著者

東中野 多聞

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.108, no.9, pp.1619-1638,1713-, 1999-09-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

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In 1960, Prime Minister Kishi Nobusuke revised the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty. He was a well known politician, having been Minister of Commerce and Industry in the Tojo wartime cabinet. When Tojo requested Kishi to resign in order to reshuffle the Cabinet, Kishi declined, causing Tojo to yield and dissolve his Cabinet on July 18,1944. After the war, Kishi explained that his anti-Tojo actions were aimed at avoiding accusation as a war criminal after the War. There are only a few studies about his wartime politics. Kishi said that he spent his days in idleness after the resignation of the Tojo Cabinet and every study so far acccepts this explanation. The author of the present article doubts this point. After resignation of the Tojo Cabinet, Kishi and 32 others organized a political club called the "Gokoku Doshikai" within the House of Representatives. It consisted of socialists, generals, admirals, and nationalists. They adopted a committee system, established an office, and held study group once a week. Kishi was the virtual leader of this club. They carried out a nationwide campaign called the "National Defence Movement". Kishi also established an ultranationalist association, the "Bocho Sonjo Doshikai", in his hometown of Yamaguchi city. Author also investigates this group, and concludes that both Kishi and the Bocho Sonjo Doshikai were opposed to the end of war. The Gokoku Doshikai was based on one concept of national defence, a "productive Army", (seisan-gun), which aimed at strengthen the economic control. By unifying the munitions industries, Japan could use the materials more efficiently, in preparation for the decisive battle of the Japanese mainland through self-sufficiency. The Gokoku Doshikai was opposed to the Japanese government, because then Prime Minister Suzuki was aiming at ending the war, they denounced the government's policy vehemently; and when Suzuki decided to surrender, the Gokoku Doshikai and the Japanese army resisted. The author concludes that while Kishi contributed to the anti-Tojo movement, he was opposed to surrender. We can see the root of the Kishi's postwar faction in the "Gokoku Doshikai". After the war, two of its members entered the Kishi Cabinet, and five socialist members became the leaders of the Socialist Party. Here we see another point of continuity and discontinuity between prewar and postwar politics.

著者

齋藤 貴弘

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.106, no.12, pp.2101-2125, 1997-12-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

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The cult of the healing god Asklepios was a very popular one in the Greco-Roman world. The so-called Telemachos monument (SEG. XXV. 226) tells a story about the introduction of this god in Athens in 420 B.C. We already have many studies about Asklepios, but very few of these studies present an appropriate view concerning the significance which the introduction of Asklepios had on politics and religious activities in Athens in the last half of the fifth century. In conclusion, the author argues that the introduction of Asklepios in Athens was a religious policy to reconstruct the Athenian religious piety which had been squashed by the great plague. The new festival for Asklepios involved the following major themes. The Epidauria, the new festival for Asklepios, was an attempt to link the god Asklepios with the Eleusinian goddesses. Such an association would strengthen the Eleusinian cults by providing the Greek people, especially the Delian League, a concept they could easily identify with. In turn, this plan was supposed to provide Athens with a revival from the plague, and to encourage her allies to dispatch offerings of "first fruits" to Eleusis. The introduction of the festival and the construction of a shrine were carried out in cooperation with the Epidaurian priests, Eleusinian priests and Telemachos, all according to a detailed plan. But conflict arose between the Kerykes and Telemachos. The problem involved the enlargement of the Asklepieion, the sanctuary of Asklepios in the city. Telemachos' motive for an enlargement of this site would have concerned the establishment of the healing cult. Finally, this incident clearly identifies the religious changes that were occurring at this time. Furthermore, the multiplicity of values held by the people of Athens during this period can also be identified.

著者

桜井 英治

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.7, pp.1211-1246,1360, 1995-07-20 (Released:2017-11-30)

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Bills of exchange in medieval Japan, which were called saifu, are understood to have been a means of remittance useable only once. However, in the late medieval age new types appeared which were able to pass from hand to hand as valuable means of exchange. They worked as a means of not only remittance, but also payment and exchange, that is to say, as money. This can be proven by the fact that their face value was fixed at 10 kanmon, that between a drawer and a remitter merchants often stood as intermediaries, and that people in those days did not discriminate between saifu and zeni (coins). According to the extant copies of saifu, all of them bore a fixed face value of 10 kanmon, and were payable to bearers on sight or several days thereafter. Being payable to bearers made them suitable for passing from hand to hand, and being payable on sight or several days thereafter made their long negotiation possible. When their fixed face value is included, all the conditions on which they could be negotiated were satisfied. There were two important premises which allowed negotiable saifu to come into existence. One was that they stood neutral in terms of economic relations: they did not involve interest charges or commissions. The other was that all proper nouns except the name of the drawer (and the payer), were omitted from the face of the bills, which made it as simple as possible. What kind of idea maintained the system of saifu is difficult to attribute to one thing: the strange system by which a piece of paper bearing a large value no less than 10 kanmon could be negotiated without state intervention, but basically it must be, the author believes, the common illusion of a "fetishism for documents" (which also had a large influence on the world of legal thought) that supported the credit of Saifu.

著者

佐藤 真紀

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.107, no.7, pp.1296-1319,1408-, 1998

著者

新井 政美

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.93, no.4, pp.p467-509, 1984-04

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Unlike most of West European nation-states, the nationalism of non-Western countries, as Hans Kohn put it with a clear insight, "grew in protest and in conflict with the existing state pattern". Such conflict between the political integration of an existing state and the national integration of a rising nationality also existed in Turkish nationalism. There were two groups of people who supported Turkish nationalism : the Ottoman Turks who were rulers of the Ottoman Empire, and Turkic peoples under Russian rule. The most urgent problem for the latter was to free themselves from the czarist rule. On the other hand, as long as the Ottoman Empire existed, preserving the political integration of the Empire should be the most important consideration for the rulers. Now, one of the distinctive characters of Turkish nationalism becomes clear ; it was a nationalism that purgued two different interests : interests of the state (political integration) and those of nation (national integration). These two interests were not in complete accord. Consequently, the Ottoman Empire and the Turkish nation must be regarded as the keys to analysis of Turkish nationalism. We have to examine the formation and development of nationalist movements both inside and outside the Ottoman Empire, making a comparison among them. In this paper, I will analyze the Genc Kalemler (Young Pens), a nationalist periodical published in Salonica, and the first center of the Ottoman Turkish nationalism after the 1908 revolution. Nationalists who issued this periodical stuck to the political integration of the Ottoman state. They regarded it as more urgent than the national integration of the Turkish nation. Then, how should we interpret such characteristics of the Ottoman Turkish nationalism? Political integration requires a center of power which becomes its nucleus. All the people in the territory, the object of the integration, are united under this power. It was the Ottoman Turks who were expected to become the nucleus for reconstructing the Ottoman state. If they discovered their national identity as Turks, which had been lost for a long time, the political integration of the state would be facilitated. Our next theme is how the characteristics of the Ottoman Turkish nationalism, the idea of the leaders of the Genc Kalemler, appeared in the Turk Dernegi (Turkish Association) and the Turk Yurdu (Turkish Homeland). These organizations were mainly supported by the Turks from Russia. We must analyze them in our next paper.

著者

ナカイ ケイト W. 中井 義幸

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.89, no.10, pp.1542-1553, 1980-10-20 (Released:2017-10-05)

著者

久保 健一郎

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.5, pp.747-751, 1992

著者

山室 恭子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.5, pp.702-708, 1990-05-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

著者

葭森 健介

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, no.1, pp.p38-61, 1986-01

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This paper suggests that the government of Tsao-Shuang, the last one of the Tsao dynasty, can be seen as a transitional stage leading from the nepotistic rule of the Han (漢) dynasty to the aristocracy of the Wei-Chin Nan-Pei (魏晉南北) dynasties. However, due to the Tsao-Shuang government's radical policy of centralization, opposition from local powers arose resulting in its overthrow by Ssu ma-I (司馬懿). Consequently, Ssu ma-I, recognizing the reason's for the failure of the Tsao-Shuang, government, implemented a revision of the Chung Cheng system, which respected local power. In A.D. 249 the imperial government of the Wei (魏) State at Loyang (洛陽) was overthrown by Ssu ma-I, a general under the Tsao dynasty. This incident would ultimately lead to the establishment of the Western Chin (西晉) dynasty in A.D. 265. At the time of Ssu ma-I's revolt, de facto political power was held by Tsao-Shuang, an imperial prince who was adviser to the young emperor Tsao-Fang (曹芳). This arrangement, which was in accordance with the last wishes of the previous Emperor Tsao-Jui (曹叡), involved a situation in which political power was shared by royalty according to kinship ties and co-provincial (common birthplace) ties with the Emperor. A pattern of nepotistic rule was also apparent during the reign of the Han dynasty ruler Weich'i (外戚). Another aspect of political power under Tsao-Shuang concerns the careers of those in the upper echelons of the political structure. Most were noted literati, famed for their literary works and general scholastic ability. They had gained positions of great influence by cultivating ties with the scions of distinguished families in the court of Emperor Tsao-Jui. The Emperor, suspecting these literati of stirring public opinion against Confucianism, instituted various represive measures to counteract their allegedly destructive influence. The literati found the young nobles to be sympathetic to their plight and, following the Emperor's demise, were able to use their connections to attain prominent positions under the new ruler, Tsao-Shuang. Later, He-An (何晏), a head of the Lipu (吏部), the government office, placed members of the literati and the notables in positions of power in an attempt to establish an effective political base. It is believed that the Wei-Chin Nan-Pei dynastic Period was characterized by a largely aristocratic polity consisting of the notables and literati. Scholars believe that the notables and literati had great influence on public opinion and their status was recognized in return by the general public. If this point of view is accepted, the government of Tsao-Shuang, can be seen as a transitional stage leading from the nepotistic rule, which characterized the Han dynasty, to the aristocracy of the Wei-Chin Nan-Pei dynasties, despite the fact that the overly centralized power wielded by the government of Tsao-Shuang was effectively counteracted by local public opinion. Ssu ma-I overthrew the government of Tsao-Shuang with the backing of local public opinion and attempted to reform the aristocratic basis of government by instituting the Chiu P'in Chung Cheng (九品中正) system, whereby public officials were assigned on the basis of public opinion. The Chou Ta Chung Cheng (州大中正) system was later established to expand the Chung Cheng system by instituting the Chou Ta Chung Cheng, which was positioned above the existing Ch'un Chung Cheng (郡中正) and insured local rights in governmental personnel affairs. Prior to Ssu ma-I's revolt this policy had not been implemented due to the opposition of these close to Tsao-Shuang, who had established the right of the Lipu to handle civil service personnel affairs. The implementation of the Chou Ta Chung Cheng system is usually regarded as an instance of centralization of administiative power. However, in view of the historical trend described in this paper, it is seen more as an attempt to establish a system in which local rights were respecte

著者

大藤 修

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.5, pp.795-797, 2009

著者

鈴木 裕之

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.125, no.6, pp.37-62, 2016 (Released:2018-10-05)

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本稿の目的は、内裏の夜間警備(夜行・宿直)の分析から、摂関期における左右近衛府の機能を検討することである。律令制以来、衛府は内裏警備を主たる職掌とした。夜間の警備も同じく規定されていた。延喜式段階でも、その職掌は継承された。本稿の問題意識は、このような内裏の夜間警備が摂関期(一一世紀)に機能していたか、あるいは貴族に認識されていたかという点にある。従来の研究で否定的に理解されてきた摂関期の左右近衛府の治安維持機能について、内裏夜行・宿直の観点から再検討した。 まず、延喜式の夜行・宿衛規定の分析を起点とした。夜行に関する諸規定から、六衛府すべてが内裏・大内裏の夜行に関与していることを指摘した。内裏夜行の検討が、摂関期の左右近衛府の性格を知るうえで有効であると判断した。また、宿衛は考第・昇進の条件として考えられていた。内裏夜行・宿衛の実態史料の分析から、その日常性が確認できた。 次に、一一世紀の左右近衛府の内裏夜行・宿直を考えるため、行事書・儀式書から次第を確認し、古記録から実態を検討した。その結果、摂関期における左右近衛府の内裏夜行・宿直の日常性が明らかとなり、貴族が治安維持組織たる左右近衛府を認識していたことを指摘した。 最後に、内裏夜行・宿直の有効性を補足する論点として、内裏火災における左右近衛府の活動に着目した。摂関期の内裏火災において、消火活動と予防組織としての左右近衛府の姿がみられた。消火・予防という活動の背景には、内裏夜行・宿直の有効性とそれに付随する貴族認識があると考えた。 従来の研究で否定的に理解されてきた左右近衛府の治安維持機能を、内裏の夜間警備を通じてみることで、肯定的に捉えようとしたのが本稿である。儀式関与・芸能・摂関家への奉仕など、様々な存在形態が認められる左右近衛府であるが、本来的な治安維持組織としての姿もその一つとして認めるべきであると結論づけた。

著者

深澤 安博

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.96, no.7, pp.1186-1191, 1987

著者

津田 拓郎

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.2, pp.205-230, 2014-02-20

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The primary purpose of this article is to offer a new perspective on the use of the written word by the government of the Carolingian through an examination of the "capitularies". The capitularies are traditionally recognized as "the edicts of the kings"; and it is widely accepted that their "Golden Age" occurred during the reign of Charlemagne and Louis the Pious. The research to date has concentrated mainly on manuscripts, but this method is not appropriate for an analysis of the governmental system of the Carolingian age, because manuscripts were composed some time after the initial authoring of any given text and show us only information about their later phases. In order to clarify the earliest phase, the author explores references to the use of documents in narrative sources. His results show that with some exceptions, there are only two categories of information about the use of the written word which emerge in the narrative sources; namely lex (or "texts that should be added to lex") and "texts on behalf of the church". In view of the quantity of such cases, there is little diversity during the Carolingian age, a fact that would belie the alleged "Golden Age"; moreover, references to texts for the church can also be found in the east Frankish kingdom, which historians have considered as a land where no capitulary was issued. The reason for the discrepancy between the author's conclusions and the conventional view concerning a "Golden Age" lies in the fact that many "capitularies" of Charlemagne and Louis were texts which had only subordinate functions for the communication, for in the later Carolingian age the communication system had been transformed into a face-to-face system via assemblies; and rulers had not as much need for such texts as before. There are also indications that in the west Frankish kingdom fundamental changes appeared to have occurred in the use of the written word by the government. The age of Charlemagne and Louis the Pious can be called the "Golden Age" of those texts that had only subordinate functions in communicating the wishes of the kings ; that is to say Charlemagne and Louis the Pious should be not regarded as "great legislators who issued many written edicts". Therefore, we should reexamine the use of the written word in each kingdom without considering the text category of "capitulary".

著者

佐藤 正幸

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.116, no.5, pp.614-618, 2007-05-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

著者

クラーマー スベン

出版者

史学会 ; 1889-

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.126, no.8, pp.1350-1372, 2017-08

著者

石井 弓

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.113, no.2, pp.246-247, 2004-02-20

著者

大隅 清陽

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.11, pp.1831-1832,2004-, 1991-11-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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Under the Ritsuryo 律令 regime of Japan, the Benkan 弁官 formed a part of the Daijokan 太政官 system. It was an independent department of the Daijokan, and had original offices named the Benkan-cho 弁官庁 and the Benkan-soshi 弁官曹司. The Daijokan in a narrow sense was composed of only the Kugyo 公卿, the Shonagon 少納言 and the Geki 外記 and did not include the Benkan. The function of the Benkan was controlling central and local government offices organized under the Daijokan system, such as Hassho 八省 and Kokushi 国司. These offices informed the Benkan of state affairs by making oral reports as well as documentary ones. The Benkan also orally inquired of the officials about state affairs, and gave them proper instructions. In this way, the Benkan could completely control any government office. But this means that the Daijokan system of Japan was an undeveloped bureaucracy in contrast with the government system of the Tang dynasty In the Tang, every government office divided its affairs between the officials, the chief chang-guan 長官, the vice chief tong-pan-guan 通判官 and the pan-guan 判官. The directions of these officials were recorded in the documents, and the inspector jian-gou-guan 検勾官 of every office supervised their management and took delivery of documents sent by other offices. In Japan, however, there was no such system; only the Benkan controlled and supervised the management of every office as thoroughly as possible. This is the reason why the Benkan was a department separated from the Daijokan in a narrow sense, a cabinet formulating policies. In the ninth century, as the government offices established by the Ritsuryo code declined in their function and new administrative organs came into existence in the Imperial Palace Dairi 内裏, the Benkan also changed in substance. In the begining of the ninth century, the Daijokan in a narrow sense began to perform its duty in the Dairi, not in its original offices, but the Benkan continued to use its own offices. During this century, the Ritsuryo government offices further declined, so the Benkan lost its ability to control them. In the end of the century, the Benkan only sorted out the documents presented by many offices in the Katanashi-dokoro 結政所, the new office of the Benkan located on the east side of the Dairi. At the almost same time, the new administrative organs Tokoro 所 were established in the Dairi, and some Ritsuryo government offices; which had close relations with the Dairi, were reorganized under the Dairi's direct control. Later, the Benkan was appointed chief of the Tokoro and the government offices with the Kugyo and Tenjobito 殿上人, and was called Betto 別当. The establishment of the Katanashi-dokoro means that the Benkan also began to perform its duty in the Dairi. Moreover, the Benkan formed the original format of command, Benkan-ni-kudasu-senji 下弁官宣旨, imitating the Geki-ni-kudasu-senji 下外記宣旨, the way by which the Daijokan in a narrow sense had given the offices commands in the Dairi since the begining of the ninth century. In this way the Benkan's independence from the Daijokan in a narrow sense was diminished. On the contrary, the Benkan became the secretary directly responsible to the Daijokan, carrying out various affairs under the command of the Shokei 上卿, the person in charge of daily affairs in the Daijokan. This is the original form of the Benkan during the Sekkan 摂関 period, that was born at the end of the ninth century. The history of the Benkan under the Ritsuryo regime shows us how the Daijokan system changed and was reorganized.

著者

鈴木 董

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.123, no.1, pp.35-37, 2014-01-20 (Released:2017-07-31)

著者

山田 桂子

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, no.12, pp.1938-1960,2049-, 1989-12-20 (Released:2017-11-29)

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The federal system of India today is composed of linguistic states, corresponding to a linguistic division of the population, which emerged through general states reorganization in 1956. The idea of state reorganization on a linguistic basis in the preindependence era had been embodied from the 1920's through the "divide and ruie" policy adopted by the British government, and was taken up by the Indian National Congress out of the practical necessity to activate a national movement and to placate the muslim population. After independence, the INC shelved the issue on the grounds that linguistic states would pose a menace to national integration. The reorganization of the linguistic states in 1956, however, materialized because of the emergence of the state of Andhra in 1953, which had come into existence only after the fast and ensuing death of an agitator, and out of economic convenience to accomplish the 5 years' plan effectively. Andhra state, which led the states reorganization on a linguistic basis, was the consequence of the Andhra movement, which had been rising since the beginning of the 20th century in Andhra region, a part of the Madras Precidency, where Telugh language was spoken. The Telugu area was divided into Madras Precidency and Hyderabad Princery state. The Telugus were in the minority compared with the Tamils in Madras Precidency, and remained underdeveloped under the Muslim rulers in Hyderabad. In 1953 the Andhra region seceded from Madras state and named their territory Andhra state. Then Andhra Pradesh was formed in 1956, a united Telugu state annexing the Telugu area in Telangana. However, there emerged a strong demand for a separate Telangana state in 1968 led by people discontented with the economic imbalance. Why did such separatism have to take place in Andhra Pradesh, which was considered as the pioneer and model linguistic state in free India? The consistent phenomenon through Andhra Movement was the ascent of the castes on the political scene. The Andhra Movement was started by Telugu Brahman, and the largest landed non-Brahman caste groups, the Reddy and Kamma, participated in the movement during late 20's and 30's. In particular, the Reddy, widely spread throughout the Telugu area, came to power, which enable surpass the Brahmans, because they were reorganized and united by the emergence of a united Telugu state. Moreover, after Andhra Pradesh was formed, the people who belonged to the minor castes and factions gained influence in state politics and led a movement to agitate for a separate Telangana state. In short, the Andhra Movement was represented the ascent of the Reddy carried out around the symbol of Telugu language ; and the Telangana Separatists Movement was represented the ascent of the minor castes caused by economic imbalance. Thus, the inconsistent tendency to form and disunite the linguistic state can be seen in the consistent one of the steady ascent of castes.

著者

小池 勝也

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.124, no.10, pp.1699-1735, 2015

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The aim of the present article is to examine the historical development of the Tsuruoka Hachiman Shrine (present day Kamakura, Kanagawa Prefecture) during the Muromachi period, a subject that has not been given serious attention from the time of the compilation of the History of Metropolitan Kamakura: Temples and Shrines in 1967. This article focuses on the Buddhist abbots (betto 別当) and monks (guso 供僧) who served the Shrine during its period of Shinto-Buddhist syncretism, while keeping in mind the presence of Muromachi Bakufu appointed governors (kubo 公方) of Kamakura. The line of betto who managed the Shrine's Buddhist affairs during the period have been described in the sources as strictly disciplining the Shrine's monks, replacing those they accused of misconduct, in the process of continuously and freely exercising their powers of appointment and thus expanding their sphere of personal influence over the monks under their jurisdiction. On the other hand, we also see a rise in incidences of monks resisting the authority of their betto, to an extent that during the last years of the Muromachi Bakufu, betto were altogether prevented from replacing their subordinates. Concerning the case of Koken, who served as the Shrine's 20th betto between 1355 and 1410, issuing directives to his subordinate monks using the seal of the Kamakura Kubo in Oei 7 (1400), the research to date has interpreted this act as a surrender of betto authority to the governor ; however, a rereading of the related primary sources reveals that such a general conclusion can not be reached from one isolated incident. Although there is no record of Koken's successor Sonken replacing any of his monks, there is the incident in Oei 22 (1415) in which the prestigious mountain ascetic title of "In" was bestowed on the Shrine's monks, but excluded any one not belonging to the Shingon (Toji Temple) Faction of esoteric Buddhism, indicating a discriminatory attitude towards those monks not under the betto's personal influence. Then a struggle arose over the appointment of Sonken's successor, which reverberated into secular politics, leaving Son'un as betto by virtue of the mass replacement of the Shrine's monks. Son'un's term of office was marked by further worsening of relations between the Shrine's betto and his monks, which developed into a situation of such turbulence that the Kamakura Kubo showed signs of possible intervention in the Shrine's personnel affairs, and ended up replacing Son'un. Incidentally, Sonchu, the Kubo's replacement, was executed for collusion with Ashikaga Mochiuji in the Shogun's younger brother's "rebellion" of 1438-39. The process by which the Buddhist sector of Tsuruoka Hachiman Shrine was transformed from an non-sectarian center of learning to a predominately Shingon Faction dominated institution, beginning in the mid-14th century, was by no means a peaceful one, as indicated by the rise of serious tension during that time between the Shrine's betto and the monks under their jurisdiction.