著者

三輪 芳明

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1996, no.112, pp.158-174,L17, 1996-05-18 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

53

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The purpose of this paper is to to examine the prospects for Finnish security policy in the foreseeable future by following the arguments on security alternatives after the application of EC (EU) membership in March 1992.The end of the Cold War forced Finland to reconsider the premises of her neutral policy. The confrontation of two blocks, in which Finland found room to pursue neutral policy, ceased to exist, and the withdrawal of former Soviet's forces from East Eupopean countries increased the strategic importance of Nordic area Pondering these changes, Finland decided to apply for EC (EU) membership, and determined that the core of the neutral policy is military non-alignment and a credible, independent defence. As for the relationship of these policies to the common foreign and security policy (CFSP) of EU, Finland takes a interpretation that observer status of WEU is compatible with the amended neutrality, as WEU is a crisis management organization. The purpose of the applicastion was to ensure its security in a changed situation by participating actively in the formation of the new security order of Europe.Toward the application to EC membership, some advocates of EC membership began to insist on the necessity to establish an institutional relationship with NATO, some maintaineded even the possibility of joining it. These arguments on NATO membership calmed down in the autumn of 1993, when the positive attitudes of Russia toward NATO turned to negative. While the major concern of Russia has been directed to the East European countries, it was highly probable that any attempt to approach NATO would strain the relationship with Russia owing to the Finnish position as a neighbouring country of Russia as well as the increased strategic importance of Nordic area In November, the then president Mauno Koivisto, made it clear that Finland would continue to pursue the neutral policy as any imminent and concrete menace against Finland was foreseeable. What was important for Finnish security was, according to the president, indirect security obtained through EU membership.The main issue for the Finnish security policy in the foreseeable future is whether the amended neutrality functions in the changed situation or not. It depends on how the EU and Russia estimate this policy. From the viewpoint of stability of Nordic area this policy could be in the interest of both. For Russia, this is a much better alternative than of Finland seeks to join WEU, whose membership could lead to the membership of NATO. For the EU whose border has come to touch with Russia, to maintain the stability is a matter of essential interest. One way to make this policy function more effectively in a way to serve for the EU and Russia may be to search for a possibility to cooperate with Sweden, as she is also a new EU member state and pursues neutrarity. Through this cooperation, neutrarity could be incorporated in CFSP as an institutionaized element.Another main issue is the validity of the concept of indirect security in the longer term. In case imminent and concrete menace emerges, would the EU membership be enough to ensure security, or should Finland consider joining NATO? If the latter's case is not excluded, this concept remains to be a transitional one. This problem of NATO membership is, however, premature. It depends ultimately on the advantages gained by NATO membership. But the function of NATO in the new security order of Europe is still unclear, especially in the context of nucler deterrence. The essential points, when Finland considers membership, are the reliability of the nuclear deterrence and the repercussion to be caused by joining NATO; among other things, endangerment of the regional stability of Nordic area.

著者

萩原 宜之

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1987, no.84, pp.136-152,L14, 1987-02-20 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

21

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Malaysia is a typical plural society which is composed of three different ethnic groups; the Malays, Chinese and Indians. The Malays are called “Bumiputra” as the indigenous people of Malaya. They observed the Islamic religion and have inherited the Sultanate system. The Chinese and Indians were brought as immigrant laborers under the British colonial administration of Malaya. They observed Buddism and Hinduism, respectively. Beside these racial and religious differences, there developed a different division of labor in the economy, which was led by the British divide and rule colonial policy. The Malays were mainly paddy and rubber small holders, the Chinese were tin miners, rubber estate owners, traders and merchants and the Indians were mainly rubber eatate laborers. This division of labor has resulted in the income disparity among the three ethnic groups. The Chinese were ranked as the higher income group compared to the Indians and Malays. And, this economic disparity among the three ethnic groups become the main political issues after the independence of Malaya in 1957.The independent Government led by the Alliance Party of Malaya, which was composed of the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), the Malayan Chinese Association (MCA), and Malayan Indian Congress (MIC), has launched the rural development policy for the Malay farmers to increase their incomes, through land development and double-cropping of rice. But, as for the industrial development, the Government has allowed a free hand to the private sector, mainly Chinese enterprises and foreign investment. This laissez fair economic policy of the Government did not succeed in dissolving the economic disparities among the three ethnic groups. And, dissatisfaction toward the Alliance Government reached a crucial point in the May 13th (1959) racial riot at Kuala Lumpur. This tragedy happened after the May 10th election, where the UMNO and MCA lost their seats and the opposition parties-the Democratic Action Party (DAP) and the Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia (GRM)-increased their seats and the DAP suported Chinese and the UMNO suported Malays were crushed at Kuala Lampur.This racial riot was controlled by the Government, led by the Vice-Premier Tun Razak. He has launched a New Economic Policy (NEP) to eradicate poverty and eliminate racial economic disparities. The point of this NEP policy is to create a Malay commercial and industrial sector by mobilizing Government development expenditures. After fifteen years implementation of this policy, there has emerged Malay commercial and industrial groups who were supported by the UMNO-led government and public corporations. But, the many Malay farmers were still poor as before, and discontent with the NEP policy among the Chinese has grown, year by year. And, there has been grass-root Islamic fundamentalism in the Malay rural areas. Also, the discontent of the Chinese, who moved to the support of DAP, is shown in their increased seats at the recent election of August, 1986. Thus, the outcome of the NEP policy was to produce a so-called small number of Malay state-capitalists, and dissatisfaction with this policy is growing not only among the Chinese, but also among the Malay farmers.This artide is an attempt to describe political and economic changes under the NEP policy, based on an analysis of ethnic differences, class divisions and ideological conflicts in Malaysia.

著者

土屋 健治

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1983, no.74, pp.117-133,L12, 1983-08-31 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

48

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The aim of this paper is to demonstrate that language is a very important part of political processes, that ‘physical’ processes go along with the manipulation of language, and that political conflicts or integration between different cultures or language systems may, on many occasions, be seen as the processes in which one language or culture ‘destroys, ’ or more modestly, takes over other languages or cultures.Indonesia is one of the world's largest dual-language states. While people in Indonesia commonly share the Indonesian language (bahasa Indonesia) as the national language, almost all Indonesians have their own ethnic languages as their native tongues and use them in everyday life. The Javanese language is the commonest of the ethnic languages in terms of the population. The major characteristic of the Javanese language is that it has two major levels in terms of ‘respectability’: one is the language of krama and the other is the language of ngoko. The language of krama, which has been highly developed through Indonesian history, is a ‘honorific’ language and is used by lower status people to higher status people. The language of ngoko is a ‘commoners’ language and is used among close friends and by higher status people to lower status people. When a person uses ngoko and the other person uses krama, then there exists a ‘dominance-conformity’ relationship between them.In this paper, we briefly describe the major characteristics, origins, and historical developments of these languages. Then, the “Mbah Suro” affair in 1967 is detailed. The affair is well known as one of the most salient resistance movements against the central government in Jakarta. One of the characteristics of the “Mbah Suro” affair is that it is a culturally based resistance movement. The event was widely publicized by the Jakartan government, whose objective was naturally to justify its action, and the newspapers reported the affair in detail. Next, the analysis focuses on how this event was reported in terms of the languages used in order to show the functions of the different languages in the political arena.Mbah Suro, who was a religious and cultural leader in a local area, used the language of ngoko to his followers, which shows that he is their legitimate leader. However, after Mbah Suro was killed by the physical forces of the central governmnent, the event was reported in such a way that the central government official talked to Mbah Suro using the langiage of ngoko and Mubah Suro replied in krama. This shows the central government demonstrated that legitimacy was on its side and that Mbah Suro “knelt down” to the central government. This psychological and cultural persuasion by the central government was only possible by the use of the Javanese language which maintains a distinction between ‘vulgar’ and ‘honorific’ versions. And, the Javanese language was used when the newspapers reported the event, even though the newspapers usually use the Indonesian language (which does not have such a distinction).

著者

白石 隆

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1987, no.84, pp.27-43,L7, 1987-02-20 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

16

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In the age of the United Nations, the state derives the meaning of its existence from the imagined nation, from the fiction that the executives of the modern state are a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole nation. From this, constitutional democratic thinking draws one conclusion: the key to legitimacy is the mandate of the nation/people, represented through fair and free elections; governmental performance in managing the common affairs of the nation is important, but it is translated into legitimavy only through elections. “Authoritarianism and development” thinking draws another: the legitimacy of a regime and hence regime stability ultimately depend on governmental performance in carrying out the common affairs of the nation, that is, national independence, unity, order and welfare. It is not the mandate of the nation/people represented through elections, but governmental performance itself that is the key to legitimacy. The ruling elite are those who know what the national goals are. The Important thing is to do the job. Legitimacy will come if the job is done well.Thailand, Indonesia and the Philippines adopted this “authoritarianism and development” strategy for nation-building in the 1960s and 1970s with different results. Thailand and Indonesia have been successful in the task of state-building and are now trying to cope with the task of expanding political participation in different ways. In Thailand the bureaucratic polity has become a thing of the past and the search for a new form of “power-sharing” is now under way. In Indonesia, in contrast, the bureaucratic polity has been consolidated and the integratin of social forces in the regime is being attempted through functional representation. Only in the Philippines Marcos' “revolution from the center” and “democratic revolution” proved to be a dismal failure. But the argument Marcos made proved to be valid. It was indeed a “reoriented political authority” that initiated the “democratic revolution.”

著者

村井 吉敬

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1984, no.77, pp.89-109,L8, 1984-09-29 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

58

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The short history of ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) has the reputation of being a case of “successful” regional co-operation in Southeast Asia in spite of a pessimistic prospect in its initial stage. However its “success” of solidarity was attained simply as a result of external pressures, namely the American defeat in Indochina and the regional tension arising from the Vietnamese invasion of Kampuchea. Except for this kind of regional “solidarity” mainly arising out of common fear of the Soviet “threat”, it might be said that ASEAN could not bring about solid results.This article aims to discuss the difficulties not only of regional integration in Southeast Asia but also of national integration in each country. Indonesia, a major member country of ASEAN, is characterized by its ethnic, religious and historical diversity. This nation also has a center and periphery in terms of social class and locality. This structure of center-periphery is analyzed mainly from the standpoint of one Indonesian local society; Sunda (West Java) World. The national integration of Indonesia from above after independence sometimes brought a process of depriviation of local identity and the oppression of the locality and local people.After the establishment of ASEAN it might be possible to say that authoritarian repressive integration through, “development” has been legitimized on the grounds of strengthening “regional co-operation” or fostering “regional peace.” But, at the same time, when we look at this integration process from the perspective of the vast majority of people, it is hard to say that the situation of their life, safety and justice has been much improved.It might be concluded that ASEAN is now functioning as a kind of sub-metropole of the world capitalistic system when we consider ASEAN's economic and sometimes military dependence upon the U. S., Japan and the EC. Nevertheless we should seek the common interest of Southeast Asian people from the standpoint of their peripheral situation in the world.

著者

土屋 健治

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1987, no.84, pp.80-94,L10, 1987-02-20 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

22

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This article is a preliminary attempt to discuss the cultural environment of Java from the end of the nineteenth to the beginning of the twentieth century through the medium of the growing market in a new type of “mestizo culture.” Since around the middle of the nineteenth century the colonial cities in Java like Batavia, Bandung and Surabaya had been growing dramatically, and concomitantly there was increased social communication among different social groups: the Dutch, Eurasians, and elites of Chinese and ‘native’ societies.“Mestizo culture, ” typically expressed in the pictures of “the Beautiful Indies, ” the kroncong melodies, new types of drama like the “Komedie Stambul” (the “Comedy of Stambul”), new types of popular novels like “nyai's stories, ” and films made by the colonial Dutch, incorporating each of these cultural elements to some extent, was distinctive. It was also important in creating cultural integration and in nation-building in Indonesia, in the sense that: 1) it continued to grow as a mass-culture at the “grass-roots” level, and therefore contributed to the spread of the Malay (Indonesian) language throughout society; 2) it was enjoyable and acceptable to all of the social groups in the colonial cities; and 3) it became more and more a “national” culture as nationalist movements burgeoned from the turn of the century.

著者

鈴木 董

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1983, no.73, pp.44-63,L9, 1983-05-25 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

69

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I.The Cyprus problem was one of the important international conflicts in the Middle East in the 1960s and 1970s. It was essentially an ethnic conflict between the Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriots, which developed into an international conflict. It was one of the fierce outbreaks of ethnic conflicts which are characteristic of the contemporary Middle East.II.In the modern age, the Western impact destroyed the traditional world system implying a self-sufficient Middle Eastern Islamic World and in the following process of “modernization”, the nature of its basic political units, the structure of identity and the style of co-existence among the ethnic groups, changed greatly.Before the coming of the Western impact, the Middle East was one of the relatively self-sufficient traditional world systems. In the Middle Eastern Islamic World, the idea of the unity of the Islamic World prevailed. There were, in fact, political units called “dawla.” Notwithstanding, the identity of the Middle Eastern peoples who belonged to dawlas was not based on ascription to political units but on religion.The various ethnic groups, which were the components of the mosaic-like societies in the Middle East, formed communities according to religions. And there existed a traditional style of co-existence among them. This traditional style of co-existence in the Middle Eastern Islamic world was not based on the principle of the equality of each ethnic group, but on the principle of the supremacy of the Muslims over the non-Muslims.Non-Muslims were thus second class citizens in Islamic political society. Notwithstanding, considering the limited range of political participation and the structure of the identity of the people of the time, the traditional Middle Eastern style of co-existence, which was institutionalized as a “dhimmi” institution in the classical period and completed in the form of a “millet” institution in the Ottoman Empire, functioned rather well in the complicated mosaic-like societies of the Middle East. Only under the influence of modern nationalism did it begin to dissolve and ethnic conflicts begin to surface. The Cyprus problem is one of these ethnic conflicts of the modern Midddle East.III.Because of its strategic position, Cyprus was occupied by one nation after another. The ethnic composition of Cypriot society also became complicated. When the Ottomans conquered Cyprus in 1571, the largest ethnic group was the Greeks together with some other minor ethnic groups. After the Ottoman conquest, the Turkish soldiers and peasants emmigrated and became at least the second large ethnic group. The millet system, the Ottoman form of the traditional Middle Eastern style of co-existence, was applied to these ethnic groups. The millet system functioned and the fierce outbreak of ethnic conflicts were rarely seen.The beginning of ethnic conflicts came with the impact of the West. Especially, the rise of nationalism and the independence of Greece affected the situation in Cyprus. And the idea of enosis, namely the reunion of Cyprus with Greece, emerged in Greece. Greek nationalism gradually penetrated Cyprus. Because of the rise of the nationalism of non-Muslim subjects, there was an attempt to reform the principle of inequality between Muslims and non-Muslims. In this period, the traditional style of co-existence of ethnic groups was also changing. However, the relationship of co-existence among ethnic groups continued.IV.At the end of this period, in 1878, Cyprus came under British rule. Under British rule, the nationalism of the Greek ethnic group and the Turkish ethnic group developed. The separated educational system of each ethnic group under British rule contributed much to this development. The development of the nationalism of the Greek Cypriots oriented to enosis was especially outstanding. Because of

著者

鈴木 董

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1987, no.86, pp.39-53,L7, 1987-10-24 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

37

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Recently, in Asian and African societies, ethnic conflicts have begun to become more serious. In the Western societies, the ethnic resurgence has been going on. The ethnicity problem has become one of the most crucial issues in the research field of international politics.The ethnicity problem was regarded mostly as a transitional problem in the process of nation-state building and exected to be solved at the end of that process. However, in many cases, the ethnicity problems became more serious actually as the process of nation-state building was going on.The ethnicity problem is the problem of integration and co-existence of ethnic groups. Here, in order to reconsider the ethnic problem, we'll try to analyze the historical and cultural backgrounds of the system of co-existence and integration of ethnic groups and its dissolution, using the case of the Middle East, especially that of the Ottoman Empire and her successor states.The Ottoman society was a typical example of the Middle Eastern societies, which were composed of various ethnic groups. There existed a unique system of integration and co-existence.In the Ottoman society, the identity of the members of the society was mainly based on religion. National or racial consciousness was a secondery factor. Various ethnic groups were grouped according to their religions. The Ottoman system of integration and co-existence was essentially the system of integration and coexistence among religious groups, not national or racial groups.There were two essential categories of group, Muslims and Non-Muslims. Non-Muslims were categoried in several sub-groups. Each group co-existed each other with each own duties and pribiledges. This traditional system of integration and co-existence was not based on the principle of equality, but on that of inequality. Muslims were the essential citizens of the political community. Non-Muslism were the secondery citizens who were merely tolerated to exist. Nonetheless this system functioned rather well during the period when the traditional type of political apathy prevailed in the society.This situation began to change under the influence of the West in the late eighteenth century. At first, Non-Muslim peoples in Balkan began to be politically active under the Western influence. They began to try to build their own “nation-state” of ethnically homogenious composition, instead of seeking for equality in a multinational empire. The Ottomans attempted to transform an Islamic empire into a multinational empire in Western type during the nineteenth century. However this attempt failed. Then Muslims themselves fell under the influence of the Western nationalism from the late nineteenth century. Turkish nationalism, Arab nationalism, and so on began to evolve. After the dissolution of the Ottoman empire, there emerged “nation-states” of Muslim peoples. The traditional system of integration and co-existence totally collusped. The ideal of a nation-state which was ethnically homogenious prevailed.However the ethnic compositions of these societies remained heterogenious. Moreover each ethnic group began to evolve their own nationalism. The new style of integration and co-existence of ethnic groups with new orientation has not yet been established. This situation is one of the important factors in the violent outbursts of the ethnic conflicts in the area.

著者

糸賀 昌昭

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1983, no.73, pp.152-155, 1983-05-25 (Released:2010-09-01)

著者

高橋 和夫

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1987, no.86, pp.68-82,L9, 1987-10-24 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

56

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Calling the Kurds a minority is a misnomer, for they constitute the overwhelming majority in Kurdistan. Their tragedy is that the borders of five countries crisscross Kurdistan making them a minority in all of these states, namely, Iran, Iraq, Turkey, Syria and the Soviet Union.From the nineteenth century onwards, the Kurds have been struggling for autonomy in the process of which they have tasted moments of exhilaration as well as despair. Shortly after the Second World War, in January 1946, the Kurds in Iran proclaimed the establishment of the Kurdish Republic of Mahabad in Iranian Kurdistan only to see its demise before the year was out. Later, the focus of their struggle shifted to Iraqi-Kurdistan. The charismatic leader, Mullah Mustafa Barzani, led a series of heroic struggles against Baghdad before, during and well after the Second World War. After his final defeat in 1975, Kurdistan experienced an uneasy period of peace.The revolution in Iran, however, opened up the opportunity for the Kurds to assert their autonomy for the third time since the end of the Second World War. Taking advantage of a brief decline in the authority of the central government, the Iranian Kurds began to demand autonomy. But the revolutionary government has not complied, for it is apprehensive about the possibility of other minorities following suit, which it fears could lead to Iran's dismemberment. Ever since 1979 a civil war has been fought in Kurdistan.The start of the all-out war between Iraq and Iran strengthened the Kurdish resolve for autonomy, for Iraq openly supported the Iranian Kurds. Iran countered by aiding the Iraqi-Kurds against Baghdad. As the fortunes of war shifted on the southern front from Iraq to Iran, so did the situation in the north. By the summer of 1983, after regaining control over its part of Kurdistan, Tehran, aided by the Iraqi Kurds, sent its army into Iraqi Kurdistan.With the concentration of the Iraqi forces on the southern and central fronts, and with the support of both Iran and Syria, the Iraqi-Kurds have steadily expanded their control over substantial parts of Iraqi-Kurdistan. They are already in a position to threaten the pipe-lines and the highway that run through Kurdistan, linking Turkey and Iraq. They also provide sanctuary for the Turkish Kurds who in 1984 started a wide spread guerilla campaign against targets inside Turkey. Thus, Kurdish agitation has spilled over into Turkey. Ankara retaliated first by bombing targets inside Iraq and later increasingly by sending troops across the border into Iraq, straining its relations with Iran and Syria. Also Turkey's intervention in Iraqi Kurdistan has fueled speculation that Turkey might occupy Iraqi-Kurdistan, should the Ba'athist regime in Baghdad show signs of imminent collapse. It seems that under the darkening shadow of the Gulf War, “the third wave” of the Kurdish struggle for autonmy has been building up momentum towards an explosive climax over the fate of Iraqi Kurdistan.

著者

渡辺 正志

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1988, no.88, pp.188-192, 1988-05-21 (Released:2010-09-01)

著者

稲葉 千晴

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1984, no.77, pp.162-166, 1984-09-29 (Released:2010-09-01)

著者

岩島 久夫

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1979, no.63, pp.38-54,L2, 1979-10-15 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

34

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The Swedish defense policy is based on the concept of “Total Defense, ” which consists of military, economic, civil and psychological defense in order to maintain its unique standing of “neutrality in war” and “non-alignment in peace time.” Sweden has been often well accepted as an ideal country of “armed neutrality, ” producing most of the weapons in its home land.However, the Swedish people have been forced to drive themselves on an austere road of streamlining its defense system since the Parliament decided to reduce as half as the strength of its armed forces in ten years, June 1972. The latest five-year defense plan 1977/78-81/82 fiscal year has also the same goal as the 1972 decision in principle though a promise was made to increase the annual budget somewhat for defense.This paper intends to analize realistically the meaning of “Total Defense, ” and the way how Sweden is making effort to “rationalize” the defense system, reducing the number as well as adopting new approaches, e. g. “high-low mix, ” the application of advanced technology, “calculated risk, ” etc. The author hopes that the other side of unique Swedish defense posture, which is intended in this paper, be reflected on the Japanese way of thinking about national security problems. The author believes that the Swedish “model” is full of useful suggestions for reorienting the Japanese defense posture toward more logical and rational line.

著者

谷川 榮彦 木村 宏恒

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1974, no.50, pp.143-146, 1974-05-10 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

7

著者

木村 宏恒

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1982, no.71, pp.201-205, 1982-08-30 (Released:2010-09-01)

著者

首藤 素子

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1982, no.70, pp.168-174, 1982-05-22 (Released:2010-09-01)

著者

丸山 直起

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1976, no.55, pp.1-26,L1, 1976-07-20 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

99

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The fourth round of the Arab-Israeli War was started on 6 October 1973 by the Arabs. Before the War, the Arabs deliberately prepared their military build-up. Israeli intelligence noted these preparations along the ceasefire lines. But the military elite misinterpreted the intentions of the Arab leaders, believing that the Arabs would never renew the fighting because of their poor military capabilities and the opposing Israeli superiority in the military balance. Should the Arabs intend to surprise Israel, Israeli early-warning systems would founction, a standing army would hold the enemy forces, and the rapid mobilization would be carried out.In the early morning of 6 October, the decisive information that the war would break out that evening reached the military elite. Chief of Staff Elazar took the necessary steps immediately. He met the Defence Minister and proposed a pre-emptive strike and general mobilization of reserves. The political elite, such as the Prime Minister, Defence Minister and Vice Prime Minister, however, turned down the former proposal, but concerning the latter one they authorized Gen. Elazar to mobilize 100, 000 men. These two decisions were based on a political consideration. The factors which induced the political elite to adopt these decisions were mainly their image of the external environment and the political decision-making system itself. The Israeli political elite had viewed their environment as follows: (1) regionally, Israeli military supremacy and the maintenance of the ceasefire in the border areas ruled out any possibility of warfare; but (2) globally, her political position in the international area was symbolized by her isolation. Especially in 1973, two dramatic incidents, the downing of a Libyan airplane by Israeli warplanes in February and the hijacking of an Iraqi jet liner in August, deepened the isolation. In the latter case, the US Government condemned the Israeli action. The decisions not to pre-empt and not to call up all the reserves are explained by Israel's deteriorating pnlitical environment. Moreover there was no machinery in the decision-making organization to check the evaluations presented by the military intelligence.

著者

丸山 直起

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1976, no.55, pp.136-140, 1976-07-20 (Released:2010-09-01)

著者

高松 基之

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1982, no.70, pp.120-138,L8, 1982-05-22 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

70

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The purpose of this paper is to describe how President Dwight D. Eisenhower and Secretary of State John Foster Dulles reacted to the Arab-Israeli conflicts and the Suez Crisis of 1956 with the extensive use of the newly opened materials, such as Eisenhower Diary and Dulles Telephone Calls Transcripts in the Eisenhower Library, Abilene, Kansas. In particular, this paper attempts to elucidate the following points: First, the U. S. withdrawal from the Aswan project was not Dulles' “spur of the moment” decision, but the result of American efforts to isolate Egypt from other Arab countries. Second, Eisenhower and Dulles had unsuccessfully sought far quick solution of the Suez crisis without any clear courses of action. Third, the U. S. attitude in the Suez crisis had been influenced by the policy makers' optimism that Britain and France might not resort to military force.

著者

鈴木 董

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1981, no.69, pp.93-107,L5, 1981-10-28 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

58

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In the traditional image of international system in the Islamic Middle East, the world was divided into two conflicting worlds, the World of Islam (dar al-Islam) and the World of War (dar al-harb). The perpetual state of war between these two worlds should continue till the whole world came into the control of Muslims. In the World of Islam, there should be only one political body, an Islamic universal state. Accordingly there was no room for the international relations among Muslims. International relations could exist only between the two conflicting worlds. These relations could not be reciprocal but unilateral. This proto-image of the Islamic international system had been accepted through centuries even after the circumstances had changed so greatly.On the eve of the rise of the West, the Ottoman Empire was ruling over the Islamic Middle Eastern World as an Islamic universal empire. The Ottomans accepted the proto-image of Islamic international system. Only in the eighteenth century when the Western Impact began to threaten the Ottomans, the traditional Islamic international system began to transform in its reality and in its image. Modern western international system destroyed the traditional Islamic system little by little. Western nationalism undermined the traditional basis of identity of the members of the empire. The national awaking and national liberation movements of the Balkans drived the Ottomans themselves to seek for new basis of identity and new world order in order to keep thier empire. However the change of tide could not be halted.The Ottoman Empire as an Islamic universal empire dessolved. In the ruin of the universal empire there emerged a group of nation states. The Islamic Middle Eastern World as a self-consistent entity lost its consistency and was incorporated into the modren international system as its sub-system or an area.