著者
北川 誠一
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.87, no.6, pp.1007-1033,1097-, 1978-06-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

This is a study of the role Sadun of the house of Artsruni and his son Khutlu-Bugha played in the expansion of the Il-Khanid rule over the Georgian Kingdom in the 13th century. Sadun was a great grandson of Amir K'urd (Abulasan), the governor of Tbilisi during Queen Tamar's reign in Georgia. In 1258 (or 1259), he won a wrestling match in the presence of Hulegu Khan and received the honorable status of t'arkhan. He joined Hulegu's Syrian campaign, which began in the autumn of 1259 and was placed in the vanguard. He distinguished himseif during the conquest of Sasun and the seizure of the citadel of Allepo. For these services, Sadun was awarded with an official commendation from Hulegu and was granted the district of Sasun. Sadun was originally a vassal of Avag Zak'arean, a Georgian King's prince (eristavi, or ishkhan in Armenian), and a seignior of Haghbat and Mahkanaberd. Around the time of the above promotions, he was an at'abak of Avag's heiress Khoshak but later, he became her chamberlain or khejub to guard and assist her. Under Hulegu, Sadun was never given any official titles of the Bagratid Kingdom. However, after the enthronement of Abaqa as the Il-Khan, Sadun received the titles of atabegi (or regent) and amir-spasarali (or commander in chief), and gained administrative power over the Batratid Kingdom. He was entrusted by the Kings with the power to control the royal domains of T'elavi, Belakani and Kars. In addition, he purchased the district of Dmanisi from King Dimitri II. Together, Sadun's estates made up the fourth political unit in Georgian Armenia in addition to the three units belonging to the branch families of the Zak'areans. we can assume that he was able to acquire wealth because he was a t'arkhan, After Sadun's death in 1282, one of his two titles, the amir-spasarali was given to his son Khutlu-Bugha, but the other, the atabegi was given to his rival Tarsayichi of the house of Orbelean. In 1289, Khutlu-Bugha recommended that Il-Khan Arghun kill King Dimitri (who had been arrested for being implicated in the plot of Bugha) and put Vakhtangi, the son of King Daviti IV on the throne. His plan succeeded. Under Vakhtangi, Khutlu-Bugha became both the atabegi and the amir-spasarali and secured political power over the Georgian Kingdom. In 1292, however, both Arghun and Vakhtangi died. As soon as Daviti, the son of Dimitri, ascended to the throne, Khutlu-Bugha was put to death by the order of the new khan Geikhatu. With his death, the power of the Artsrunis was eradicated from the entire Bagratid territory. The rise of Sadun Artsruni is a good example illustrating the pattern of socio-political control the Il-Khans had over the native dynasties. The Il-Khans' system of appointments as kings, vassals or arriere-vassals, of those who were faithful and useful to them, had worked effectively. They ruled over the Bagratid territory through the kingship, which was never handed outside the royal family of Bagratid and through the offices of the atabegi and the amir-spasarali. These latter were not confined to any one family, but were easily given to those, like Sadun, who were useful to the Il-Khans.
著者
北川 誠一
出版者
弘前大学人文学部
雑誌
文経論叢. 人文科学篇 (ISSN:03854191)
巻号頁・発行日
no.6, pp.115-142, 1986-03-20
著者
北川 誠一
出版者
公益財団法人史学会
雑誌
史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.87, no.6, pp.1007-1033, 1097-1096, 1978-06-20

This is a study of the role Sadun of the house of Artsruni and his son Khutlu-Bugha played in the expansion of the Il-Khanid rule over the Georgian Kingdom in the 13th century. Sadun was a great grandson of Amir K'urd (Abulasan), the governor of Tbilisi during Queen Tamar's reign in Georgia. In 1258 (or 1259), he won a wrestling match in the presence of Hulegu Khan and received the honorable status of t'arkhan. He joined Hulegu's Syrian campaign, which began in the autumn of 1259 and was placed in the vanguard. He distinguished himseif during the conquest of Sasun and the seizure of the citadel of Allepo. For these services, Sadun was awarded with an official commendation from Hulegu and was granted the district of Sasun. Sadun was originally a vassal of Avag Zak'arean, a Georgian King's prince (eristavi, or ishkhan in Armenian), and a seignior of Haghbat and Mahkanaberd. Around the time of the above promotions, he was an at'abak of Avag's heiress Khoshak but later, he became her chamberlain or khejub to guard and assist her. Under Hulegu, Sadun was never given any official titles of the Bagratid Kingdom. However, after the enthronement of Abaqa as the Il-Khan, Sadun received the titles of atabegi (or regent) and amir-spasarali (or commander in chief), and gained administrative power over the Batratid Kingdom. He was entrusted by the Kings with the power to control the royal domains of T'elavi, Belakani and Kars. In addition, he purchased the district of Dmanisi from King Dimitri II. Together, Sadun's estates made up the fourth political unit in Georgian Armenia in addition to the three units belonging to the branch families of the Zak'areans. we can assume that he was able to acquire wealth because he was a t'arkhan, After Sadun's death in 1282, one of his two titles, the amir-spasarali was given to his son Khutlu-Bugha, but the other, the atabegi was given to his rival Tarsayichi of the house of Orbelean. In 1289, Khutlu-Bugha recommended that Il-Khan Arghun kill King Dimitri (who had been arrested for being implicated in the plot of Bugha) and put Vakhtangi, the son of King Daviti IV on the throne. His plan succeeded. Under Vakhtangi, Khutlu-Bugha became both the atabegi and the amir-spasarali and secured political power over the Georgian Kingdom. In 1292, however, both Arghun and Vakhtangi died. As soon as Daviti, the son of Dimitri, ascended to the throne, Khutlu-Bugha was put to death by the order of the new khan Geikhatu. With his death, the power of the Artsrunis was eradicated from the entire Bagratid territory. The rise of Sadun Artsruni is a good example illustrating the pattern of socio-political control the Il-Khans had over the native dynasties. The Il-Khans' system of appointments as kings, vassals or arriere-vassals, of those who were faithful and useful to them, had worked effectively. They ruled over the Bagratid territory through the kingship, which was never handed outside the royal family of Bagratid and through the offices of the atabegi and the amir-spasarali. These latter were not confined to any one family, but were easily given to those, like Sadun, who were useful to the Il-Khans.
著者
北川 誠一
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.40, no.2, pp.69-84, 1997 (Released:2010-03-12)

In 1236, the tamachi army of Chormaghan Noyan began to conquer the Georgian Kingdom. Starting at their traditonal winter encampment in Arran, they proceeded to the North West. Their first victims were the cities and districts of the western branches of the Middle Kur. In the Kazakh canton of the present Republic of Azerbaijan, their course was divided into three directions. The Nothern course led them to the central and eastern provinces of Georgia. To the south they advanced and conquered the cities of Ani, Kars and Surb Mari, and third course overran the territories of South-West Georgia. In this way almost all the territories of the Georgian Kingdom were conquered.In about 1240, the conquerd part of Georgia was divided among the six Georgian generals, called the generals of ten thousands (“tmanis mtavari” in Georgian) by the Mongols.After the coronation of Emperor Monke, the conquered part of Georgia was put under the physical administration of Arghun-Aqa who made a census in 1254, and Georgia's population was counted and the area was divided into nine tümens. Each of these tümens could afford ten thousand soldiers. It was after this census that a new tax system was introduced by Arghun-Aqa.
著者
北川 誠一
出版者
財団法人 日本国際政治学会
雑誌
国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2004, no.138, pp.142-156,L13, 2004-09-29 (Released:2010-09-01)
参考文献数
65

Between 1999 and 2004, the issue about Chechen and foreign fighters in and around the Pankisi Valley in one of the districts of the Eastern Georgia was a focus of political negotiations in the Georgia-Russia, Gerogia-USA, then Russia-USA relations.The majority of the residents of the valley are the Chechens and the Ingushes, who are called as the Kists there. Using historical and ethnographic literatures by Margoshivili, Shavkhelishvili and others which describe the immigration process of the Chechens and the Ingushes to the Pankisi Valley in the 19th century, this paper underlines the importance of traditional and national homogeneity between the Chechens and the Kists, which keeps their mutual relation and fellow feeling in the both sides of the Great Caucasus. As the Kists had no right as ethnic minority in the Soviet era, they could have merged into the Georgian masses, if they had no relation with the Chechno-Ingush Republic and the people living there. This is how the valley still remains as a semi-independent enclave of Chechnia within Georgia.The majority of the inhabitants of the valley are Sunni Muslims. Then the Pankisi Valley has a strategic value, as one of the Sunnite outputs from the Chechen and Daghestan into the South Caucasus. It is also witnessed there the re-islamization during and after the Perestroika era, the coming of the foreign missionaries and the rising in the popularity of the so called the Wahhabits among the local people.Even after the violent death of a Chechen field commander Ruslan Gelayev and the end of the War against the Terrorism in Georgia, the Kists remain as the Chechens and their majority are the Muslims. Excepting the Kists, there are the Georgian Pshavs, the Tushes and the Ossets in the valley. Any ethnic or confessional clash would be reflected in a wilder arena. With potential cause of discontents to the Georgian government, the strategic importance of the valley in the process of integrity of Georgia's ethnics and regions into one single civil society is still existing, as well as in the regional security of the South Caucasus as a whole.
著者
北川 誠一

課題番号:15310163/平成15年度一平成17年度科学研究費補助金(基盤研究(B))研究成果報告書/<目次>/1 ロシアのイスラーム社会/1)北川誠一「二つの戦争の間のロシア・ムスリム」『中東欧とロシア」東北大学、2003年、39-59頁/2)Magomedov,Arbakhan,Rpssija i musul'manskij vopros:ispytanie islamofobiej(vtoroevvedenie)/2 ウラル浴ヴォルガのイスラームと政治/3)Mukharjamov,Nail'. Islam v Povolzh'e:politizatsija nesosoto jabshajasja ili otlozhennaja?/4)Galljamov,Rushan.Islamskoe vozrozhdenie v Uralo-Povolzhskom makroregione Rosii:sravnitel'nyj analiz modelej Bashkortostana i Tatarstana./5)Magomedov,Arbakhan.Islam i politika na polumusul'manskom evrazijskom pogranich'e:osobennosti lolal'noj transformatsii v Astrakhankoj i Ul'janovskoj oblastjakh./3ダゲスタンとチェチェンのイスラームと政治/6)Matsuzato Kimitaka, Magomed-Rasul lbragimov. lslamic Politics at the Subregional Level, Europe-Asia Studies, 2005, pp.753-780/7)Makarov,Dmitri. Dagestan's Approach to the lslamoc Mega-Area? The Potentials and Limits of Jihadism,Emerging Meso-Area in the Former Socialist Countries, Hokkaido University, 2005, pp.195-220/8)Matsuzato Kimitaka.Magomed-Rasul Ibragimov.Alien but Loyal:Reasons for the Instability of Daghestan,An Outpost of Slavic Eurasia,Emerging Meso-Area in the Former Socialist Countries, Hokkaido University,2005,pp.221-247/9)Matsuzato,Kimitaka.Islam w naturciu od Daghestanudo,Arcana(Krakovo),Vol.66,Nos.6,2005,pp.77-91/10)北川誠一「野戦軍司令官からジヤマーアト・アミールヘ」『東北大学歴史資源アーカイヴの構築と社会メディア』、東北大学、2005年、52-69頁/3 南コーカサスのイスラームと政治/11)Kitagawa,Seiichi.The Nationalization of Islamic Organization in the South Caucasus, The Construction and the Deconstruction of National HIstories in S1avic Eurasia,2003,pp.291-310/12)北川誠一「グルジア・パンキスィ渓谷問題の種族・信仰的背景」『国際政治」第138号、2004年、142-156頁/4中央アジアの政治的イスラーム/13)北川誠一『ウズベキスタンとタジキスタンの政治的イスラーム』東北大学、2004年3月、1-20頁/付記/ 調査記録としては、松里公孝「ダゲスタンのイスラム(前編)『スラブ研究センターニュース」95(2003年秋)号、「ダゲスタンのイスラム(後編)」スラブ研究センターニュース」97(2004年春)号があるが技術的理由とスラブ研究センター・ホームページからの閲覧が用意なので、ここには採録しなかった。アドレスは、http://src-h.slav.hokudai.ac.jp/jp/news/95/essay-matsuzato.htmlおよび、http://src-h.slav.hokudai.ac.jp/jp/news/97/essay-97-essay3.htmlである。/ ヴラデイミル・クシニレンコ氏の口頭発表原稿(2004年12月11日、スラブ研究センター、若手研究者国際ワークショップ)「北コーカサス西部中央部諸共和国の政治過程におけるイスラームの要素」は、ここに収録しなかった。
著者
北川 誠一
出版者
弘前大学人文学部
巻号頁・発行日
1998-03-31

平成7年度~平成9年度科学研究費補助金重点領域「スラブ・ユーラシアの変動-自存と共存の条件-」一般公募研究研究成果報告書,課題番号:09206201,08206201,07206201
著者
北川 誠一
出版者
学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.40, no.2, pp.69-84, 1998

In 1236, the <i>tamachi</i> army of Chormaghan Noyan began to conquer the Georgian Kingdom. Starting at their traditonal winter encampment in Arran, they proceeded to the North West. Their first victims were the cities and districts of the western branches of the Middle Kur. In the Kazakh canton of the present Republic of Azerbaijan, their course was divided into three directions. The Nothern course led them to the central and eastern provinces of Georgia. To the south they advanced and conquered the cities of Ani, Kars and Surb Mari, and third course overran the territories of South-West Georgia. In this way almost all the territories of the Georgian Kingdom were conquered.<br>In about 1240, the conquerd part of Georgia was divided among the six Georgian generals, called the generals of ten thousands ("<i>tmanis mtavari</i>" in Georgian) by the Mongols.<br>After the coronation of Emperor Monke, the conquered part of Georgia was put under the physical administration of Arghun-Aqa who made a census in 1254, and Georgia's population was counted and the area was divided into nine <i>tümens</i>. Each of these <i>tümens</i> could afford ten thousand soldiers. It was after this census that a new tax system was introduced by Arghun-Aqa.
著者
北川 誠一
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.30, no.1, pp.41-53, 1987-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

Al-Husein b. Muhammad b. 'Ali al Ja'fari ar-Rughdi or simply known as Ibn Bibi after his mother, many times uses the term of “ilkhan” in his Anatolian history of Al-avamir al-'ala'iyye fi al-Umur al-'ala'iyye.Carefully examining the uses of this title in the faximile of the unique Istanbul manuscript, the author of this paper concludes that Ibn Bibi called by this title Törege Khatun, Ögedei's wife and regent after his death. So, the meaning of this term would not be “the subjugated khan”, but “khan of the people”, because the other title of this regent was “Ulus Beg”, which means “the lord of the state”.Accordingly, Hülegü's title of “il-khan”, when he assumed this title about after twelve years, would mean also “the khan of the people”. This regental title should not be maintained after the conversion of Ghazan-khan so this word was omitted from the legend of his coins as well as his soccessors, just like another inscription of “khaghanu nereber (by the order of the khaghan)”, which was turned into “Möngke tengrin küchündür (in the strength of the eternal Heaven)”.
著者
北川 誠一
出版者
学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.30, no.1, pp.41-53, 1987

Al-Husein b. Muhammad b. 'Ali al Ja'fari ar-Rughdi or simply known as Ibn Bibi after his mother, many times uses the term of "ilkhan" in his Anatolian history of <i>Al-avamir al-'ala'iyye fi al-Umur al-'ala'iyye</i>.<br>Carefully examining the uses of this title in the faximile of the unique Istanbul manuscript, the author of this paper concludes that Ibn Bibi called by this title Törege Khatun, Ögedei's wife and regent after his death. So, the meaning of this term would not be "the subjugated khan", but "khan of the people", because the other title of this regent was "Ulus Beg", which means "the lord of the state".<br>Accordingly, Hülegü's title of "il-khan", when he assumed this title about after twelve years, would mean also "the khan of the people". This regental title should not be maintained after the conversion of Ghazan-khan so this word was omitted from the legend of his coins as well as his soccessors, just like another inscription of "khaghanu nereber (by the order of the khaghan)", which was turned into "Möngke tengrin küchündür (in the strength of the eternal Heaven)".