著者

梶田 明宏

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.108, no.7, pp.1342-1343, 1999-07-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

著者

見瀬 悠

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.1, pp.1-34, 2014-01-20 (Released:2017-07-31)

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The aim of this article is to analyze the conditions conducive to obtaining the status of subject in France and the narrative strategies employed for the purpose of obtaining lettres de naturalite by immigrants from the British Isles during the eighteenth century, in order to examine what being legally bound to the state signified for foreigners under the Ancien Regime. Having arrived in France for political, religious and/or economic reasons and by and large favorably received by the king (or, royal authority), the British immigrants became participants in French society through participation and solidarity in such compatriotic communities as the Stuart court in exile in Saint-Germainen-Laye, Irish regiments in the French Army, British-founded convents and colleges, and merchants' colonies in the Atlantic seaports. It's within this process of socialization that the naturalization was requested, and by analysis of the organizational features of those naturalized in terms of geographical distribution and socioprofessional profiles, the author concludes from her observations on their motives and backgrounds that the choice of naturalization was indirectly facilitated by the historical relations and cultural bonds between immigrant communities and French society and influenced by wavering inbred Stuart loyalties and political persecution, but was directly decided out of the desire to guarantee one's personal property and/or occupation. That being said, such self-serving motives were by no means revealed in the actual lettres de naturalite; rather, one observes applicants adopting such strategies designed to more easily obtain these letters as insisting that they were endowed with many of the exemplary attributes sought after within French society. From the personal accounts included in the lettres de naturalite of British immigrants, we find the enumeration of such desirable national attributes as contributions made to the monarchy through military, medical and commercial service and religious orthodoxy, while at the same time there are accounts of their everyday occupational activities, touching upon past personal experiences of loyalty to the House of Stuart, apostasy and conversion to the Catholicism and the religious persecution they suffered in their homeland. All indicate clearly the adoption of strategies geared to taking advantage of their "otherness" as foreign-born residents. From the above analysis, the author makes the general conclusion that naturalization not only constitutes an expansion in the breadth of alternative strategies for survival within the foreigners' host society, but at the same time did not presume full assimilation into French culture; rather allowing them to preserve their identity with the historical and cultural heritage of their native lands.

著者

市川 理恵

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.122, no.6, pp.1062-1082, 2013-06-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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The Shosoin-Monjo (正倉院文書) collection of documents from the Hoki 宝亀 era (AD770-780) includes about 100 petitions by sutra-copiers requesting monthly loans (gesshaku-sen 月借銭) from the Sutra-Copying Bureau of Todaiji Temple. The loans were borrowed at high rates of interest with their salaries (fuse 布施), dwellings and allocations of rice paddy (kubunden 口分田) as security, and occasionally requiring cosignatories. Although the sutra-copiers who incurred such debt were regarded as low-ranking government officials and thus were bona-fide members of ancient Japan's ruling class, they were segregated from aristocrats of the fifth rank and above in terms of rights and privileges and were shut off from promotion above the sixth rank despite long years of service to the government, suggesting to researchers that low ranking bureaucrats composed an exploited sector of the ruling class, whose members were, as shown by the gesshaku-sen documents, living hand to mouth under conditions resembling debt slavery. In this article, the author reexamines whether or not these low ranking bureaucrats were really as poverty-stricken as thought, by trying to better understand the meaning of the Hoki era Issaikyo sutra-copying project and its political ramifications. The author then turns to an investigation of the Sutra-Copying Bureau's gesshaku-sen loan operations and the personal economic activities of its sutra-copiers, in order to clarify the bureau/money lender's relationship to its employee/borrowers and ultimately what importance gesshaku-sen had for low ranking bureaucrats in ancient Japan.

著者

仲田 公輔

出版者

史学会 ; 1889-

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.125, no.7, pp.1254-1277, 2016-07

著者

今澤 浩二

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.3, pp.309-344, 456-455, 1990-03-20

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This study attempts to examine early relations between Bayezid the Thunderbolt and Timur in the Five-Years' Campaign (1392-96) by means of considering several situations in Anatolia and Syria, and then analyzing a letter written by Timur to Bayezid. In studying this subject, the author use Bazm u Razm, an Anatolian source, which is little-known in Japan, as well as Ottoman and Timurid sources. The Bazm u Razm proves that Timur's intention for his Five-Years' Campaign was not only to recover the sovereignty of Il-khanid in Iran, but also to rule eastern Anatolia, namely, the former territory of Seljuqid of Rum, which submitted to Il-khanid. With this in mind Timur succeeded in ruling the whole of Iran, but fell into a difficult situation in Anatolia and Syria on account of the resistance of Barquq, the Sultan of the Mamluk Empire, Qadi Burhan al-Din Ahmad, the ruler of Sivas and Toqtamish, the Khan of the Golden Horde. It was in order to deal with such a situation that Timur wrote a letter to Bayezid in March, 1395 that proposed the establishment of friendly relations between the two. Therefore the conventional opinion should be corrected that Timur wrote to Bayezid in order to protect his back in carrying out an expedition to China after the Five-Years' Campaign. And he did not change his attitude toward Bayezid in the Seven-Years' Campaign (1399-1404), either. That is to say, Timur continually tried to seek the friendship of Bayezid and avoid struggling with him. On the other hand, Bayezid was extending his influence over Anatolia, but from the middle of 1393 he began to turn his attention to the situation on the Balkan peninsula, which had developed rapidly by the maneuvers of Venetia and Hungary, and in the beginning of 1394, he moved to Balkan. Under the circumstances Timur appeared in eastern Anatolia. And when Barquq and Burhan al-Din formed an alliance against him, Bayezid also joined it, refusing Timur's offer and strengthening relations with the anti-Timur nations. It is clear, therefore, that Bayezid intended to be hostile to Timur, and moreover, continued taking such an attitude in the Seven-Years' Campaign. But he also concentrated on strengthening his sovereignty over Balkan without taking measures against Timur during his approach, in contrast to Barquq and Burhan al-Din. This leads us to think that Bayezid adopted an intentional policy for Anatolia and Balkan. As for this supposition, however, we must carry out a further examination. In conclusion, we can say that the first relations established between Bayezid and Timur in the Five-Years' Campaign, lasted much longer after that.

著者

袁 甲幸

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.127, no.7, pp.1-35, 2018 (Released:2019-07-20)

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本稿は、府県庁舎営繕費の地方税移行過程を検討することによって、地方制度の変化がもたらした府県権力の性格変容を考察するものである。 府県庁舎営繕費の地方税負担を規定した明治十三年太政官第四十八号布告が出されるまで、府県庁舎は中央省庁と同質のものとされており、その営繕には国家の権威付けが意識されていた。そのため、庁舎は住民と距離の遠いものであり、新庁舎の落成に伴う行事にも、「官」「民」二元対立的な府県内の権力構造が反映されていた。 第四十八号の布告から施行までの移行期において、地方官の駆け込み上申に対し、中央政府は建前上、庁舎営繕を府県内一般の公同事務とみなし、目下の国庫支弁はあくまで地方税不足分に対する補助であるとしていた。ただし、茨城・群馬県の事例で示されているように、府県内の一部地域の「民意」から出た営繕要望が、府県会において「公論」としてまとまらなかった際にも、補助が認められた。そこにおける「民意」は、後づけられたものさえあったが、「民意」を調達するために地方官は、庁舎営繕と府県住民の福祉とリンクしはじめ、庁舎の情報を積極的に発信し、さらに「官」「民」二元対立的な権力構造を多少払拭しうる「牧民」像を語りだした。 やがて庁舎営繕費が地方税負担となり、府県会や世論においては、庁舎は国家権威ではなく「我々の府県」のシンボルとして認識されるようになった。一方、府県行政は府県会を通じて営繕費の予算を確保する以外も、住民に向けて庁舎をアピールし、「牧民」像に代わる「官民調和」論を唱え、より広範囲な「公論」を求めていた。 このように、税源の移行により、庁舎営繕事務が国家事務から府県内一般の公同事務へと変化したことにより、その施行には、広範な「公論」に依頼する必要性を増した。そのことで同事務を運営する権力の性格は、従来の国権から「公権」へと移りつつあったのだと理解できるのである。

著者

山田 邦明

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.96, no.3, pp.310-341, 412-413, 1987-03-20

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Conventional research on Kamakura-Fu (鎌倉府), which ruled the ten eastern provinces of the Kanto region during the Muromachi period, has tended to concentrate more on its relationship with the Muromachi Bakufu in Kyoto and less on what kind of power structure supported it and how this government controlled the various classes in the Kanto area. The present paper starts out to consider Kamakura-Fu's power structure and its control over the Kanto Plain, especially the power base of the Kamakura Kubo (鎌倉公方). Then, the author switches attention to the Hoko-shu (奉公衆) itself, which formed the military and political base of the Kamakura Kubo's ruling power ; and together with identifying that group of attendants from existing documents, he summarizes the Hoko-shu's conditions of existence and its organizational process. Concerning the Hoko-shu's conditions of existence, from the historical source entitled Kamakura Nenchu Gyoji (鎌倉年中行事), describing yearly events and ceremonies in that administrative town, we find three statuses within the Hoko-shu, namely 1)the Hyojo-shu (評定衆), 2)the Hikitsuke-shu (引付衆) and 3)other members. We see clear status discrimination toward those "other members" excluded from (or positioned below) statuses 1) and 2). Also, as the Hoko-shu formed a rotation system for guarding the Kubo's palace (gosho 御所), there were also members located (or living) in the provinces. The author was able to identify from the available sources 74 members of the Kamakura-Fu Hoko-shu. Their names and conditions of membership may be summarized as follows : A)The Ashikaga clan families including the Kira (吉良), Shibukawa (渋川), Isshiki (一色), Imagawa (今川), Kako (加子) and Hatakeyama (畠山). B)The original Ashikaga family vassals including the Uesugi (上杉), Ko (高), Kido (木戸), Noda (野田), Teraoka (寺岡), Kajiwara (梶原), Ebina (海老名), Shidara (設楽) and Yanada (簗田). C)Traditional Kamakura based bureaucrats including the Nikaido (二階堂), Nagai (長井), and Machino (町野). All of the families included in A, B and C served the Kamakura Kubo from the inception of Kamakura-Fu ; and during the era of Kubo Motouji (1349-67), the B group of Ashikaga vassals formed the dominant power group of the Hoko-shu. However, beginning from the era of Kubo Ujimitsu (1367-98) the Kamakura Kubo more and more included in the Hoko-shu many provincial bigmen (kokujin 国人) throughout the Kanto Plain. And so, when Mitsukane became Kubo (1398-1409), the number of Hoko-shu members had greatly increased, and their main source of power had shifted to a new group (D) made up of these same Kanto Plain kokujin. These included the likes of the Ohmori (大森) of Suruga, the Honma (本間) and Miura (三浦) of Sagami, the Edo (江戸) of Musashi, the Satomi (里見), Yamana (山名), Nawa (那波) and Takayama (高山) of Kozuke, the Sano (佐野) of Shimotsuke, the Shishido (宍戸), Tsukuba (筑波) and Oda (小田) of Hitachi and the Unagami (海上), Indo (印東) and Ryugasaki (龍崎) of Shimousa. During Mitsukane's reign such families as the Shishido and Unagami even appear in the elite corps of Kubo palace functionaries (gosho bugyo 御所奉行). As a result of their personal hold over these Kanto Plain kokujin, the Kamakura Kubos were able to expand quite successfully their own direct military bases.

著者

清水 和裕

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.115, no.6, pp.1142-1148, 2006-06-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

小田中 直樹

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.109, no.9, pp.1686-1706, 2000-09-20

著者

草生 久嗣

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.109, no.7, pp.1297-1318,1429-, 2000-07-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

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Several attempts have been made by scholars to interpret the Bogomils. J.Gouillard(1965)and A.Rigo(1989)have regarded them as members of Byzantine mysticism. H.G.Beck(1993)explained them as ordinary men who led a life with holy modesty and with an attitude of passive resistance against the extravagant Orthodox church. However, many scholars have thought them to be one type of dualist heretic or a revival of the Manichaeans, following St.Runciman(1947), D.Angelov(1947)and D.Obolensky(1948). The author believes that the Bogomils were not only a group of intellectuals, but also an expression of contemporary theological and social problems in 12th century Byzantine History. However, if we presuppose the Bogomils to have been like a school of thought, dualists or mystics or whatever, we cannot understand the real Bogomils on the historical scene. When we examine a social problem regarding"heresy", we have to understand first the reasons why contemporaries treated someone as a heretic. The author, focusing on this way of understanding and treating the Bogomils, surveys them in trials held during the first half of the 1100's in Constantinople. In so doing, this article shows several points that differ from the views of former theses. First, 12^<th> Century contemporaries were unaware of the two precedent sources, the Presbyter Cosmas's Discourse against the Heresy of Bogomil and the Euthymius of Acmonia's Contra Phundagiagites. Secondly, the name"Bogomils"is just one of the criminal labels, which the Orthodox-Byzantines could apply to non-conformers arbitrarily. Thirdly, for the Byzantines, Gnostical cosmology or demonology was not an essential element of the teaching of the Bogomils. There is no identity with thought, theology, moral-code, sectarian movement under the label of Bogomils. On the other hand, in the trials at Constantinople, we find that all of the accused Bogomils equally respected monastic life. The Bogomil-problem first appeared on the official documents after the 10^<th> century. From that time, the power of the monasteries rose, and the number of monks increased. From antiquity, Monks had been very popular in the Byzantine Empire. There were some deviational monks prior to this period, but the subsequent increase in"bonafide"monks also brought its faire share of deviants. This caused growing concern for the Orthodox Church, and in particular regarding their non-controlled activities. If some of them preached heterodoxical sermons to the people, heresy could be easily spread. The insecurity of the Church can be seen clearly in contemporary sources. In conclusion, Byzantines constructed a new type framework for understanding heresy, namely"the Bogomils". They thought deviational monks should be controlled under the heretical label of"Bogomils"as a tool for moral control. In the Constantinople in the 1100's, they were not considered to be dualists. The Bogomils were an indicator of the existence of behavioral problem in those days.

著者

竹内 康浩

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.115, no.1, pp.三五-五三, 2006-01-20

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Suigongxu is a bronze vessel that has appeared in the research literature as of late and which many scholars believe dates back to the middle of the Western Zhou period. The vessel contains a long inscription of about 100 characters, the content of which has been rendered as unique. In particular, two aspects of the inscription stand out. One is the appearance of a mythological character Yu禹; the other, the use of the term tianxia天下(the world). Neither terms have appeared in the available source materials on the period to date and therefore have been lauded as new insights into Western Zhou thought and culture. However, we do not know the circumstances surrounding the archeological discovery of the vessel, and both its construct and inscription differ greatly from what has been identified to date as "Western Zhou" style bronzeware and prose. Based on such doubts, the author of the present article discusses the content of the vessel's inscription and comes to the conclusion that great caution should be taken in assuming that at face value the vessel will shed new light on the period in question. What has to be debated first is whether it is a genuine Western Zhou period bronze artifact or not.

著者

牛山 佳幸

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, no.1, pp.1-42,146-145, 1982-01-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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This is a study on Sogo System in mediaeval Japan, mainly focused on its functional change, of which little investigation has been done so far. Persuing this, I collected the documents issued by Sogo from the Enryaku period to the end of the Kamakura period, and carefully analysed their signatures. There were issued two types of documents by Sogo-Cho (牒) type and the other. Both of which were generally signed by the most of Sogo members in early days. As, however, they stopped to come to Sogo-sho (僧綱所) after arround the 9th century, the two Homu (法務) members were appointed to take the responsibility for the Buddhist administration. Since then, Sogo-sho became consisted of two Homu members and old Igishi (威儀師) and Jugishi (従儀師) Accordingly former Sogo members practically lost their importance in Sogo-sho. As several documents signed by two Homu members show, this system seems to have continued till the middle of the 12th century. During this period, however, Homu members were not always at Sogo-sho, so Igishi and Jugishi became called as Zaicho (在庁), and the superior of Igishi members was appointed as Sozaicho (惣在庁) to administer Sogo-sho as "Rusudokoro" (留守所). Under the control of Homu members, Sozaicho were involved in not only its traditional duties (such as presiding Buddhist services, and representing Sogo-sho) but also the general Buddhist administration, together with Kumon (公文), the head of Jugishi members. This is attested from documents issued by Sogo with signatures of both Sozaicho and Kumon together with Homu members after the middle of the 11th century. In the 12th century, Toji-Ichino-Choja (東寺一長者), one of Homu members, attained the real power of Homu, and all members of Sogo-sho were controled directly by Toji-Ichino-Choja. In this way the basic organization of the Buddist administration in mediaeval Japan seems to have been established.

著者

佐藤 次高

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.86, no.11, pp.1662-1663, 1977-11-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

著者

池上 俊一

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, no.11, pp.1688-1732,1785-, 1982-11-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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Les ermites se multiplierent brusquement a la fin du X^e siecle en Occident. Depuis lors, beaucoup d'ermites faisaient tous leurs efforts pour se perfectionner dans les forets librement, jusqu'au debut du XII^e siecle, quand l'autorite ecclesiastique les forca de s'incorporer a l'ordre etabli. Pendant cette epoque, la spiritualite eremitique etait tres marquee de ses energies et sa richesse. Nous en avont choisi les dix elements -solitude, pauvrete evangelique, charite, predication itinerante, ascetisme, penitence, imitation de Christ, devotion a Saint Jean-Baptiste et Sainte Marie-Madeleine, vie contemplative, et enfin, attente de la fin du monde -et considere leurs significations dans l'histoire de la spiritualite. La spiritualite eremitique est bien en contraste avec celle qui prevalait dans l'Eglise, dont on peut trouver le meilleur type dans la spiritualite monastique (surtout clunisienne) ou canonicale. Certes, l'influence des ermites sur la societe et l'Eglise etait tres limitee. Mais si on la compare avec la spiritualite exprimee dans les divers mouvements religieux des laiques d'alors, il est evident que cette spiritualite etait, pour ainsi dire, le symbole de <<Zeitgeist>>.

著者

田村 航

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.127, no.11, pp.1-23, 2018 (Released:2019-11-20)

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後花園天皇は崇光院流皇統(伏見宮)の出身ながら、断絶した後光厳院流皇統を猶子相続したため、どちらの皇統の継承者なのかという点で見解が分かれている。この問題を解明するにあたり、鍵となる伏見宮貞成親王(後崇光院)の尊号宣下についても、後花園と貞成の続柄や、貞成の尊号辞退をめぐり、検討する余地が残されている。そこで本稿では同時期の政治状況を見据えつつ、これらの問題をあきらかにしていきたい。 永享五年(一四三三)、後花園は義父の後小松院が死没したさいに後光厳院流の継承者と再確認されたものの、生家の崇光院流との関係を絶ち切れず、文安四年(一四四七)の貞成親王の尊号宣下を「厳親」としておこなうのか、それとも「傍親」としておこなうのかが問題となった。結局、後花園は貞成の尊号宣下を「傍親」すなわち兄としておこない、自らが後光厳院流の継承者であることを明示した。これは康正二年(一四五六)の貞成の葬礼でも変わらなかったので、貞成の尊号宣下は後花園の皇統を決した節目と見なせる。また貞成は尊号辞退の報書を提出し、とくに慰留された形跡はないが、依然上皇として天皇・室町殿と並びたつ位地にあった。 このように後光厳院流の後花園天皇と崇光院流の上皇の貞成が並存する、一見矛盾した措置がとられたのは、後花園の実父として貞成への尊号宣下をしてはならないという後小松院の遺詔と、足利義教が貞成を後花園の実父と遇してきた政治路線との妥結による。この結果、伏見宮は当主が代々後光厳院流の天皇の猶子として親王位につきつつ、崇光院流の上皇たる貞成にもつらなる世襲親王家として皇位継承権を担保され、後花園は後光厳院流の系譜上の断絶を回避しつつ、崇光院流(伏見宮)の温存をも果たし、前世紀以来の両皇統の争いを終息させ、その融和と両立を実現させたのである。

著者

加藤 陽子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.94, no.11, pp.1743-1775,1853-, 1985-11-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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In the past the Hiranuma Cabinet has been often referred to in connection with the Japan-Germany-Italy mutual Defense Pact of 1937. This paper puts a new perspective on the well-known 'Complex and bizarre communique' and criticizes the previous trend in treating the Hiranuma Cabinet as incompetent. This paper, through a close examination of both American and British diplomatic data, throws light on Hiranuma's manoeuverings with respect to the U.S. and clarifies the following three statements. First, Hiranuma wished to conclude the Chino-Japanese War immediately and pursue possible ways for peace negotiations with the Chiang Chieh-shih Government. The idea of a peace treaty suggested by American and Britain had been thoroughly discussed by the Hiranuma Cabinet as to whether Japan and China should accept it or not. This discussion led to the disolution of the first Konoe-Communique and inevitably forced Japan to change its attitude. Since their failure in the Trautmann Peace Move they had repeatedly refused peace negotiations conducted through a third party. Secondly, Hiranuma, having predicted that both America enforce economic sanctions against Japan, tried to approach the U.S. positively. At the end of May, 1939, Hiranuma sent a message to President Roosevelt through Ambassador Grew, and held a meeting with Secretary Dooman of the American embassy concerning the possibility of holding an international meeting to discuss methods of resolving the crisis in Europe. There was, however, one condition, that America would call Britain to the meeting and Japan would call Germany and Italy. Hiranuma wished to add to the topics at the meeting truce conditions for the Chino-Japanese War. Thirdly, on the night prior to the start of the European War only Japan and America held the key to the solution of the Far East Problem. Hiranuma's successfully improved relations with America confused Britain, who thereby did not have a chance to impose economic sanctions on Japan. Hiranuma's diplomacy had been supported by his right hand men and he had never hesitated in approaching the American and the British embassies. His approach was decisive and straight to the point. Hiranuma made himself a reputation by suppressing the Communist Movement at the beginning of the Showa Era and by such manoeuvrings as the Anti-Minobe strategy in the Kokutai-meicho-Movement. The times, however, changed drastically during the following decade. Hiranuma was to be stultified by political moderates, but never the less was able form a cabinet which was in line with them. He continued to make his best effort to fulfill their expectations. Considering only the results of his diplomatic manoeuvres, one can observe that there were fewer reactions from America than were expected, although much effect was exercised on Britain and China. However, results are not wholly indicative of history. While the people and the media were thinking only of the alliance with Germany and Italy, Japanese diplomatic policies were moving calmly towards the Pacific.

著者

北川 誠一

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.87, no.6, pp.1007-1033, 1097-1096, 1978-06-20

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This is a study of the role Sadun of the house of Artsruni and his son Khutlu-Bugha played in the expansion of the Il-Khanid rule over the Georgian Kingdom in the 13th century. Sadun was a great grandson of Amir K'urd (Abulasan), the governor of Tbilisi during Queen Tamar's reign in Georgia. In 1258 (or 1259), he won a wrestling match in the presence of Hulegu Khan and received the honorable status of t'arkhan. He joined Hulegu's Syrian campaign, which began in the autumn of 1259 and was placed in the vanguard. He distinguished himseif during the conquest of Sasun and the seizure of the citadel of Allepo. For these services, Sadun was awarded with an official commendation from Hulegu and was granted the district of Sasun. Sadun was originally a vassal of Avag Zak'arean, a Georgian King's prince (eristavi, or ishkhan in Armenian), and a seignior of Haghbat and Mahkanaberd. Around the time of the above promotions, he was an at'abak of Avag's heiress Khoshak but later, he became her chamberlain or khejub to guard and assist her. Under Hulegu, Sadun was never given any official titles of the Bagratid Kingdom. However, after the enthronement of Abaqa as the Il-Khan, Sadun received the titles of atabegi (or regent) and amir-spasarali (or commander in chief), and gained administrative power over the Batratid Kingdom. He was entrusted by the Kings with the power to control the royal domains of T'elavi, Belakani and Kars. In addition, he purchased the district of Dmanisi from King Dimitri II. Together, Sadun's estates made up the fourth political unit in Georgian Armenia in addition to the three units belonging to the branch families of the Zak'areans. we can assume that he was able to acquire wealth because he was a t'arkhan, After Sadun's death in 1282, one of his two titles, the amir-spasarali was given to his son Khutlu-Bugha, but the other, the atabegi was given to his rival Tarsayichi of the house of Orbelean. In 1289, Khutlu-Bugha recommended that Il-Khan Arghun kill King Dimitri (who had been arrested for being implicated in the plot of Bugha) and put Vakhtangi, the son of King Daviti IV on the throne. His plan succeeded. Under Vakhtangi, Khutlu-Bugha became both the atabegi and the amir-spasarali and secured political power over the Georgian Kingdom. In 1292, however, both Arghun and Vakhtangi died. As soon as Daviti, the son of Dimitri, ascended to the throne, Khutlu-Bugha was put to death by the order of the new khan Geikhatu. With his death, the power of the Artsrunis was eradicated from the entire Bagratid territory. The rise of Sadun Artsruni is a good example illustrating the pattern of socio-political control the Il-Khans had over the native dynasties. The Il-Khans' system of appointments as kings, vassals or arriere-vassals, of those who were faithful and useful to them, had worked effectively. They ruled over the Bagratid territory through the kingship, which was never handed outside the royal family of Bagratid and through the offices of the atabegi and the amir-spasarali. These latter were not confined to any one family, but were easily given to those, like Sadun, who were useful to the Il-Khans.

著者

石田 晴男

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, no.9, pp.1423-1463,1558-, 1986-09-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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This paper considers the characteristics of the Koga Gunchuso (甲賀「郡中惣」) by studying the movements of the Yamanaka (山中) clans during the Sengoku period. This movement has been regarded by scholars as a process of localization. The Yamanaka, however, were gradually deepening their relations with the Hosokawa (細川) clan since Hosokawa Sumimoto (細川澄元) relied on their support in l507 (Eisho 永正 4). Consequently the Yamanaka clan became the vassals (Uchishu 内衆) of Hosokawa Harumoto (細川晴元) during the Tenbun (天文) era (1532-55) and was appointed as adjutant to the chief constable (Shugodai 守護代) of Kake-gun (闕郡) in Settu (摂津) province. From the Nanboku-cho period, when clan leadership rights (Soryo-shiki 惣領職) were divided in two, up until the Sengoku period, there existed within the Yamanaka clan a condition known as Ryosoryo (両惣領 two clan heads). From the beginning this pair of Soryos (惣領) had been house vassals (Gokenin 御家人) of the Muromachi-bakufu (室町幕府). The Yamanaka's advance into Kake-gun was made by this pair of Soryos, not by any alliance organizations as the "Domyochu" (同名中) or the "Sanpochu" (三方中). In other words, only the Yamanaka clan advanced into Kake-gun, and concerning its rule over the area, the authority of the two Soryos was clearly delineated from that of common clan members (Shoshi 庶子). The "Domyochu" was not organized until after 1549 (Tenbun 18) when Hosokawa Harumoto was driven away by Miyoshi Chokei (三好長慶) and the Yamanaka clan lost Kake-gun. The "Domyochu" was not an organization in which the Soryo and Shoshi were tied together in relationships of equality. Rather it was an organization in which Shoshi were gathered under the Soryo and while it did restrain the power of the Soryo and it was included in their authority as clan heads. The "Sanpochu" was organized in accordance with a plan for forming a strong bond between the Soryos of the Yamanaka, Ban (伴), and Minobe (美濃部) clans in order to cope with the critical condition of the time. However there are no source materials showing other cases in which the members of Gunchuso gathered and organized a group containing the concept of "Kata" (方), like in the "Sanpochu". Therefore the "Sanpochu" can be considered to be an exception and to be equivalent to the "Domyochu" of other clans. The "law" established by the mutual consent of the "Domyochu" and "Sanpochu" should be considered to be a temporary law formed in crisis rather than a condification of the long-standing regional customs. Accordingly this "law" should be considered to be an expression of the dangers inherent in the local lord's domination. The "Gunchuso" was an alliance group formed by the Soryos of each member clan which took part in the "Domyochu", and was an organization of the lord class to facilitate the collection of the original rice tax (honnengu 本年貢). Seven out of the twelve identified members of the "Gunchuso" besides the Yamanaka are recorded clearly in historical materials. According to these materials, they were vassals (either Hokoshu ((奉公衆)) or Gokenin) of the Muromachi-bakufu. "Gunchuso" was a combination of these present or former Bakufu vassals not including the followers of the Rokkaku (六角) clan. "Gunchuso" was organized at about the beginning of the Eiroku (永禄) era (1558-70) to be the fighting force against the Miyoshi (三好). At first it was not called "Gunchu" (郡中). Only after Eiroku 11, when the Rokkaku was driven away from Kannonji (観音寺) Castle, did it come to be called "Gunchu". In those days the Rokkaku could not rule Koga-gun any longer without the help of "Gunchuso". In other words, "Gunchuso" neither excluded the power of Shugo (守護) nor established its own administrative power. Under the domination(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

著者

前野 利衣

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.126, no.7, pp.1-33, 2017

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十七世紀のモンゴル高原には、ハルハ=モンゴルという集団が左翼(東方)と右翼(西方)に分かれて遊牧していた。これまでの研究では、左翼の知見に基づいてハルハの全体像を描いてきたが、実像を知るには右翼の研究が必要である。そこで本稿では、右翼のチベット仏教界を取り上げ、ハルハの全体像の解明に挑戦し、以下の点を明らかにした。<br>当時のハルハの高僧と言えば左翼のジェブツンダンバ一世が有名であるが、右翼をなす三王家(ハーン家、ジノン家、ホンタイジ家)にも転生僧がそれぞれおり、彼らは当主に次ぐ莫大な属民を有し、清・チベット・ロシアと交渉する等、政治的に重要な役割を果たしていた。ハーンらがこうした転生僧を重用したのは、転生僧が十六世紀後半のチベット屈指の学僧の系譜に連なる高僧であっただけでなく、彼らがそれぞれ右翼三王家の当主の近親者であったからだと考えられる。<br>右翼におけるハーンと転生僧との政治的な提携関係は、左翼のトゥシェート=ハーン・ジェブツンダンバ兄弟の連携と酷似しており、従来特異な事例とされてきた左翼の聖俗連携の体制は、実はこの時代のハルハ全体に共通するものだったことが明らかになる。<br>かかる権力構造のパターンは、右翼のホンタイジ家で発展したものである。初代ホンタイジには側近として外交交渉を担う高僧がおり、第二代ではその外戚の高僧が同じ役割を果たし、第三代では当主の弟である転生僧が活躍した。つまり、十七世紀後半の全ハルハに現れた聖俗連携の権力構造は、左翼ではなく右翼において、十六世紀から三代かけて代替わりごとに発展してきたものだったのである。<br>以上本稿では、十七世紀後半のハルハにはボルジギン氏族の当主とその近親者たる高僧による聖俗連携の権力構造が現出し、そのパターンは右翼で成立したことを明らかにした。

著者

市川 智生

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.117, no.6, pp.1059-1096, 2008-06-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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During the Meiji era, foreign trade in such treaty ports as Yokohama facilitated the entry of much acute infectious disease into Japan. The morbidity caused by such disease was so high that city authorities were forced to take preventive measures. In 1879, the Yokohama Local Board of Health (YLBH) was organized to deal with an Asiatic cholera epidemic and consisted of Kanagawa prefectural officers, local leaders and medical physicians, both Japanese and foreign. Since the Japanese authorities could not impose the Board's rulings directly upon foreigners, the Prefecture decided to employ foreign doctors to deal indirectly with sanitation problems in the foreign settlement there. Focusing on the administrative side of the YLBH, the author argues that 1) Kanagawa Prefecture was able to establish disease control throughout the Yokohama treaty-port and 2) by virtue of foreign physicians taking the initiative within the YLBH, it was their organizational skills, medical know-how and ideas that determined the sanitary measures implemented throughout the treaty-port. Large-scale measures, like the development and construction of toilet facilities and implementation of hygienic inspections, deserves special mention, since it was such measures that contributed significantly to the sanitary improvements that occurred in Yokohama under the YLBH. In addition, the successful efforts of the YLBH did not go unnoticed by the Japanese central government, which then instituted a similar system of local boards of health in all of Japan's prefectures.