著者
深尾 裕造
出版者
関西学院大学
雑誌
法と政治 (ISSN:02880709)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.51, no.1, pp.215-272, 2000-04

Introduction I Foretescue and the Brute : Nembroth Type Kingdom and Brutus Type Kingdom 1. Brutus & the Institution of the Kingdom (Dominium regale et politicium) 2. De Legum Laudibus Anglie ch. XVII revisited II Sir Edward Coke and the Brute : Analysis of the Prefaces to his Reports 1. Cokes' Earlier Reports and the Brute 2. Coke's Conquest Theory 3. The Imposition Debate & the Proclamation Case in 1610 4. Coke & the Norman Conquest 5. The Mirror of Justice, rediscovered III Selden and Rationalization of Fortescue's Constitutional Theory : Analysis of his Note Conclusion Transformation of the Theory of the Origin of Government : Hobbes and Hale
著者
北山 俊哉
出版者
関西学院大学
雑誌
法と政治 (ISSN:02880709)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.46, no.2, pp.287-320, 1995-06-30

Until sometime in the postwar Japan, there was a phrase that Tokyo was the political capital and Osaka was the economic capital of Japan. This is no longer true since the economy of Tokyo area has acquired a dominant position not just in Japan but also in the world, while Osaka area's economic position has relatively declined. Why this has happened is the question that this paper attempts to answer. This article argues that the notion of "industrial order" explains the different developmental trajectories of the two regions. Industrial order consists of the particular mix of the industrial governance mechanisms-markets, corporate hierarchies, the modern state, the community, and the association. Tokyo area has successfully established the industrial order of "flexible mass production, " the main governance mechanisms of which are the market, hierarchies, and the community. Osaka area was not so successful in building the similar industrial order. This article also tries to demonstrate the establishment of particular industrial order in one region depends on the social and political process of the region as well as rational response which is assumed in the neo-classical economic model. I use the cases of sewing machines and camera industries to show how the establishment of the industrial order is constrained by the social and cultural resources of the regions.
著者
木村 正子
出版者
関西学院大学
雑誌
英米文学 (ISSN:04246853)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.49, no.1, pp.55-69, 2005-03-15

In contrast to Charlotte Bronte's Jane Eyre, Elizabeth Gaskell's heroine is recognized as obedient to the Victorian ideological figure, the "angel in the house." This is a strategy of Gaskell to hold her authorship in the mid-Victorian male-centered literary world, for male editors claimed that female writers should write "feminine" stories. Gaskell ostensibly obeyed their claim and wrote stories about angelic heroines ; however, she secretly contrived to undermine the patriarchal foundation that binds the heroines. In Cousin Phillls (1863), the heroine Phillis aspires to maturity that allows her to grow to womanhood, but her message is ingeniously hidden behind the veil of male narrative. The narrator Paul believes that Phillis' broken heart is no less tragic than loss of "innocence" - the innocence of Eden. Making this ironical use of Paul's view, Gaskell suggests that the image of the "angel in the house" is made up by the Victorian male self-deception.
著者
桑原 亮三
出版者
関西学院大学
雑誌
神学研究 (ISSN:05598478)
巻号頁・発行日
no.40, pp.p271-295, 1993-03
著者
冨田 宏治
出版者
関西学院大学
雑誌
法と政治 (ISSN:02880709)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.40, no.3, pp.673-719, 1989-09-30

Preface Chap. 1 The Structure of "MINPONSHUGI" 1. The International and the Domestic Politics 2. "The Notion of Common-Interests" and "Nationalism" 3. The Conception of the Political Equality
著者
岩武 昭男
出版者
関西学院大学
雑誌
人文論究 (ISSN:02866773)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.47, no.1, pp.77-91, 1997-05
著者
佐藤 和美 久保田 哲夫
出版者
関西学院大学
雑誌
総合政策研究 (ISSN:1341996X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.24, pp.11-40, 2006-11

The Taiwan issue, the origin of which dates back to 1949 when the KMT retreated to Taiwan under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, is still one of the most complex political conundrums in the East Asian region. The purpose of this paper is to provide an overview of this issue by clarifying the positions and policies of Beijing, Washington and Taipei. This paper shows that all three governments favor the status quo in the short run, but each has a different vision of the future, which makes this issue almost unsolvable. The Chinese leadership has long considered unification to be an inalienable policy. Now that great power policy is China's foremost priority, however, China does not emphasize unification as the most urgent issue on its plate. China is now seeking the cooperation of the U.S. in order to prevent Taiwan from declaring independence. The U.S., a key buffer between mainland China and Taiwan, is now more politically and economically interdependent with China than ever before, but still asserts that the consensus of the Taiwanese people is a prerequisite for the resolution of the Taiwan issue. Trying not to be directly involved, the US is seeking to maintain the status quo. Taiwan faces a paradoxical relationship with China. Both major parties in Taiwan, the DPP and the KMT, are caught in the same dilemma: whether to strengthen economic ties with China or to seek Taiwanese political independence.
著者
西本 匡克
出版者
関西学院大学
雑誌
人文論究 (ISSN:02866773)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.26, no.1, pp.66-75, 1976-06
著者
櫻田 大造
出版者
関西学院大学
雑誌
法と政治 (ISSN:02880709)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.54, no.1, pp.31-78, 2003-04

Drawing on the major works of Lawrence Martin's The Presidents and the Prime Ministers and Roger Frank Swanson's Canadian-American Summit Diplomacy, supplement by more recently declassified diplomatic documents found in such series as Documents on Canadian External Relations, Foreign Relations of the United States, and other schloary studies, the paper has as one of its objectives the depiction of the major dyadic and multilateral conflicts in Canada-US relations in 1953. It explores the possible explanations for the actions of leaders in both countries. There are three main reasons for choosing 1953 as the foucs for this study. During the four years and five months of his last term in office, Prime Minister Louis St. Laurent officially met President Dwight D. Eisenhower only four times. However, in 1953 the leaders met twice in reciprocal visits to each other's capital. Scrutinizing the main thrusts of Canada-US relations in that year is, therefore, crucial for an examination of bilateral summitry. Internationally, 1953 is considered to be the beginning of the "thaw" in the Cold War. Joseph Stalin, the Soviet dictator, died in March, and the Korean War officially ended in July. President Eisenhower, whose inauguration took place in January, was in the process of launching his "New Look" policy towards the Eastern bloc. In other words, 1953 was a transition year in the struggle between West and East and is treated as one of those "calm" years in the attitudes of both Washington and Ottawa to communism and Soviet expansionism. The paper is significant precisely because it analyzes Canada-US diplomatic interactions in a normal year. Also, the St Laurent government was somewhat skeptical of a Republican administration after a twenty-year absence from power. The US had not had a Republican president since the 1920s, and memories of "high tariff" Republicans were still vivid among some policy-makers in Ottawa. The paper attempts to cast some light on the attitudinal changes in Canada to the US administration by concentrating on the beginning year of a fresh regime. The paper also tries to reply to the long-running inquiry about Eisenhower's style of governing: one school argues that the president was basically passive and that he delegated the conduct of foreign policy to John Foster Dulles, his Secretary of State; the other school proclaims that he was an active administrator who provided important leadership in foreign affairs. Canadian-American summit-level interactions and relations during 1953 will clarify which view is more accurate. There was, of course, some continuity of issues on the Canada-US agenda after a Republican took the helm. The St. Lawrence Seaway Project was a vital issue for St. Laurent, and he asked for the full support of the US administration in beginning its construction as soon as possible. Both top-level summits were used along with a number of lower-level negotiations to advance this Canadian interest. The US executive office was very cooperative on this issue, doing its best to comply with Canadian wishes. Trade relations were not as successful. By the end of 1953, a few frictions had emerged because of American domestic pressures from those with vested interests in their dealings with Canada. The US Tariff Commission's decision to impose an import quota on oats was especially difficult for Canada because it would gravely hurt Canadian farmers. St. Laurent raised the issue in his first official meeting with the President in Washington. Because of the overly ceremonial nature of Eisenhower's visit to Ottawa in November, however, the issue was not taken up by Canadians, nor was it specifically mentioned in the Presidential address to the Canadian Parliament. It was left to Lester Pearson, the Canadian Secretary of State for External Affairs, and C. D. Howe, Canada's Trade Minister, to sort the matter out. They met Sherman Adams, Assistant to President Eisenhower, in December and threatened retaliation by imposing a contervailing quota on Canadian fruits imports from the US. The US eventually agreed not to impose a quota on Canadian oats if Canada agreed to limit its oats exports to the US to twenty-three million bushels until the end of September 1954. This outcome was acceptable to Washington because it was a virtual concession by Ottawa. These bilateral bickerings did not prevent the two leaders from establising a rapport and forming a fundamentally harmonious relationship. Both St. Laurent and Eisenhower shared basic antagonistic attitudes towards communism and its leader, the USSR. Ottawa voiced a note of caution about protecting its sovereignty when it dealt with Washington over the strengthening of North American defence, but this did not lead to any serious political backlash in Canada. In a speech to Washington's National Press Club, St. Laurent declared: "Much as we like you Americans, we want to remain Canadians." In his address (drafted in part by Canadians) to both Houses of Parliament, Eisenhower referred to treating both countries as "equal partners." Both speeches were well received by domestic audiences. Lastly, to reply to the question of Eisenhower's governing style, this study finds out that the US President was more of a passive delegator than an acitve leader on Canada-US issues in 1953. There is not much evidence to be found in primay sources to support the contention that Eisenhower played a decisive role in handling major Canadian grievances in 1953.
著者
van Agt Andreas
出版者
関西学院大学
雑誌
総合政策研究 (ISSN:1341996X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.18, pp.181-183, 2005-01-31

On the 22nd of October 2001, almost exactly three years ago, I delivered a presentation at Kwansei Gakuin University on the "Implications and effects of the 9/11 disaster". This may be an appropriate time to analyse and assess how the world has changed since that shocking event occurred.
著者
浜崎 史朗
出版者
関西学院大学
雑誌
商學論究 (ISSN:02872552)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.27, no.1, pp.575-594, 1980-01