著者

安部 博純

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

no.51, pp.109-128, 1974

著者

前田 慶穂

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1980, no.65, pp.1-23,L1, 1980-11-05 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

47

---

It cannot be neglected that the total population of Muslims in Russia has amounted to 18 millions before the Russian Revelution. Among others, the nationalism and movement (‘Jadid’ movement) directed by Muslim intelligentsia in Volga-Tartar region who had received Russian education, shows itself as Muslim cultural renaissance. They opposed to Zarist policy of conversion and assimilation, and insisted on their autonomy within the framework of socialism in the midst of the Revolution. Bolsheviks, especially Stalin who had been in charge of national problems, denied Muslim nationalism completely and integrated them into USSR by strict means.But Muslim communists, as is the case with Sultangaliev, rightly, evaluated national potentials of Russian Muslims indicated in ‘Jadid’ movement paid attention to the influence of the Russian Revolution to the East, and criticized the Russian Revolution itself which was based on Western ideas. Although they were purged and vanished, Muslim communists, represented by Sultangaliev, deserve to be reappraised now.

著者

毛利 敏彦

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1974, no.51, pp.25-42, 1974-10-15 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

38

著者

真鍋 俊二

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1975, no.53, pp.30-53,L2, 1975-10-15 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

66

---

When one reconsiders the “Cold War”, a reassessment of the Yalta Diplomacy, especially co-operation between the USA and the USSR, is one of the great problems which we cannot neglect, because it marks the beginning of the Cold War.In the reassessment of the Yalta Diplomacy, this work takes as its starting point the following traditional basic points of view: (1) power politics and personal diplomacy (J. Snell); (2) the limits of power (G. Kolko), and; (3) the dynamism in Great Power conferences (D. Clemens). After due consideration of these points, we should now totally reassess the Yalta Diplomacy by making clear the efficacy and limitations of each basic point of view. At the same time we should pay attention to the “reformism” of the foreign policy of F. D. R.Generally speaking, co-operation between the USA and the USSR characterized the international political history of that time. If, however, we reassess it at each of the following levels: (1) American policy towards the Big Three Conference (especially “Conference diplomacy”); (2) American policy towards each country or area on the agenda and else, and; (3) American postwar planning (in its role as a Great Power), we should add these limitations to the degree of the characterization. We should also remember that these limitations result from the tendency of power politics and the reformism in the foreign policy of F. D. R.

著者

高山 巖

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1992, no.101, pp.10-31,L6, 1992-10-24 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

110

---

When the new-born modern State, in an attempt to overcome the resistance of the medieval social forces that stood in its way, adopted the concept of Sovereignty as a symbol of its territorial supremacy, it was immediately caught in a heated controversy which revolved round the issue: wherein should this supreme power ultimately reside, that is, in the ruling Monarch or in the People?Out of this polemic emerged two schools of thought which exerted an immense influence on the development of international relations theory. One was the Grotiusian school or model which, leaving untouched the Monarch vs. People polemic, declared instead the State to be sovereign, thus preparing the ground for the concept of State Sovereignty that won wide acceptance in later years. The other school can be linked to Rousseau who, having derived sovereignty fron the General will of the People, went further to identify Nation and People, so that the long dormant role of Nationality was finally transformed into a radically active one in politics. The origin of modern nationalism can rightly be traced to Rousseau. To this must be added the role played by the doctrine of the Reason of State, which was initially developed by Machiavelli and Hobbes, and was later completed by Hegel with his deified concept of “State as an absolute goal in itself”. Such was the historical setting in which the myth of the Nation-State as a sacrosanct entity of unquestionable supremacy was born and nurtured.The crisis of 20th century international relations, however, has evoked an acute awareness of the need for a new paradigm in the conceptual relations of Nation, State, and Man. The World Community model, which takes the global community of mankind as a point of reference, as contrasted with the Grotiusian model of sovereign States, deserves special attention in this regard, although its viability amidst the harsk realities of State-oriented international relations can never be taken for granted. The future of the Nation-State and of State Sovereignty may be said to depend on the extent to which mankind will successfully maintain a dialogue between the old and new models in such a way that the focus of man's national sentiment as a member of the State can eventually be made compatible with his identity as a member of the community of a higher order, known as the Global Human Community.

著者

阿部 光蔵

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1966, no.31, pp.30-51, 1966-10-16 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

55

著者

楊 子震

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2010, no.162, pp.162_40-55, 2010-12-10 (Released:2012-10-20)

参考文献数

104

---

This paper focuses on Ryukyuans and Koreans living in Taiwan after the end of the Second World War, and by drawing a comparison of disparity in treatment between these two ethnic groups, examines the Chinese Nationalist government's seizure of Taiwan.The theme of this paper is “vicarious decolonization.” As a consequence, neither the ruling power (suzerain: Japan), nor the ruled (colony: Taiwan) were involved in the actual process of decolonization. For this reason the decolonization of Taiwan can be deemed to have been carried out vicariously.In this paper, I begin by discussing the Chinese Nationalist government's post-war relations with the Ryukyu Islands and the Korean Peninsula. Then, against the background of the collapse of the Japanese colonial empire and the Chinese Nationalist government's seizure of power, I compare the repatriation and conscription of the Ryukyuans and Koreans living in Taiwan by the Chinese Nationalist government by focusing the discussion on the drawing of boundaries among ethnic groups in Taiwan. Finally, I discuss the role played by the Chinese Nationalist government in Taiwan's post-war decolonization.Although the repatriation of the Ryukyuans and Koreans occurred slightly apart, there was little actual difference in the processes of repatriation. Soldiers and army personnel were repatriated at an early stage, followed by the repatriation of ordinary residents. The Chinese Nationalist government actively pursued the conscription of experts and engineers deemed useful for governing Taiwan.However, the conscripted experts and engineers were all outsiders, and the concept of conscription was nothing more than a temporary measure by the Chinese Nationalist government to secure its rule of Taiwan. The system of conscription conducted by the Chinese Nationalist government was a miniature copy of the pre-existing structure formerly adopted by Japan. Although there were some Ryukyuans amongst the experts and engineers working in the administration and research organizations, most positions were occupied by those born on the Japanese mainland. The fact that no Koreans can be found on the list of conscripts implies that Koreans were not included as part of the administrative side within the governing structure of the former colony of Taiwan.The Chinese Nationalist government's policy of repatriation and conscription of “Japanese people” reestablished borders among ethnic groups in Taiwan, and resulted in the vicarious decolonization and withdrawal of Taiwan from the Japanese colonial empire, while at the same time, through a continuation of existing occupation policies, was oriented toward maintaining the status quo.

著者

戸田 真紀子

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2010, no.159, pp.159_27-40, 2010-02-25 (Released:2012-06-15)

参考文献数

44

---

Recently the scholars studying conflict theories or peace building in Africa have tended to neglect the historical perspective of Africa. Without knowing the history of traditional kingdoms and chiefdoms, including slave trade, colonialism, and neo-colonialism, we cannot accurately understand serious problems with which African people are now confronted.Coups d'etat are common in Africa. Nigeria in particular, an oil-rich African giant, has experienced the military rule for about twenty-nine years since its independence. Why did the Nigerian officers decide to seize the power? Why did they desire to keep the power for such a period of time? And, why don't they intend to withdraw from the political arena? To answer these questions, we should consider the impact of British rule in Nigeria.The Nigerian army was originally established to conquer the native kingdoms and chiefdoms under the policy of British colonization. British rulers sometimes undermined the “rule of law.” Later the Nigerian army became the tool for traditional rulers, who started to work for the British rule in order to suppress their own people. New rulers of independent Nigeria learned how to use the military to defend their vested interests during 1960 through 1966. Therefore, it is the negative legacy of British rule that civilian and military regimes had not maintained “law and order” to save the lives of Nigerian people. So many civilians, being involved in armed conflict between Nigerian army and rebellions, were killed by the army.Samuel Huntington showed two conditions to avoid military intervention. According to him, the civil-military relation may be destroyed if the governments would not be able to promote “economic development” and to maintain “law and order” and if civilian politicians would desire to use the military power for their own political ambitions.As to the “economic development,” approximately 80% of Nigerian people suffer from poverty, whereas the retired generals enjoy their political power as well as financial business with a plenty of money. As mentioned above, the aspect of “law and order” has been also neglected by the regimes. After independence, civilian regimes used the military for their political interests and led the army officials into the political arena.Therefore, as suggested by Huntington, military intervention may be caused in Nigeria again if the Fourth Republic would neglect the importance of promoting “economic development” and of maintaining “law and order.” The Fourth Republic also needs to keep the army out of politics and the politics out of the army to avoid military intervention. Actually it is difficult to meet these conditions, because the group of retired generals still has strong influence over political and economical arenas.

著者

大芝 亮

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2008, no.152, pp.168-176, 2008-03-15 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

31

著者

木村 修三

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1979, no.63, pp.55-68,L3, 1979-10-15 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

39

---

(1) Israel is not a militaristic state although she is a model of ‘nation-in- arms’ in the sense that military defense occupies the center of her people's life.(2) The reason why Israel is ‘nation-in-arms’ is due to the fact that she was surrounded by hostile countries which do not recognize her legitimacy as a state, and that she has actually fought four times with them in the past. In addition to this, holocaust analogy and ‘Masada complex’ which are latent in the psychology of Israelis, highten terror in their heart.(3) But, up to now, Israel has never faced the critical situation in which she could be actually annihilated. Rather, she has always won overwhelming victory in the past wars, with the only exception of the Yom Kippur War. At the same time, it is an undeniable fact that the terror of annihilation has been utilized for the justification of her intransigent policy.(4) Israel has tried to persuade the Arab states for their recognition of Israeli's legitimacy as a state, while totally rejecting the wish of Palestinians for the establishment of their independent state. After the end of Six-Day-War, Israel has made every efforts to secure her security on the basis of tei ritorialism by bringing out the conception of ‘defensible borders’.(5) If Israel wishes to secure the true security, it might be indispensable for her to recognize the Palestinians' legitimate rights of self-determination through peaceful settlement, in stead of insisting the conception of security on the basis of territorialism.

著者

具島 兼三郎

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1972, no.47, pp.1-16, 1972-12-25 (Released:2010-09-01)

著者

木戸 蓊

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1979, no.63, pp.6-21,L1, 1979-10-15 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

14

---

After the Czechoslovak Crisis in 1968, Yugoslavia has adopted the plan of “General People's defense, ” which has brought about a fundamental change in her defense policy. According to that plan, a Territorial Defense Force is organized besides the Yugoslav People's Army (the conventional force). In case of a massive blitz attack by an overwhelmingly superior big power, the role of the Yugoslav People's Army would be to delay enemy penetration sufficiently for the country to carry out total mobilization. Then, the Army and the Territorial Defense Force would wage a total resistance war against the invader. The aim of the General People's Defense is, thus, to divert a big power from his intention of aggression against Yugoslavia, by demonstrating that a blitz attack would fail and would be turned into a bog of prolonged war.A lot of obstacles would appear in the way of implementation of the General People's Defense. For example, the process of urbanization in postwar Yugoslavia has radically changed the conditions of partisan war which had formerly been fought mainly in villages. Furthermore, transformation of the value basis of younger generation caused by social mobilization, as well as decline of the authority of Partisan myth, will influence the conditions of defense. Nationality conflicts in multinational Yugoslavia may also constitute an obstacle to the function of the General People's Defense. For all these problems, the idea of General People's Defense offers us a very valuable example of defense conception in both political and military sense.

著者

スガナミ H

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2001, no.126, pp.199-210, 2001-02-23 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

57

著者

土山 實男

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1986, no.82, pp.163-181, 1986-05-17 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

41

著者

土佐 弘之

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2012, no.168, pp.168_131-145, 2012-02-29 (Released:2014-03-31)

参考文献数

52

---

Marx-Leninism had justified its proletariats' dictatorship and had suppressed anarchism under the pretext of promoting emancipation from the oppression and exploitation of capitalism. Anarchism gradually re-emerged while oppression by Stalinism became conspicuous. Following the collapse of state socialism, neo-liberalism became hegemonic and rapid de-regulation brought in social polarization, which foregrounded the crisis of the electoral representative democracy as well as contradictions of capitalism. Responding to the crisis of the competitive democracy and neoliberal capitalism, new anarchism began to emerge including Zapatista insurgency (1994) and direct actions in Seattle (1999) or in New York (2011). Although some scholars also begin to examine its implications of new anarchism in the global politics, it is still remain marginalized in IR.This article will explore the politics of new anarchism in the context of global democratization beyond the territorial sovereignty system. First we critically examine the intricate relation between Hobbesian realism and anarchy by focusing upon the marginality of anarchism in the mainstream IR. Second we probe the current crisis of competitive representative democracy and emerging new anarchist movements by examining the incompatibility between the territorial state sovereignty and deepening of democracy. Third we probe implications of democracy against the state, savage democracy, by re-examining an argument on society against the state in the political anthropology. Last we examine the (im-)possibilities that anarchism would play a role of ‘democracy as a movement’ to promote ‘democracy as an institution’ such as electoral representative democracy beyond the limits of state sovereignty.As the global financial crisis indicates, the states cannot control a flow of powers effectively and tend to be shaken by its excess liquidity. While a growing flow of powers aggravates the crisis of the representative democracy based upon the territorial sovereignty, new anarchism begins to constitute a part of globalization from below by aiming to minimize domination. It is certain that the history of anarchism has continued to be a history of losers except a few cases of temporal autonomous zones such as the Paris commune (1871). However it is also certain that philosophical anarchism provides a valuable foundation for promoting global democracy by activating savage democracy.

著者

朴 宗根

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1963, no.22, pp.50-68,L4, 1963-07-25 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

113

---

The Kapo Reform of 1894 occupies a significant place, in various ways, in the modern history of Korea. It has warranted differring interpreations regarding its historical importance. As a prerequisite for the proper evaluation of the Kapo Reform, the author, focusing his view point on the Kunguk Kimuch'o, analized historical changes involving that office along with the pivotal role it played in carrying out the reform program.In the fall of 1894, the Japanese troops in Seoul engineered a palace coup, and after occupying the palace they brought the Taewongun into power, hoping to over-throw the anti-Japanese Min faction and to provoke the Chinese into a war. The Taewongun, though anti-Min at heart, demonstrated his anti-Japanese attitude. The purpose of the establishment of the Kunguk Kimuch'o, therefore, was to check the power of the Taewongun and to carry out Japanese plans in Korea. Key roles were played by the members of the Japanese Legation in the establishment of that office, and the administration of its functionswas in the hands of the members of the pro-Japanese reform faction along with a few neutralists and those Taewongun faction members who were outside the Min faction.The Kunguk Kimuch'o was delegated a broad power to administer national affairs through a majority vote of its members. Although the theory of majority rule was applied, in reality, the main purpose of voting was to deprive the Taewongun of power through concentrated manipulation of the strength of the pro-Japanese faction.Following the establishment of the Kunguk Kimuch'o, hostility between the Taewongun and that office grew bitter, and as a result, most of the reform programs adopted by that office became either nullified or ineffective. Instability within the government and the stagnant state of Japanese policies in Korea resulted in the extremely disadvantageous diplomatic position of Japan. Her war with China also made her standing diplomatically unfavorable.The Japanese Government, finding itself in an uneasy and embarrassing situation, dispatched Inoue Kaoru, one of the most influential and able statesmen, to Korea as Minister, instructing him to purge the Taewongun and abolish the Kunguk Kimuch'o. His coming to Seoul was followed by the restoration of political power to Uijongbu, the Council of State, as before.From the foregoing analysis it can be concluded that the Kunguk Kimuch'o deserves no positive credit as an autonomous reform organ. Furthermore, although partial success resulted during the Kapo Reform under that office, it made rather negative contributions when one considers the broader aspects of the modernization attempts made in Korea since then. In other words, the Koreans after 1894 came to regard “modernistic” reform as “alien aggression” and resisted any such process. Moreover, the Kapo Reform lacked legitimacy either in its techniques or in its methods, and consequently failed to transform the people's energies into justifiable historical advancement and development.

著者

松永 泰行

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2010, no.160, pp.160_191-193, 2012-03-25 (Released:2012-06-15)

著者

鈴木 絢女

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2008, no.151, pp.176-179, 2008-03-15 (Released:2010-09-01)

著者

増原 綾子

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2005, no.142, pp.172-176, 2005-08-29 (Released:2010-09-01)

著者

相沢 伸広

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2006, no.146, pp.156-171,L15, 2006-11-17 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

34

---

The shift from Cultural Revolution to Reform and Open Door policy in China had a great impact on the general perception of overseas Chinese within Southeast Asia. It changed the image and value of the Overseas Chinese from “threat” to “entrepreneur.”This paper focuses on Indonesia-China relations. Indonesia has the largest number of Overseas Chinese population and implemented the harshest policies on the “Chinese Problem” among other Southeast Asian countries in this period. The fear of, and scramble for, overseas Chinese between the two countries were important features of both Chinese and Indonesian politics during the period before normalization of Indonesian diplomatic ties with China. The politics of China's Overseas Chinese policy and the Indonesian government's reaction is another crucial aspect of international relation between China and Southeast Asia.This paper argues that the crucial shift in perception happened twice both in China and Indonesia. The first shift dated from the Cultural Revolution in China in 1966, which coincided with the regime shift from Sukarno to Suharto in Indonesia. Activist Chinese youth in Indonesia agitating against Suharto, the “imperialist minion”, fueled the view that overseas Chinese were acting as the fifth column of China and were consequently a “threat”. Such a view resulted in severe restriction of their political and cultural rights in Indonesia as well as the abandoning of the diplomatic relationship.The second shift occurred when both countries began orienting their main agenda toward economic development. Deng Xiaoping's Reform and Open Door policy redefined the Overseas Chinese by transforming the erstwhile “enemies” of class revolution into “patriotic heroes”. The Overseas Chinese Affairs Office was established not only at the central level but also at the provincial and municipal levels, and worked together with hometown networks to attract Overseas Chinese investment to finance infrastructure building in those “hometown” regions (prominently in Fujian and Guangdong). In Indonesia, there were two reactions to this shift in China's policy. One was embodied by Indonesian Chinese capitalist Tong Djoe, who acted as negotiator in opening direct trade between the two countries. (No longer were military personnel appointed to oversee this issue.) The other, a consequence of the drastic fall in oil prices in 1982, underscored the importance of utilizing the Chinese capitalists in non-oil industries for the benefit of Indonesian economy.Economic development of Chinese “entrepreneur” thus provided opportunities for financing both the Indonesian economy as well as China's economy. This mutual benefit paved the way for the normalization of diplomatic relations between the two countries in August 1990.