著者
佐藤 方宣
出版者
The Japanese Society for the History of Economic Thought
雑誌
経済学史学会年報 (ISSN:04534786)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.42, no.42, pp.59-70, 2002 (Released:2010-08-05)
参考文献数
48

In the “standard” history of economics, Knight was positioned as an “orthodox” economist who contributed to the development of neo-classical economics, and as “an ideological opponent of institutional economics.” Indeed, Knight took a critical attitude to the attack on “Traditional Economics” by American institutional economists, especially in the 1920s. However, in recent years, the “heterodox” elements and affinities with institutionalists of his work have been emphasized by certain studies. Moreover, several times he called himself an “institutionalist.” The question we have to ask is why (and how) Frank Knight, who has institutionalist elements, criticized his contemporary American institutionalists. The purpose of this paper is to answer this question by examining his articles in the context of the American economic thought of his day.Knight agreed with most of his contemporary institutional economists regarding the necessity for a “reconsideration” of Traditional Economics. However, he criticized the institutionalist criticism of Traditional Economics as being “irrelevant, ” because, he said, they didn't understand the significance of deductive theory. Knight recognized the limitations of deductive theory; nevertheless, he emphasized its meaning in economics. Knight although criticized the institutionalists regarding their attempts to make economics more “scientific” like other natural sciences. He argued that this claim stood on the misunderstanding of the difference between natural science and social science. Knight emphasized that social science addresses many elements which are irrelevant in natural science. Knight argued that economics is not only a science but also an art. In addition, he positioned institutional economics positively as a “philosophy of history, ” which treats the long-term changes in the datum of deductive and applied economics as the object of consideration.It is important to note that clarifying such a methodological position as Knight's may help us to understand why his main themes shifted from economics, in the narrow sense, to the historical and philosophical consideration of social economic systems. Since the mid-1930s, this shift has reflected the historical changes of western civilization after the emergence of Fascism and the New Deal, which comprised the long-term changes in the datum of economics. His discreet attitude, which placed both deductive economics and institutional economics in their proper positions, isolated him from both the mainstream institutionalists and the neoclassicists. However, his methodological position itself was consistent throughout his academic life. His economics, in the narrow sense, and the institutional economics defined by Knight, held a common value in his economic thought.
著者
生越 利昭
出版者
The Japanese Society for the History of Economic Thought
雑誌
経済学史学会年報 (ISSN:04534786)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.42, no.42, pp.46-58, 2002 (Released:2010-08-05)
参考文献数
62

Sugiyama's major contribution to mercantilism studies is that he succeeded in clarifying the details and historical meanings of Land Bank projects in English mercantilism. In the process of his thorough scrutiny, he made clear some features common to mercantilist economic arguments by reviewing a number of original writings, and came to recognize what was referred to as a “broad sense of mercantilism.”His contribution is due to his unique empirical approach to the history of economic thought, leading him to criticize the Ohtsuka School of history for its schematic dichotomy. He was also opposed to the concept of “Essential Mercantilism” proposed by the school. His thought is truly suggestive of what mercantilism studies should be.His broad sense of mercantilism consists of several features, of which he particularly emphasized “the acquisition of money (wealth) by foreign trade” and “the view of international confrontation based on nationalism.” He put particular importance on the international and imperialistic trade cycles of mercantilism. Sugiyama's perspective could provide a basis for many informative and meaningful future studies of mercantilism.
著者
関 源太郎
出版者
The Japanese Society for the History of Economic Thought
雑誌
経済学史学会年報 (ISSN:04534786)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.42, no.42, pp.32-45, 2002 (Released:2010-08-05)
参考文献数
24

Between the late 18th and the early 19th century, the Scottish Society experienced rapid industrialization and urbanization which caused various kinds of urban problems. Glasgow, especially, was notorious as “the unhealthiest city in Britain”. Moreover, since the poor relief system of Glasgow was increasingly burdened by the increase of costs and prices due to the Napoleonic wars, economic distress and epidemic, it was seriously complained of. In 1819, Thomas Chalmers was appointed minister of St. John's in Glasgow and attempted, as the Evangelical clergy, a new experiment in poor relief. Most scholars have regarded the experiment as less than successful. Though their evaluations still have some validity, this paper is concerned with Chalmers' intention regarding poor relief in terms of theory and thought as well as practice. It will clarify the historical significance of Chalmers' views of poor relief through examination of the relation of his experiment to his theory and thought.Chalmers criticized the poor relief program of Glasgow for being complicated, and having a physical and mental distance between the recipients and the providers of relief. Thus he built up at his parish a poor relief system which was structurally and financially independent of any other organization. He expected that poor relief should be provided by the parish itself, and the morality of the poor be improved. Meanwhile, he identified the final cause of poverty as a tendency for a population to increase beyond the natural limit of food production. He pointed out that there were two sorts of measures to solve this problem: “an external remedy” and “an internal remedy.” He went on to assert that the former, for instance, a home colonization and an increase in the productivity of manufacturers, would be useless without the latter. “An internal remedy” meant that laborers should contemplate the futures of their families and defer marriage by excising their “prudence and principles from within.” At the same time he explained that whether labor wages were high or low would depend on labor supply which depended on the laborers' decision in turn. Thus he concluded that poor relief ultimately depended on the laborers' behavior. We can understand that the conclusion as such was interrelated with his experiment.Chalmers' theory, thought and practice were agreeable to the landlords who demanded the reduction of their burden of the poor relief and to the New Whigs who claimed the complete protection of property. However, his original intention consisted in the argument that the laborers had to transform themselves into the adequate actors in order to survive in the new industrial and urban society.
著者
和泉 ちえ
出版者
千葉大学大学院人文社会科学研究科
雑誌
千葉大学人文社会科学研究科研究プロジェクト報告書 (ISSN:18817165)
巻号頁・発行日
no.269, pp.15-54, 2014-02-28

千葉大学大学院人文社会科学研究科研究プロジェクト報告書 第269集 『古代地中海世界における文化受容の諸断面』保坂 高殿 編前5世紀後半アテナイは「全ギリシアの知恵の殿堂」(Plato, Prot.337d)として地中海世界に君臨するが,その学問伝統の根は,アテナイ固有の大地に由来するとは言い難い.当時アテナイは,エーゲ海東西の新旧文化圏の諸力学を反映する巨大な渦動の中心地として機能しており,そこに吸い寄せられた知的諸成果は,そのほとんどが外来種であった.本稿は,エーゲ海東岸の古来の文化的芳香を身に纏うソクラテスの知的遍歴を再考しつつ,また生粋のアテナイ貴族プラトンが試みた西方新勢力との文化折衝の顛末に目を向けながら,マケドニア由来のバルバロイ的世界観を背負う非アテナイ人アリストテレスによる学問系譜論に内在するイデオロギー的諸問題を論じ,古典期アテナイにおける学問伝統の諸断面を,新たな角度から炙り出したいと思う.
著者
佐々木 憲介
出版者
The Japanese Society for the History of Economic Thought
雑誌
経済学史学会年報 (ISSN:04534786)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.41, no.41, pp.71-79, 2002 (Released:2010-08-05)
参考文献数
49

It is probably W. Bagehot who coined the term ‘economic man’. As is commonly acknowledged, however, ‘economic man’ played a substantial role in classical political economy long before the term was coined. This survey examines the literature treating the classical economic man from three aspects: motives and rationality, historical characteristics, and epistemological foundations. (1) The classical economic man was characterized by several motives and rationality. The motives included self-interest and the desire for wealth. Rationality indicated that economic man attempted to obtain additional wealth with as little sacrifice as possible. The motives, however, were deleted from the concept of neo-classical economic man set out in the 1930s, and rationality came to be considered as the essence of the notion. (2) Interpretations on the historical characteristics of economic man differ. Some regard the classical economic man as a real agent who appeared in a particular area and period. Others insist that the economic man is an abstract or hypothetical man, the features of which indicates a universal tendency applicable to all economic situations, although the realization of tendency is more or less interfered with by disturbing forces. The relations between society and the individual are another issue. The economic man is said to be based on methodological individualism, but the classical concept does not ignore the influence of society upon individual. (3) Classical methodologists such as N. W. Senior, J. S. Mill, and J. E. Cairns thought that the motives and rationality of economic man could be clarified through the processes of reflection and analogy. Senior, however, realized a defect in this method. Adam Smith suggested an interesting method by which to test the results of reflection and analogy. If the concept of economic man is accepted, it can be considered to stand as a true assumption of economic action.
著者
金子 裕一郎
出版者
The Japanese Society for the History of Economic Thought
雑誌
経済学史学会年報 (ISSN:04534786)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.41, no.41, pp.48-57, 2002 (Released:2010-08-05)
参考文献数
13

This paper deals with three issues which will be considered in terms of waiting, developed as liquidity preference function problems after J. M. Keynes. Firstly, expectation is halved with time expectation in reflective expectation by reinterpretation of Lucas critique, and uncertainty of the reflective expectation formation is considered. Secondly, as an applied example of reflective expectation, it is considered why Keynes used a term of marginal efficiency of capital rather than marginal efficiency of investment. Thirdly, it is shown that the rational expectation formation would not contain expectation formation with waiting in Keynes' meaning.The argument is as follows. In section I, the problem of waiting is discussed as one of expectation formation. Then, our concept of waiting is defined as an expansion of it used in Keynes' General Theory, referring to Hicks' interpretation of liquidity preference function. In section II, Lucas critique is compared with Keynes' famous metaphor of a beauty contest, in order to examine the relationship between waiting and reflective expectation. The basis of the reflective expectation formation is pursued by using Lucas critique. In the traditional interpretation of Keynes, reflective expectation has been thought of in light of the metaphor of a beauty contest only in money market. However, reflective expectation also works in commodity market. While some regarded these problems as self-evident, others failed to deal with appropriately. It explains how they failed to recognize them as problem of action theory and how relevant theories remained to be lacking in their micro-foundation. The metaphor of a beauty contest and the differences between its implications and Lucas critique are also examined. In section III, it is explained that the marginal efficiency of capital plays a different role from marginal efficiency of investment by taking account of reflective expectation.Hence, it will be concluded that waiting could be conceptualized in a way that supports the marginal efficiency of capital as well as liquidity preference function, and that its concept deviates from the rational expectation formation.