed loan of 1885. It should be noticed that the British government tried to improve the irrigation system in order to develop agriculture and strengthen the financial ability of Egypt. The British government improved the Delta Barrages, which had been completed by the Egyptian government but abandoned afterwards as a result of poor construction. Delta Barrages were improved not for the benefit of Egypt but for the interests of her creditors, and put to use in 1891.